 
2. Hernando de Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ 3. Letter of Diego de Valera to Henry IV. MS. quoted by Amador de las Rios. Historia de Madrid. See also the famous poems of the time, Coplas de Mingo Revulgo, and Coplas del Provincial, where vivid pictures are given of the prevailing anarchy. 4. The protest is in the archives of Villena’s descendant, the present Duke of Frias, to whom I am indebted for an abstract of it. 5. The original treaty, which of course came to nothing, is in the Frias Archives, and is signed by Louis XI. as one of the contracting parties. It is dated 9th May 1463. I have not seen the fact stated elsewhere. 6. The text of the demands, under thirty-nine heads, will be found in the ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. xiv. p. 369. 7. The exact sequence and dates of these and the following events have never yet been made clear in any of the numerous histories of the time, not even in Prescott, owing to the fact that Enriquez de Castillo and Pulgar very rarely give dates, whilst Galindez only mentions the years of such happenings as he records. The printing of the contemporary so-called ‘Cronicon de Valladolid’ (partly written by Isabel’s physician, Dr. Toledo) in the ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ now enables us to set forth the events chronologically, and thus the better to understand their significance. 8. Enriquez de Castillo, ‘Cronica de Enrique IV.‘ 9. A number of decrees issued by Alfonso at the time, conferring upon Villena and his partisans great grants and privileges, are in the Frias archives; and other charters rewarding the city of Avila for its adherence to his cause have recently been printed by the Chronicler of the city from its archives, Sr. de Foronda. 10. Of a poisoned trout which he ate, it was asserted by his partisans. The suspicion of poison is strengthened by the fact that his death was publicly announced as a fact some days before it happened, when he was quite well. 11. In a series of documents recently published from the archives of the city of Avila by St. Foronda, there is one very curious charter signed by Isabel on 2nd September, before even she started for the interview with her brother. In it she already acts as sovereign of Avila, confirming the many privileges given to the city by her brother Alfonso, whom she calls King, and cancelling the grants of territories belonging to the city which King Henry had made to his follower, the Count of Alba. Thus she annulled the King’s grants before he bestowed the city upon her. 12. The original deed signed by the King of Portugal, dated 2nd May 1469, is in the Frias archives. 13. Isabel only learnt of the deception practised upon her some time afterwards (1471) from the partisans of the Beltraneja’s projected marriage with the Duke of Guienne. A genuine bull of dispensation was afterwards granted to her by the new Pope, Sixtus IV. 14. The story of Ferdinand’s coming and his marriage is graphically told in the Decades of Alfonso de Palencia, who had been sent from Isabel to fetch him, and accompanied him on his journey. 15. ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ a diary kept at Valladolid at the time by Dr. Toledo, Isabel’s physician. Doc. Ined. 14. 16. In the Frias archives there is an undertaking, dated 2nd October 1470, signed by the Duke of Guienne, promising rewards to Cardinal Mendoza, the Marquis of Villena, the Duke of Arevalo, and others, for their aid in bringing about the betrothal with the Beltraneja. 17. DueÑas was granted on the same day, 21st October 1470, to the Princess DoÑa Juana (the Beltraneja). Cronicon de Valladolid. 18. How much Isabel prized the fidelity of these steadfast adherents is seen by the last act of her life. On her deathbed she revoked—not very honestly or graciously most people think—all grants and rewards she had given out of crown possessions, on the pretext that she had been moved to make them more by need than by her own wish. The only exception she made was the manors of the Marquisite of Moya, which, with the title, had been granted to Cabrera and his wife DoÑa Beatriz Bobadilla. 19. Recorded in Enriquez de Castillo’s ‘Cronica de Enrique IV.‘ 20. It should be mentioned that the faithless Queen of Henry IV., the mother of the Beltraneja, lived apart from him in Madrid. She had several children by various men subsequently. 21. Galindez tells the story that Henry on his deathbed swore that Juana was really his child, and says that he left a will in her favour of which Villena was the executor. The latter having predeceased the King, the will remained in the keeping of Oviedo, the King’s secretary, who afterwards entrusted it to the curate of Santa Cruz at Madrid. He, fearing to hold it, enclosed it in a chest with other papers and buried it at Almeida, in Portugal. Years afterwards Isabel learnt of this, and when, in 1504, she was mortally ill, she sent the curate and the lawyer who had told her to disinter the will. When they brought it she was too ill to see it, and it remained in the lawyer’s keeping. He informed Ferdinand after the Queen’s death, and the King ordered the document to be burnt, whilst the lawyer was richly rewarded. Others say, continues Galindez, that the paper was preserved. 22. She died in June 1475. 23. Although she allowed a poor madman who attempted to kill Ferdinand to be torn to bits by red hot pincers, and consigned scores of thousands of poor wretches to the flames for doubting the correctness of her views on religion, she refused ever to go to a bullfight after attending one at which two men had been killed. She strongly condemned such waste of human life without good object. 24. Oviedo, who knew her well, says that no other woman could compare with her in beauty. 25. ‘Cronicon de Valladolid,’ Doc. Ined. 14, and also Alfonso de Palencia. 26. As one instance of the mercenary character of the Castilian nobles of the time, I may mention that there is a bond signed by the King of Portugal in the Frias archives promising to young Villena the Mastership of Santiago in payment for his help. 27. The King of Portugal, having heard that Castilian raiders had crossed the Portuguese frontier, is said to have proposed to Ferdinand at this juncture a compromise, by which the Beltraneja should be dropped, and Isabel recognised in return for the cession to Portugal of all Galicia and the two fortresses of Zamora and Toro which he occupied. Ferdinand was inclined to agree to this, and sent an envoy to propose it to his wife. Before the envoy had finished his first sentence Isabel stopped him indignantly, and forbade him to continue. She herself, she said, would in future direct the war, and no foot of her own realm of Castile should be surrendered. She then hurried to Medina and summoned the Cortes, as is told in the text. 28. Each group of 100 heads of families subscribed sufficient to pay, mount, arm, and maintain a horseman; and when intelligence of a crime came, every church bell in the district rang an alarm to summon the members of the constabulary to pursue the evil-doer, a special prize being given to the captor. It must be understood that the townships in Spain extend in every case over a large territory outside the walls, so that the house tax, although nominally urban because collected by the municipalities, was really collected also from rural hamlets. 29. The importance of obtaining control of the Orders was seen by Isabel at the very beginning of her reign. When the Master of Santiago died in 1476 the Queen was at Valladolid. Without a moment’s delay she mounted her horse and rode to the town of Huete, where the Chapter to elect the new Master was to be held. She entered the Chapter and in an energetic speech urged the knights for the sake of her, their sovereign, to elect her husband their Master. The Castilian knights were angry at the idea of an Aragonese heading them, and opposed the suggestion. Isabel found a way out by pledging Ferdinand to transfer his powers as Master to a Castilian as soon as he was elected; and this he did, appointing his faithful follower Cardenas; but when the latter died Ferdinand became actual Master. Thenceforward the knighthoods (encomiendas) were endowed with pensions derived from rent charges on portions of the estates, the bulk of the revenue being absorbed by the King’s treasury. For details of the Orders and their appropriation, see Ulick Burke’s ‘History of Spain’ to 1515, edited by Martin Hume. 30. As at Jaen in 1473, where the Constable of Castile was killed whilst trying to stop the massacre. 31. Galindez and Perez de Pulgar. 32. At the Cortes of Madrigal in 1479, and in those of Toledo in 1480, Isabel and Ferdinand renewed all the old ferocious edicts against the use of silk and jewels by Jews in their garments, and ordered them strictly to confine their residence to the ghettoes, and two years later all toleration they enjoyed by papal decree was abolished. 33. Father Florez claims for Isabel and Torquemada alone what he considers the great honour of establishing the Inquisition. 34. In the first eight years of its existence, the Inquisition burnt in Seville alone 700 people, and sent to perpetual imprisonment in the dungeons 5000 more, confiscating all their goods.—Bernaldez. 35. Shortly after her death, the mayor of her own city of Medina del Campo declared that the soul of Isabel had gone to hell for her cruel oppression of her subjects, and that all the people around Valladolid and Medina, where she was best known, were of the same opinion.—Spanish State Papers, Supplement to vols. i. and ii. 36. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ 37. Pulgar. ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ 38. The Moors justified the attack by the accusation that the famous Ponce de Leon, Marquis of Cadiz, had raided and plundered the town of Mercadillo, near Ronda. 39. When somewhat later the Queen urgently begged him to accept the bishopric of Salamanca, and he persistently refused, she reproached him for not obeying her once when she had obeyed him so many times. ‘I will not be the bishop,’ he replied, ‘of any place but Granada.’ He was in effect the first archbishop. 40. Pulgar, ‘Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos.’ 41. LagrÉze. See also Zurita’s ‘Anales de Aragon.’ 42. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ 43. See Perez de Pulgar, ‘Reyes Catolicos.’ 44. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ 45. Bernaldez, ‘Reyes Catolicos,’ and Bleda’s ‘Cronica.’ 46. The chroniclers of the siege dilate much upon the magnificent appearance of Isabel and her great train of ladies when, on the day of her arrival before Baza, she reviewed her troops in full view of the dumbfoundered Moors on the ramparts of the fortress. Her own Castilian troops, frantic with enthusiasm, no longer cried ‘Long live the Queen,’ but ‘Long live our King Isabel.’—Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos,’ and Letters of Peter Martyr, who was present. 47. The professed Christian Jews were much more severely dealt with than the unbaptised. 48. Perez de Hita (Historia de los Vandos) recounts that the city of Santa Fe sprang from a marvellous edifice which four grandees caused to be constructed in a single night. It consisted of four buildings of wood covered with painted canvas to imitate stone, and surrounded by a battlemented wall of a similar construction. Roadways in the form of a cross divided the four blocks with a gate at each of the four extremities. The Moors, on seeing what they thought was a strong fortress raised so rapidly, thought that witchcraft had been at work, and were utterly cast down. 49. The title ‘Catholic’ was formally conferred upon them by the Pope after the taking of Granada. 50. He promptly sold this to Isabel, and retired to Fez, where he was murdered. The account of the surrender is mainly taken from Perez de Hita’s ‘Historia de los Vandos,’ 1610, and Perez de Pulgar’s ‘Cronica.’ 51. She is said never to have allowed Ferdinand to wear a shirt except those that she herself made for him.—Navarro Rodrigo, ‘El Cardinal Cisneros.’ 52. The sequence of the movements of Columbus, and several facts and dates here given, vary from the current accounts. The narrative here set forth has been carefully compiled from the result of much recent Spanish research, besides the well-known texts of Navarrete and the superb anthology of contemporary information reproduced by Mr. Thatcher in his exhaustive three volumes lately published. I have also depended much upon Rodriguez Pinilla’s ‘Colon en EspaÑa,’ Cappa’s ‘Colon y los EspaÑoles,’ and Ibarra y Rodriguez’s ‘Fernando el Catolico y el Descubrimiento de America,’ etc. etc. 53. See Columbus’s own letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, reproduced by Mr. Thatcher. 54. As Medina Celi was with Ferdinand during all the campaign of 1485, it is possible that he may have mentioned it to the King then, and have been told that when there was time the sovereigns themselves would examine into the matter. 55. Las Casas and F. Colon. 56. Fernando Colon. 57. Las Casas. 58. Fernando Colon. 59. The speech, which is probably apocryphal, is given at length by Las Casas. 60. The legend of Queen Isabel and her jewels has been now completely disproved by my friend, Don Cesareo Fernandez Duro, in his article ‘Las Joyas de la Reina Isabel’ in the ‘Revista Contemporanea,’ vol. xxxviii. 61. Professor Ibarra y Rodriguez’s interesting study ‘Fernando el Catolico y el Descubrimiento’ (Madrid, 1892) makes this matter clear for the first time. The treasury of Castile was empty, but Ferdinand had plenty of money in Aragon. He was careful, however, not to allow the Castilians to know this, or they would have clamoured for some of it for their war against Granada, whilst he was hoarding it for his war against France. He therefore went through the comedy of causing Sant’angel to lend the million maravedis, apparently out of his own pocket, but the money was secretly advanced for the purpose to Sant’angel from the King’s Aragonese treasury, to which it was subsequently repaid through Sant’angel. 62. Some of these took the form of generosity at other people’s expense. The town of Palos was ordered, as punishment for some offence, to provide two caravels and stores. 63. Quoted by Florez. ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ 64. Ibid. Both Luis de Sant’angel, who served as accountant general, and Gabriel Sanchez, the Aragonese treasurer, were of Jewish descent. 65. From Ulick Burke’s ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume. Only five years after the expulsion from Spain, as many of the Spanish Jews had fled to Portugal, Isabel, through her daughter, who had married the King of Portugal, coerced the latter to expel all Jews from his country. 66. It is said that Ferdinand tried to save the life of his assailant, who had been condemned to the most cruel and awful tortures as a punishment. The Catalans, furious at being baulked of their vengeance, appealed to Isabel, who decided that the sentence should be carried out, but that the victim should be secretly suffocated first. 67. The Luis de Sant’angel and the Sanchez letter have been published several times, but the letter to the Sovereigns has been lost, but for some passages quoted by Las Casas. 68. It is related that the Queen concealed from Jimenez her intention to make him Primate, and handed him unexpectedly the papal bull addressed to him as: The venerable brother Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, Archbishop-elect of Toledo. When the friar saw the superscription he dropped the document and fled, crying, This bull is not for me. He was pursued and caught two leagues from Madrid by envoys from Isabel, and still refused the great preferment on the ground of his unworthiness. He stood out for six months until Isabel obtained from the Pope a peremptory command to him to accept the archbishopric, and even then he insisted that the vast revenues should be used for pious and charitable purposes. 69. A full account of these complicated intrigues will be found in the present writer’s ‘Wives of Henry VIII.‘ 70. Father Florez quotes a remark of Isabel, on another occasion, warmly approving of the bullfight, ‘which, though foreigners who have not seen it condemn as barbarous, she considered it very different, and as a diversion where valour and dexterity shine.’ 71. Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos.’ 72. Montero de los Rios ‘Historia de Madrid.’ 73. Oviedo. 74. Ferdinand had wished to appoint an Aragonese commander, but as Castile was defraying most of the expenses of the war, Isabel insisted upon a Castilian being appointed. 75. Clemencin. ‘Elogio.’ 76. Zurita, ‘Anales,’ and Padilla, ‘Cronica de Felipe I.‘ 77. The Spanish chroniclers complain bitterly of Philip’s slowness in coming to meet his bride. He was in Tyrol when she arrived in Flanders, and spent nearly a month in joining her at Lille. From the first the love was all on poor Joan’s side. 78. Ferdinand, it is related, fearing that the sudden news of Juan’s death would kill Isabel with grief, caused her to be told that it was her husband, Ferdinand himself, that had died, so that when he presented himself before her, the—as he supposed—lesser grief of her son’s death should be mitigated by learning that her husband was alive. The experiment does not appear to have been very successful, as Isabel was profoundly affected when she heard the truth. (Florez, ‘Reinas Catolicos’). 79. In fact the Cortes of Aragon obstinately refused to swear allegiance to the Infanta Isabel as heiress when she went to Saragossa for the purpose in the autumn; and she was kept there in great distress until her expected child should be born, which, if it were a male, would receive the oath of the Cortes. The anxiety and worry consequent upon this killed the Infanta (Queen of Portugal) in the birth of her child Miguel in August. 80. Her story is told in ‘The Wives of Henry VIII.,’ by the present writer. 81. ‘Spanish State Papers.’ Calendar, Supplement to vol. i. p. 405. 82. ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vol. i. ‘Reports of the Sub-Prior of Santa Cruz to Isabel.’ 83. Ferdinand sent at once an envoy to remonstrate with Maximilian about his son’s pretensions, but it was soon seen that Maximilian and his son were entirely in accord. Maximilian had the effrontery to claim the crown of Portugal in right of his mother, DoÑa Leonor of Portugal, and the crown of Castile for Juana, in preference to any daughter that might be born to her eldest sister, Isabel of Portugal. Ferdinand’s enemy, the King of France, naturally supported these pretensions, which were really put forward at the time to thwart Ferdinand, whose plans in Italy were now seen to threaten the suzerainty of the empire over some of the Italian States. 84. As showing how unrelenting was Isabel’s determination to exterminate infidelity in the whole Peninsula at the time, it may be mentioned that one of the conditions of the marriage of her eldest widowed daughter Isabel to the King of Portugal in 1497, was that every Jew should be expelled from Portugal. 85. Marmol Carbajal, ‘Rebelion of Castigo de los Moros de Granada.’ 86. Marmol Carbajal. It will be recollected that Ferdinand had opposed Jimenez’s appointment, as he wanted the archbishopric and primacy for his son. 87. Ulick Burke, ‘History of Spain.’ Edited by Martin Hume. 88. Las Casas. 89. Colon’s son, Ferdinand, says that he ordered his fetters to be buried with him: but this does not appear to have been done. His bitter indignation is expressed by his son, Fernando, and in Colon’s ‘Letter to the Nurse.’ 90. Zurita: Rodriguez Villa, ‘Juana la Loca,’ and ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i. 91. Especially the Archbishop of BesanÇon, whose influence over Philip was great. Philip would not let him go; but he died suddenly directly afterwards, doubtless of poison. Philip’s hurry to get away from Spain was attributed to his own fears of poison. 92. A copy of their urgent remonstrance from Toledo is in MS. in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. 93. ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to vols. i and ii. 94. Sandoval, in his ‘Historia de Carlos V.,’ gives a glowing account of the festivities that followed, and especially of a ridiculously fulsome sermon preached by the Bishop of Malaga on the occasion, laying quite a malicious emphasis upon poor Joan’s devotion to what was called in Spain ‘Christianity,’ or rather the strict Catholic ritual. 95. These interesting letters are in MS. in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid, A 11. Some of them are quoted by Rodriguez Villa in his ‘Dona Juana la Loca.’ 96. Royal Academy of History, Madrid, A 9, and Rodriguez Villa. 97. He even had a letter written, as if by his child Charles of three years old, to King Ferdinand praying that his mamma might be allowed to come home to them. 98. When the will was signed Isabel called her husband to her bedside, and with tears made him swear that, neither by a second marriage nor otherwise, would he try to deprive Joan of the crown. She fell back then prostrate and was thought to be dead, but afterwards revived. 99. Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’ 100. A full account of the progress of events from day to day at the time is given in Documents Ineditos, vol 18. 101. Ferdinand, after the Cortes had taken the oath of allegiance, addressed to them a document (quoted in full by Zurita) saying that when Queen Isabel provided in her will for the case of Joan’s incapacity to rule, she had not gone further into particulars out of consideration for her daughter; although the latter had, whilst she was in Spain, shown signs of mental disturbance. The time had now come, said Ferdinand, to inform the Cortes in strict secrecy of the real state of affairs. Since Joan’s return to Flanders reports from Ferdinand’s agents, and from Philip himself, which were exhibited to the Cortes, said that her malady had increased, and that her state was such that the case foreseen by Queen Isabel in her will had now arrived. The Cortes, after much deliberation and against the nobles, led by the Duke of Najera, thereupon decided to acknowledge Ferdinand as ruler owing to the incapacity of Joan. 102. Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon.’ 103. Discovered in the Alburquerque archives by Sr. Rodriguez Villa, and published by him in his ‘DoÑa Juana La Loca.’ 104. It has already been mentioned on page 26 that, according to Galindez, a will of Henry IV. leaving the crown of Castile to the Beltraneja had come into Ferdinand’s possession on Isabel’s death. The authority for the statement that Ferdinand offered marriage to the Beltraneja at this juncture is principally Zurita, ‘Anales de Aragon,’ and it was adopted by Mariana and later historians. Mr. Prescott scornfully rejects the whole story, without, as it seems to me, any reason whatever for doing so, except that it tells against Ferdinand’s character. It is surely too late in the day to hope to save that. 105. ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas,’ vol. i. 106. From a most entertaining Spanish account in manuscript in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid, in which the courtiers are mercilessly chaffed. 107. ‘Spanish State Papers Calendar,’ vol. i. Peter Martyr (Epist. 300) says that Katharine did her best to solace, comfort and entertain her sister Joan, but that the latter would take pleasure in nothing, and only loved solitude and darkness. In order to preserve appearances, the treaty arranged and signed before Joan’s arrival at Windsor was ostensibly entered into by Philip as ruler of Flanders, not as King of Castile; but its whole object obviously was to strengthen Philip in Spain. 108. None of Ferdinand’s envoys were allowed to see Joan at Corunna, but when the great Castilian nobles, Count Benavente and Marquis de Villena, came to pay homage, Joan was seated by the side of her husband, and the reception hall was thrown open to the public. This was necessary in consequence of the jealousy of Castilians against foreigners, and their insistence upon Joan’s sovereignty; but it was the only occasion on which Philip openly associated her with his government. 109. See the draft summons to nobles and gentry, kept ready for the eventuality, reproduced by Rodriguez Villa, ‘DoÑa Juana la Loca.’ 110. Her grand-daughter, another Joan, sister of Philip II. and Princess of Portugal, had also after her widowhood this curious fancy to keep her face hidden. 111. The part played by Jimenez at this period has always been a puzzling problem. He was apparently in the full confidence of Philip, but it is impossible to believe that he was not really acting in concert with Ferdinand at the time. He probably knew that one way or the other Philip was bound to disappear very soon, and his presence at the crisis would enable him, as it actually did, to keep firm hold upon the government until Ferdinand returned. His anxiety to get the custody of Joan seems to point to this also, as the person who held the Queen was the master of the situation. 112. Estanques’ ‘Cronica’ in Documentos Ineditos, vol. viii. 113. Although, as was usual, Philip’s Italian physician vehemently denied that there were any indications of poison on the remains, there can be but little doubt that Philip was murdered by agents of Ferdinand. The statement to that effect was freely and publicly made at the time, but the authorities were always afraid to prosecute those who made them. See ‘Calendar of Spanish State Papers,’ Supplement to Vol. i., p. xxxvii. There were many persons who attributed Philip’s death, not to Ferdinand, but to the Inquisition, which Philip had offended by softening its rigour, and suspending the chief Inquisitors, Deza and Lucero; but this is very improbable. 114. ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas,’ vol. i. It is here stated that foreign officers of the household broke up all the gold and silver plate they could lay hands on to turn into money, and pay their way back to Flanders. 115. ‘Collection de Voyages des Souverains des Pays Bas.’ 116. On the very day that Philip died, an attempt was made by a faction of nobles to obtain possession of the young Prince. The keeper of the Castle of Simancas was on his guard, as he knew of the King’s illness, and refused admittance to any but the two gentlemen who bore Philip’s signed order for the child to be delivered to them. When the morrow brought news of the King’s death, the Seneschal refused to obey the order, and defied the forces sent to capture the fortress. 117. The monks at first flatly refused to have the corpse moved, and the Bishop of Burgos reproved the Queen. Joan, however, fell into such a fury, that they were forced to obey. 118. An interesting letter from Ferdinand’s secretary, Conchillos, who was at Burgos, to Almazan, who accompanied Ferdinand in Italy (Royal Academy of History, Salazar A 12, reproduced by Sr. Rodriguez Villa), dated 23rd December, gives a vivid picture of the confusion and scandal caused by this sudden caprice of the Queen. He says that though they had all done their best to prevent any one speaking to her but her father’s partisans, the Marquis of Villena, his opponent, is the person she welcomes most. ‘With this last caprice of the Queen there is no one, big or little, who any longer denies that she is out of her mind, except Juan Lopez, who says that she is as sane as her mother was, and lends her money for all this nonsense.’ 119. Jimenez also raised a force of one thousand picked soldiers under an Italian commander to enable him to keep the upper hand. 120. Puebla to Ferdinand, Spanish Calendar, vol. i. 409. 121. Peter Martyr, EpistolÆ. 122. Villena was against Ferdinand, though Joan liked him. She probably meant that it was he who had inspired the protest. 123. The Castilian jealousy of Aragonese government, which was really at the bottom of the adherence of the nobility to Philip, was not by any means dead; and, but for the firmness of Jimenez and the diplomacy of Ferdinand, it is quite probable that a league of nobles would have seized Joan at this time and have governed in her name. Most of the greater Castilian nobles appear to have made mutual protests against the assumption of rule in Castile by Ferdinand; and in the archives of the Duke of Frias there is one dated 19th June 1507, just before Ferdinand landed at Valencia, and signed by the Marquis Pacheco, solemnly repudiating Ferdinand as King, swearing to be loyal to Joan, and attributing anything that he may subsequently do to the contrary effect, to intimidation and force. As these protests were kept secret the nobles made themselves safe either way. 124. The Marquis of Villena had just been brought to his side, and somewhat later Juan Manuel was bribed to give up his fortresses, though he himself retired to Flanders, for he would never trust Ferdinand. The only great noble who continued to hold out was the Duke of Najera. 125. Copied by Rodriguez Villa. 126. It is in the immediate neighbourhood of Burgos, and one of the coldest places in Spain. 127. And at a later period, when that danger was at an end, the fear of scandal being caused in a court so slavishly Catholic by Joan’s violent hatred of the religious services. 128. This strangely privileged corps has always had the duty to guard the sovereigns of Castile personally inside their apartments. The men are all drawn by right from the inhabitants of the town of Espinosa only. 129. Calendar, Spanish State Papers, Supplement to vol. i. All the documents quoted in narrating this period of Joan’s life are from the same source, and from the collection of the Royal Academy of History (Rodriguez Villa). 130. By a long series of intrigues ChiÈvres had forced the hands of Jimenez to have Charles and Joan proclaimed joint sovereigns even before the arrival of the former. The Pope and the Emperor had been persuaded to address Charles as Catholic King upon Ferdinand’s death; but in the face of the discontent of the Castilian nobles it was necessary for Charles at last to make all manner of promises as to his future residence in Spain, respect for Spanish traditions, and avoidance of using Spanish money for foreign purposes, as well as that to which reference is made in the text with regard to Joan, before he could be fully acknowledged. He broke most of his pledges at once, and so precipitated the great rising of the Comuneros. See ‘Vie de ChiÈvres’ by Varilla. 131. Denia told the rebels that he had appealed to the Queen for a certificate of his dismissal, but what he really asked for was her written order to stay. In reply, she told him to go about his business and talk to her no more. He was, however, successful in getting a letter from the young Infanta to the revolutionary Junta praying them not to send the marchioness away, but it had no effect. The Infanta got into sad disgrace with her brother for her alleged kindness and sympathy with the rebels, but she spiritedly defended herself, and appealed to this letter of hers in favour of the Denias as proof that she did what she could in very difficult and dangerous circumstances. (Letters from Simancas copied by SeÑor Rodriguez Villa.) 132. It was one of the principal allegations of the government, that, although Joan never signed anything for the rebels, her verbal orders were at once taken down in notarial form and acted upon as royal decrees. 133. One of her demands was that all her women should be sent away, as they were. Her hatred of her own sex was remarkable. 134. The Admiral of Castile and other nobles at the time endeavoured to prevail upon Joan to take the direction of affairs under their guidance; but she refused just as obstinately to give her signature to them as she had to the rebels. Denia writes to the Emperor that the Admiral is very anxious to cure the Queen; but in no case will it be allowed without the Emperor’s permission. ‘Besides, it would be another resurrection of Lazarus.’ The bitterest complaints of Denia and his methods were sent by the great nobles to Charles, whilst Denia could say no good word for them. 135. Mr. Bergenroth translated ‘hacerle premia,’ ‘applying torture,’ and it may be so translated. I prefer, however, the wider interpretation; though, no doubt, Denia meant to recommend physical coercion. 136. The Emperor ordered her to be taken to Toro in 1527, but Denia was afraid of forcing her to go. 137. Denia’s account of the interview with Borgia (confirmed by the latter) is extremely curious. The priestly Duke said, as she would do nothing else, she might recite the ‘General Confession,’ and he would absolve her. ‘Can you absolve?’ she asked. ‘Yes!’ he replied, ‘with the exception of certain cases.’ ‘Then,’ said the Queen, ‘you recite the General Confession.’ This Borgia did, and asked her whether she said the same. ‘Yes,’ she replied; and ‘she then permitted him to absolve her.’ It will be seen that there was not much submission in this. Only a day or so afterwards she appears to have flown into a terrible passion because some new hangings and gold ornaments had been placed on the corridor altar; and she refused to eat until they had been removed, and the altar left plain as before. 138. For particulars of this portrait, hitherto unknown, see ‘Calendars of Spanish State Papers,’ vol. viii., edited by Martin Hume. 139. Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 99. 140. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alburquerque. ‘Antonio de Guaras,’ by Dr. R. Garnett. For particulars of this personage, Antonio de Guaras, see ‘EspaÑoles É Ingleses,’ por Martin Hume. Madrid y Londres, 1903. 141. Correspondance de Cardinal de Granvelle. 142. These were all councillors in the interest and pay of the Emperor, and were pledged in any case to favour the match. 143. Record Office. Record Commission Transcripts, Brussels, vol. i. 144. Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society. 145. Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Camden Society. 146. On the 21st January 1554 the Emperor wrote to Philip sending him the treaty for ratification, and asked him to send powers for the formal betrothal, since the English insist that when, by the blessing of God, the marriage takes place you shall take an oath to respect the laws and privileges of England: ‘but the Queen confidently assures us that secretly everything shall be done to our liking, and we believe this.’ MSS. Simancas. Estado, 808. 147. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ by Martin Hume. 148. Renard to the Emperor, 27th March 1554. Record Commission Transcripts, also printed by Tytler. 149. Full details of Philip’s voyage and arrival in England will be found in ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ by Martin Hume. 150. Renard to the Emperor, 9th June 1554, Brussels Transcripts, Record Office. 151. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada,’ by Martin Hume. Philip himself brought 600 Andalusian jennets to improve the English breed of horses. 152. Though the palace is a crumbling ruin, the door in the garden wall remains. 153. This, I am aware, is contrary to the statements of most English historians, and especially of Mr. Froude. The evidence in favour of my view of the King’s attitude is stated in my essay called ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent,’ in ‘The Year After the Armada’ and other historical essays. Mr. Froude and his predecessors depended too implicitly upon the entirely untrustworthy and biassed accounts sent by Noailles to France, and the similarly inimical Venetian agent’s version. 154. ‘The Coming of Philip the Prudent.’ 155. Ruy Gomez wrote from Richmond, 24th August 1554, to Eraso. ‘The King entertains the Queen excellently, and knows very well how to pass over what is not good in her for the sensibility of the flesh. He keeps her so contented that truly the other day, when they were alone together, she almost made love to him, and he answered in the same fashion. As for these gentlemen (i.e., the English councillors), his behaviour towards them is such that they themselves confess that they have never yet had a King in England who so soon won the hearts of all men.’ MSS. Simancas Estado, 808. In November 1554 Gonzalo Perez wrote to Vasquez: ‘The English are now so civil you would hardly believe it. The kindness and gifts they have received, and are receiving every day, from the King would soften the very stones. The Queen is a saint, and I feel sure that God will help us for her sake.’—MSS. Simancas Estado, 808. 156. Ambassades de Noailles, vol. iii. Leyden, 1763. 157. It had been announced and was generally believed that Mary was dead, and the citizens were overjoyed to see her in an open litter with Philip and Pole riding by her side. 158. Badoero to the Doge. Venetian State Papers. 15th December 1558. 159. Michaeli, the Venetian Envoy (‘Calendar of Venetian State Papers’), mentions one extraordinary journey of a courier at this time from Paris to London in twenty-five hours. 160. It is related by the Flemish envoy Courteville that on his way through Canterbury he entered the Cathedral with his spurs on, against the rule; and on being charged with this by a student, he paid the fine by emptying his purse of gold in the student’s cap. 161. Feria to the King. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. 162. This English fleet was mainly instrumental in gaining for the Flemings a great victory over the French under Termes in July 1558. 163. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. 164. MSS., ‘Simancas Estado,’ 811. 165. This account of Mary’s last hours is from the Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, by her confessor and secretary, Father Clifford. 166. A curious account of the splendid festival, which celebrated at the same time the signature of the peace with England and Isabel’s baptism, is given by the Spanish ambassador. (Spanish Calendar, vol. viii., edited by Martin Hume.) 167. The Bishop of Limoges, writing to Cardinal Lorraine soon after the betrothal (8th August 1559), says: ‘Never was a prince so delighted with any creature as he (i.e., Philip) is with the Catholic Queen, his wife. It is impossible to put his joy in a letter.’—L. Paris, ‘Negociations sous FranÇois II.‘ 168. Miss Freer’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois,’ quoted from Godefroi. 169. ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. iii. Philip to Francis II. from Valladolid. 170. BibliothÈque Nationale, ‘Fonds FranÇois,’ No. 7237, where there is a considerable collection of the poems of both mother and daughter unprinted. Miss Frere quotes some of Catharine’s lines to Isabel, but not the above. 171. ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ vol. iii. 172. The account of Isabel’s voyage and reception is drawn mainly from the narratives of eyewitnesses in the correspondence published by M. L. Paris in ‘Negociations sous FranÇois II.‘ 173. ‘NÉgociations sous FranÇois II.,’ p. 173. 174. Even more comforted, we are told, were the poor maids of honour, whose own beds and baggage had gone astray. 175. Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’ 176. Brantome says he had this story from one of Isabel’s ladies in waiting who was present. 177. i.e. Anne of Bourbon Montpensier. 178. ‘Negociations sous Francois II.,’ p. 706. 179. Brantome, ‘Dames Illustres.’ 180. ‘Negociations sous FranÇois II.‘ 181. i.e. Margaret of Valois, La Reine Margot, who afterwards married Henry IV., the Bearnais on the evil day of St. Bartholomew, and was subsequently put aside by him. 182. Particulars of these intrigues will be found in ‘The Love Affairs of Mary Queen of Scots’ by Martin Hume. 183. She afterwards married Philip himself as his fourth wife. 184. NÉgociations sous FranÇois II. 185. Ibid. 186. Letter from the French ambassador in Spain to Catharine de’ Medici, quoted in ‘Vie d’Elisabeth de Valois,’ par le Marquis du Prat. 187. Speaking of this illness BrantÔme says quaintly, ‘Elle tomba malade en telle extrÉmitÉ qu’elle fut abandonnÉe des medecins. Sur quoy il y eut un certain petit medecin Italien qui pourtant n’avoit grande vogue À la cour, qui se presentant au roy, dit que, si on le vouloit laisser faire, il la gueriroit, ce que le roy permit: aussi estoit elle morte. Il entreprend et luy donne une medecine, qu’apres l’avoir prise on luy vit tout a coup monter miraculeusement la couleur au visage et reprendre son parler et puis aprÈs sa convalescence. Et cependant toute la cour et tout le peuple d’Espagne rompaient les chemins de processions, d’allÉes et venues qu’ils fasoient aux eglises et aux hospitaux pour sa SantÉ, les uns en chemise les autres nuds pieds, nues testes, offrans offrandes, prieres, oraisons et intercessions À Dieu par jeusnes, macerations de corps et autres telles sainctes et bonnes dÉvotions pour sa SantÉ.’ BrantÔme arrived in Spain soon after her recovery, and vividly describes the joy and gratitude of the people at her convalescence. He saw her, he says, go out in her carriage for the first time after her recovery to give thanks to the Virgin of Guadalupe, and asserts that she looked more lovely than ever as she sat at the door of the carriage for the people to see her. She was dressed in white satin covered with silver trimming, her face being uncovered. ‘Mais je crois que jamais rien ne fut veu si beau que cette reine, comme je pris l’hardiesse de luy dire.’ (Dames Illustres.) 188. L’AubÉpine to Catharine. ‘BibliothÈque Nationale,’ printed in an appendix to Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’ 189. Isabel to Catharine. BibliothÈque Nationale, No. 39, printed in the appendix of Du Prat’s ‘Elizabeth de Valois.’ 190. Archives Nationales, Paris C. K., 1393, quoted in the Introduction of the Spanish Calendar of Elizabeth, edited by Martin Hume. 191. BibliothÈque Nationale, Colbert, vol. 140. ‘Bref discours de l’arrivÉe de la Reine d’Espagne À St. Jehan de Luz.’ 192. It is usually assumed (and amongst others by Father Florez in ‘Reinas Catolicas’) that the massacre of St. Bartholomew seven years later (1572) in Paris was arranged at this meeting. There is, however, no proof that such was the case. Philip and the Spanish party, it is true, were loud in their praises of this enormity, but much happened between Bayonne and Bartholomew. 193. Isabel herself ascribed the blessing to her prayers to the body of St. EugÈne, which she had with great difficulty persuaded the French to surrender to Spain. It was carried with great pomp from St. Denis to Toledo, and Isabel was constant in her adoration of it. 194. French ambassador Fourquevault to Catharine, June 1567. BibliothÈque Nationale, No. 220 (Du Prat). 195. Ibid., No. 8. 196. Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat. 197. Fourquevault to Catharine, 3rd October 1568. Du Prat. 198. Father Florez tells of her that on one occasion she was brought to death’s door by her loathing her food; and as all mundane remedies had been tried in vain, the King sent for the blessed friar Orozco. The friar told the Queen he had a remedy recommended by his grandmother which would cure her if she would take it. The Queen consented, and the friar cooked a partridge and bacon before her, reciting verses of the Magnificat at each turn of the spit. When the dish was ready he took it to the Queen and said, ‘Eat, my lady, in the name of God, for the mere smell of this would make a dead man hungry.’ Needless to say, Anna ate and was cured. 199. She was much beloved, especially in Madrid, and died in childbed at the Escorial in 1611. 200. An interminable account of the splendours of the occasion, for which the favourite Duke of Lerma was mainly responsible, will be found in ‘Documentos Ineditos,’ lxi. 201. To show how uncertain were still the relations between the people of the two countries, it may be mentioned that an eyewitness of the ceremonies of the exchange, etc., mentions as a marvellous thing that there was no fighting between Spaniards and Frenchmen. 202. The only portion of this building now standing is the ancient Gothic church where King Alfonso and Queen Victoria EugÉnie were recently married. It stands close to the famous picture gallery in the Prado. 203. From an unpublished MS. in the British Museum. Add. 10,236. 204. From MSS. of Diego de Soto, de Aguilar Royal Academy of History, Madrid, G. 32, and another in British Museum, Add. 10,236. 205. Father Florez and other ecclesiastical writers give many instances of her liberality in contributing to pious works, and in Reinas Catolicas there is an account of Isabel’s action at the time (in 1624), that a ‘heretic had outraged the Most Holy Sacrament in this my convent of St. Philip.’ In addition to the services of atonement for the outrage in all the churches, ‘the royal family made such an atonement as never was seen, as befitted an insult to the greatest of the mysteries. The corridors of the palace were adorned with all the valuable and beautiful possessions of the crown, and a separate altar was erected in the name of each royal personage. That of the Queen attracted the attention of all beholders for the taste it exhibited, and the immense value of the jewels that adorned it belonging to her Majesty. The value of these jewels was computed at three million and a half’ (of reals). 206. ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ Aersens van Sommerdyk, and many other visitors to Spain at the time testify to this. See also ‘Relatione dell’ Ambasciatore di Venetia.’ British Museum MSS., Add. 8,701. 207. Historia del Arte Dramatico en EspaÑa (translated from the German of A. F. Schack). 208. Howell’s ‘Familiar Letters.’ 209. The steps of the Church of St. Philip in the Calle Mayor was so called El Mentidero. 210. Speech (published) by Don Eugenio Hartzenbusch to the Royal Academy of History, Madrid, 1861, where the whole question is discussed. 211. The house now belonging to Count OÑate, just out of the Puerta del Sol. 212. It is certain that Olivares urged Philip most fervently to attend to business in the early years of his reign. See my chapter on Philip IV. in ‘The Cambridge Modern History,’ vol. iv., for a letter on the subject from Philip. 213. On the site of the present Teatro espaÑol in the Plaza de Sant Ana. 214. Philip had had a son by another lady high at Court three years before this, in 1626, of whom an account from unpublished sources will be found in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by Martin Hume. 215. From an unpublished contemporary account in Italian. B. M. Add. 8,703. 216. Ashburton Collection. 217. Soto de Aguilar, one of Philip’s gentlemen of the wardrobe, wrote an interminable account of all the festivities of his time (MS. Royal Academy of History. Copy in the writer’s possession), from which have been derived many details. 218. The garden was that of Monterey, and with the two adjoining gardens, which for this occasion were thrown into one, occupied the whole space from the Calle de Alcala to the Carrera de San Geronimo, called the Salon del Prado. 219. Amongst other trifles offered to the ladies at this feast were some of the small jars (bucaros) made of fine scented white clay, which it was at the time a feminine vice to eat. Madame D’Aulnoy gives a curious account of the evil effects produced by this strange eatable. She also mentions the curious craze in Madrid at the time amongst people of fashion to throw eggshells filled with scent at each other in the theatres, parties, and even whilst promenading in carriages. Philip himself was much addicted to this pastime. 220. This was the garden on the corner of the Carrera de San Geronimo and the Prado, now occupied by the Villahermosa palace and grounds. 221. Philip is represented as wearing such a collar in his portrait by Velazquez at Dulwich College. 222. Although he confesses that when most of the great folks had retired, and daylight lit up the scene of revelry, great numbers of people were found hidden in the shrubberies. 223. On the spot where the Bank of Spain now stands, until a few years ago the site of the palace and grounds of the Marquis of AlcaÑices. 224. Appendix to Mesonero Romanos’ ‘El Antiguo Madrid.’ An account of this feast, though much less full, is also given in the newsletters of the date published by Sr. Rodriguez Villa in ‘La Corte de EspaÑa en 1636 y 1637.’ 225. The policy and aims of Olivares are fully set forth in ‘Spain, Its Greatness and Decay,’ Cambridge Historical Series, by Martin Hume. 226. Olivares was notoriously offensive to ladies. On one occasion when Isabel gave an opinion on State affairs he told Philip that monks must be kept for praying and women for child-bearing. 227. One hundred and fifty persons in Madrid alone were cast into dungeons for not being liberal enough with their contributions on this occasion. 228. Relatione dell’ Ambasciatore di Venetia (MS. British Museum, Add. 8,701), and also an account attributed (doubtfully) to Quevedo, printed in vol. iii. of the Semanario Erudito. 229. News letter of 11th October in Semanario Erudito, vol. xxxiii. 230. Matias de Novoa, ‘Memorias.’ He was one of Philip’s chamberlains. 231. Life of Sor Maria de Agreda, quoted by Father Florez. 232. Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda, edited by F. Silvela. For two years after Isabel’s death all comedies and theatrical representations were forbidden at the instance of Sor Maria, but in 1648 Philip consented to their resumption. 233. ‘Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe IV.’ Edited by Silvela. 234. Marie Anne de Montpensier, the daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans (La Grande Demoiselle), was suggested, but rejected at once as impossible, both from the French and Spanish point of view! It would, indeed, have further alienated, rather than have drawn together, the French regency and Spain. 235. ‘Cartas de la Venerable Madre Sor Maria de Agreda y Felipe IV.‘ 236. The progress and events from day to day are related by Mascarenhas, Bishop of Leyria, who accompanied the Queen, in ‘Viage de la Serenisima Reina DoÑa Margarita de Austria.’ Madrid, 1650. 237. It has puzzled many inquirers why the marriages of the kings of Spain should usually have taken place in poverty-stricken little villages like Navalcarnero and Quintanapalla, where no adequate accommodation existed, or could be created. The real reason appears to be that when a royal marriage took place in a town the latter was freed for ever after from paying tribute. The poorer the place, therefore, the smaller the sacrifice of public revenue. 238. It is all described in Amador de los Rios Historia de Madrid, and the prodigious sums spent are given. 239. Cartas de Sor Maria. 240. Ibid. 241. In course of time she married her cousin the Emperor Leopold. 242. ‘Reinas Catolicas.’ Florez. 243. Even thus early she began to introduce Austrian etiquette in her receptions; such, for instance, as causing the ladies presented to her to pass before her, in by one door and out by an opposite door (Avisos de Barrionuevo). 244. Avisos de Barrionuevo, vol. ii. p. 303 (February 1656). 245. Ibid. vol. i. 246. Barrionuevo, vol. ii. 247. The comedy of San Gaetano had been represented at the special desire of the Queen shortly before, not without some difficulty from the Inquisition, and the crush to see it was so great that several people were killed. 248. Barrionuevo, vol. ii. 308. 249. Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda. 250. Barrionuevo, vol. iii. 63. 251. One day (8th November 1657) she suddenly asked for some BuÑuelos (hot fritters), and men were sent out hurrying to the Plaza where they were sold. A great cauldron of 8 lbs. of them were brought smoking hot covered with honey, and Mariana ate greedily of them, to her great contentment. 252. Barrionuevo. 253. Cartas de la Venerable Sor Maria de Agreda. The King’s prayer came true, for the child died at the age of four. 254. The extravagance of these rejoicings produced a remonstrance from the nun to the King. ‘It is good and politic for your Majesty to receive the congratulations of your subjects... but I do beseech you earnestly not to allow excessive sums to be spent on these festivities when there is a lack of money needful even for the defence of your crown. Let there be in them no offence to God.... It is good to rejoice for the birth of the prince, but let us do it with a clear conscience.’—Cartas. 255. Barrionuevo. A curious circumstance is related by the same journalist as having taken place at the christening. The lady-in-waiting, as usual, handed the child to the little Infanta Margaret, aged six, who was the godmother; and the only clothing the babe wore was an extremely short tunic, the lower limbs being entirely bare. The little Infanta, shocked at what she considered disrespectful neglect, asked angrily why the prince was not properly dressed; and had to be told that it was done purposely in order that all might see that he was really a male. 256. Barrionuevo relates (vol. iv. p. 166), that a saintly Franciscan friar, upon being appealed to by Philip to pray for the health of his child, replied that he would do so, but a better prayer still would be for the King to give up his constant comedies and rejoicings and pray to God himself. This was in June 1658; and the nun was for ever giving to Philip the same advice. 257. ‘Recueil des Instructions donnÉes aux ambassadeurs de France en Espagne,’ vol. i. (Morel Fatio.) 258. ‘Journal du Voyage d’Espagne.’ Paris, 1669. 259. Luis de Haro alone took a household of 200 persons, whilst the King’s medical staff alone consisted of ten doctors and four barbers. 260. ‘Viage del Rey N. S. a la Frontera de Francia.’ Castillo. Madrid, 1667. 261. The golilla, so characteristic of Philip’s reign, was a stiff cardboard projecting collar, the under surface of which was covered with cloth to match the doublet, and the upper surface lined with light silk. 262. Palamino. Life of Velazquez. All the sumptuary decrees were suspended. From this date the Spanish fashion in dress changed. 263. Cartas de Sor Maria. 264. Original Letters of Sir R. Fanshawe. January 1664. 265. An interesting account of this ceremony is given by Lady Fanshawe in her Memoirs. 266. This was Mariana’s daughter, the Infanta Margaret, so well recollected by Velazquez’s portraits of her. She was at this time thirteen years old, and had just been betrothed to the Emperor Leopold, her cousin. She was married two years later, and died in 1673, at the age of twenty-two. 267. Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe. 268. It is related that when Philip was asked if the bodies of the saints should be brought into his room he said, ‘No, they can intercede in my favour just as well in the chapel as here.’ 269. As soon as Philip breathed his last the Marquis of Malpica, who was on duty as principal gentleman-in-waiting and captain of the guard, went to the outer guardroom, and said to the assembled officers: ‘Companions, there is no more for us to do here. Go up and guard our King, Charles II.’ Philip had died in one of the lower ground-floor rooms of the palace. The above account is condensed from a contemporary unpublished MS. journal of a courtier in the ‘Biblioteca National,’ c. xxiv. 4. Lady Fanshawe also gives a very precise account of the lying-in-state, varying in some few details from the MS. narrative above referred to. 270. My diarist gives another instance of the heartless conduct of the nobles after the King’s death. When the body was to be transferred to the Escorial each of the chamberlains and officials insisted that it was not his duty to make the formal surrender, or to help to carry the corpse. The squabble was only ended by the Duke of Medina ordering his cousin Montealegre, to do it. 271. Fanshawe died in Spain soon after his recall, Lord Sandwich replacing him to conclude the treaty. See ‘Letters of Earl of Sandwich’ and ‘Fanshawe’s Letters.’ London. 272. An extremely detailed account of the events that accompanied the feud between Mariana and Don Juan will be found in a rare book called ‘Relation of the Differences that happened in the Court of Spain.’ London, 1678. 273. Montero de los Rios, ‘Historia de Madrid.’ 274. ‘Diario de los Sucesos de la Corte.’ MS. in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. 275. A full description of the condition of Spain at the period, drawn from many contemporary sources, is given in ‘Spain, Its Greatness and Decay,’ by Martin Hume (Cambridge University Press). 276. The nobles and leaders were all excommunicated, and not even the King’s intercession could mollify the Pope until full reparation was made at tremendous cost, and penance done in most humiliating fashion. 277. The contemptible instability of the King is seen in a conversation he had with the prior of the Escorial the day after Valenzuela’s capture. The prior had been formerly urged most earnestly by Charles to shelter and defend the favourite, and a written warrant to that effect was given. As no written order for his capture was exhibited the Prior presented himself before the King to explain what had been done. Before he could speak Charles giggled and said, ‘So they caught him!’ ‘Yes, sire, they caught him,’ replied the prior. ‘And his wife too?’ asked the King. ‘His wife is now in Madrid, sire, and I come now to crave mercy and protection for both of them.’ ‘For his wife but not for him,’ said Charles. ‘But surely your Majesty will not abandon your unhappy minister in this sad strait.’ ‘You may take it from me,’ replied Charles, ‘that a holy woman has had a revelation from God that Valenzuela was to be captured at the Escorial.’ ‘A revelation of the devil more likely,’ blurted out the disgusted prior. ‘And pray do not think, sire, that I am interceding for Valenzuela for interests of my own: I never got anything from him in the world but this benzoin lozenge.’ With this Charles jumped back in a fright. ‘Put it away! put it away!’ he cried. ‘Perhaps it is witchcraft or poison.’ (The narrative is from an MS. relation written by one of the monks at the time, and now in the Escorial Library. Portions of it have been quoted by Don Modesto Lafuente, ‘Historia de Espana,’ vol. xii.) 278. ‘Memoires touchans le mariage de Charles II. avec Marie Louise,’ from which many of details related in the text concerning the marriage in France and the journey to the frontier are taken. 279. On the return of the Duke of Pastrana to Spain after the marriage at Fontainebleau, Marie Louise sent by him her first letter to her husband. I have had the good fortune to come across this hitherto unpublished letter in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. It is badly written, in a great smeared school hand, evidently copied from a draft. I transcribe it here in full: ‘Monseigneur. Je ne puis laisser partir le duc de Pastrana sans tesmoigner À votre MajestÉ l’impatience que j’ai d’avoir l’honneur de la voir. Je suplie en mesme temps votre MajestÉ d’estre bien persuadÉe du respect que j’ai pour elle et de l’attachement inviolable avec lequel je serai toute ma vie, Monseigneur, de votre MajestÉ la tres humble et tres observante, Marie Louise.’ 280. They are described with the minuteness of a milliner’s bill in ‘Descripcion de las circunstancias esenciales... en la funcion de los desposorios del Rey N. S. Don Carlos II.’ Madrid, 1679. 281. Mme. D’Aulnoy’s celebrated ‘Voyage D’Espagne’ is usually quoted largely for local colour in the histories and romances of this period. I am, however, of opinion that very little credit can be given to it, so far as the authoress’s own adventures are concerned. I have grave doubts indeed, whether Mme. D’Aulnoy went to Spain at all. Much of her information is easily traceable to other books, and the rest, apart from the love romances that occupy so many of her pages, may well have been gathered from her cousin, who was married to a Spanish nobleman. The cousin is represented as a friend of Don Juan, and the conversation very likely did take place with her, as Mme. D’Aulnoy represents, though perhaps the latter was not present. 282. ‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692. 283. When he consented to the return of some of Mariana’s friends to Court he was told that Don Juan would object. ‘What does that matter?’ he replied. ‘I wish it, and that is enough.’ 284. ‘Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs de France (Espagne).’ Paris, 1894. 285. The leather or damask curtains of the coaches were usually kept closed except by confessedly immodest women; but on such occasions as these, they were sometimes opened to satisfy the crowd, who wished to welcome royal persons. 286. ‘Descripcion de las circunstancias,’ etc. Madrid, 1679. 287. Ibid. 288. ‘Semanario Erudito,’ vol. ii., where a pamphlet of the period is reproduced accusing her of complicity in the murder of her cousin, Don Diego de Aragon. 289. The lively Mme. D’Aulnoy gives a description of a scene previous to the departure of the young Queen’s household from Madrid. The ladies had been privately mustered in the Retiro Gardens for the King to see how they would look mounted when they entered the capital in state with the Queen. ‘The young ladies of the palace were quite pretty, but, good God! what figures the Duchess of Terranova and DoÑa Maria de Aragon cut. They were both mounted on mules, all bristling and clanking with silver, and with a great saddle cloth of black velvet, like those used by physicians on their horses in Paris. They were both dressed in widows’ weeds, which I have already described to you, both very ugly and very old, with an air of severity and imperiousness, and they wore great hats tied on by strings under their chins. There were twenty gentlemen around them holding them up, for fear they should fall, though they would never have allowed one to touch them thus unless they had been in fear of breaking their necks.—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ The same authority says that the Duchess of Terranova alone took with her on the journey, ‘six litters of different coloured embroidered velvet, and forty mules caparisoned as richly as ever I have seen.’ 290. ‘Letters de Mme. de Villars.’ Paris, 1823. 291. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. C., 1–5, transcribed by the present writer. 292. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne,’ par M. de Villars. 293. ‘MÉmoires.’ Villars. 294. Lettres de Mme. Villars. 295. Mme. D’Aulnoy thus describes the King’s appearance at this first interview with his bride: ‘I have heard that the Queen was extremely surprised at his appearance. He had a very short, wide jacket (just au corps) of grey barracan; his breeches were of velvet, and his stockings of very loose spun silk. He wore a very beautiful cravat which the Queen had sent him, but it was fastened rather too loosely. His hair was put behind his ears, and he wore a light grey hat.’—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ La Haye, 1692. 296. A note on a previous page explains the reason why these small villages were chosen for the marriage ceremonies of the Kings of Spain. 297. ‘MÉmoires.’ Villars. 298. It will be seen that the sprightly letter-writer indulges here in an untranslatable pun. The carriage was without glass = glace, and she hoped the occupants would be without ice = glace. 299. Writing of this period, Mme. D’Aulnoy, who professes to have been in Madrid at the time, says that the Marchioness de la Fuente told her that: ‘the Queen had been much upset at the roughness of the Mistress of the Robes, who, seeing that her Majesty’s hair did not lie flat on the forehead, spat into her hand and approached for the purpose of sticking the straying lock down with saliva. The Queen resented this warmly, and rubbed hard with her pocket handkerchief upon the spot where this old woman had so dirtily wetted her forehead.... It is really quite pitiable the way this old Mistress of the Robes treats the Queen. I know for a fact that she will not allow her to have a single hair curled, and forbids her to go near a window or speak to a soul.’—‘Voyage d’Espagne.’ 300. It was a hooped skirt of peculiar shape, fashionable in Spain, called a guardainfante, of which a specimen may be seen in the portrait of Mariana in the present volume. 301. ‘Lettre de Mme. Villars À Mme. Coulange,’ 15th December 1679. 302. Nouvelle relation de la magnifique et royale entrÉe... À Madrid par Marie Louise,’ etc. Paris, 1680. 303. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. 304. Lettres de Mme. Villars À Mme. Coulange. 305. ‘Voyage d’Espagne,’ Mme. D’Aulnoy. For the amount of credit to be given to Mme. D’Aulnoy, see note on a previous page. 306. Gabacho is an opprobrious term applied to Frenchmen in Spain. 307. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. 308. Mme. D’Aulnoy in her own MÉmoires tells a curious though doubtful story of these perroquets of which Marie Louise was so fond. They had been brought from Paris, and the few sentences they had been taught were in French, so that the Duchess of Terranova thought herself justified in having them killed. When the Queen asked for them and learnt their fate she said nothing: but when next the Mistress of the Robes came to kiss her hand Marie Louise gave her two good sound slaps on the face instead. When the indignant Duchess with all her followers went in a rage to demand redress of the King, Marie Louise excused herself by saying that she gave the slaps overcome by the irresistible influence of a pregnant woman. This flattered the King and she was absolved. 309. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. 310. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. Even so, she was not allowed to mount her horses from the ground, but had to be driven in her coach to the place and mount the horse from the step of the carriage. One of her horses being very high spirited resented on one occasion this strange performance, and the Queen was thrown to the ground, much to her husband’s alarm. No one, it appears, dared to touch the Queen, even to raise her from the ground, until Charles had sufficiently recovered from the shock to do so himself. (Mme. D’Aulnoy.) 311. ‘MÉmoires.’ Villars. 312. ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ Villars. 313. ‘Recueil des Instructions aux ambassadeurs de France.’ Paris, 1894. 314. In January 1685 the Duke of Montalto in Madrid wrote to Pedro Ronquillo, the ambassador in London. ‘The King attends to nothing but his hunting pastimes, and the Queen in tiring horses, as if she were a skilled horse-breaker. That is a pretty way to become pregnant! In short, my dear sir, it is quite clear that God determines to punish us on every side.’ Writing again, a month later (28th February), the same correspondent, after vilifying the Medina Celi government, says: ‘Neither the things in the palace or anywhere else here improve. It looks, on the contrary, as if the devil himself had taken them in hand. Medina Celi is very placid over it, and cares only for himself; the King has been wolf-hunting for a week thirty miles off, and there would be no harm in that if he would only despatch business. As for the Queen, Medina Celi positively encourages her in her pranks so as to be able to hold on to office by her. He does not care so long as others have to pay.’ Both the correspondents, it is needless to say, belonged to Mariana’s party. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. 315. There was a document found in Marie Louise’s cabinet after her death, which purported to be a political guide, written to her at this period by Louis XIV. In this cynical document the Queen is advised how to gain advantage from the King’s weakness and ineptitude, and how to obtain control of him. She is to maintain an attitude between complaint and friendship with the Queen-Mother, but to be very wary with regard to her: she is advised to maintain Oropesa in the ministry, but not to trust him, or to allow him more power than he had. She is to continue to introduce French fashions, manners, etc., in the palace; and advice is given her as to how she should treat all the principal nobles. The manuscript concludes: ‘Withdraw this paper into your most secret keeping. Live for yourself and for your beloved France. In Spain they do not love you, as you know, and they do not fear you either, for faint hearts easily conceive suspicions, and strength is not needed to commit a cruelty.’ The original document is in the BibliotÉca Nacional, Madrid (H. II), and there is a Spanish translation of it in MSS. Add. 15,193, British Museum. The document has usually been assumed to be authentic, but I am rather inclined to regard it as one of the many means employed to blacken the French cause after Marie Louise’s death. 316. To the French ambassador who was in Spain in 1688, the Count de Rebenac, she gave the most intimate detailed reasons for her lack of issue connected with the constitution of the King. Rebenac repeated these confidences in his letters to Louis. 317. Mme. Quantin was a widow. It has been explained that all the ladies in the palace had to be maids or widows. 318. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. 319. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. 320. Ibid. 321. MSS. of Father LÉonard in the BibliothÈque Nationale, Paris. Quoted by Morel Fatio in ‘MÉmoires de la Cour d’Espagne.’ 322. This was Susanne Duperroy, to whom Marie Louise left 3,000 doubloons in her will. Mme. Quantin herself received a legacy of 4,000 from the Queen. 323. ‘Doc. Ined.,’ lxxix. 324. The letter is in the Archives of the MinistÈre des Affaires ÉtrangÈres, Paris, vol. 71. It has been transcribed by M. Morel Fatio. 325. ‘Recueil des Instructions aux Ambassadeurs FranÇais,’ Paris, 1894, and ‘Correspondance de Rebenac, Archives du MinistÈre des Affaires EtrangÈres.’ 326. The tragic end of the Queen so distressed the French ambassador Rebenac that for a time he lost his reason after attending the funeral ceremony. In his subsequent correspondence with the King of France he made no secret of his belief that she had been murdered. The Duchess of Orleans, the Queen’s stepmother, thus refers to Rebenac’s statements in her correspondence: ‘Rebenac’s feelings have done no wrong to our young Queen of Spain. It is the sharp-nosed Count of Mansfeldt who poisoned her.’ De Torcy, in his ‘MÉmoires,’ says: ‘The Count of Mansfeldt and Count Oropesa are both suspected of having been the authors of Marie Louise’s death, and take little care to exonerate themselves. The Marquis de Louville, in his ‘MÉmoires,’ also distinctly states that the Queen was poisoned, and several other contemporary French authorities are no less certain. 327. The jewels taken by Count Benavente from Charles was valued at 180,000 crowns, and Mariana’s gift to her daughter-in-law 30,000. 328. Stanhope Correspondence in Lord Mahon’s ‘Spain under Charles II.‘ 329. ‘Reinas Catolicas,’ Father Florez. 330. Stanhope Correspondence. 331. ‘Modesto Lafuente Historia de EspaÑa.’ 332. Stanhope Correspondence. 333. Stanhope says: ‘Our new junta, which raised so great expectations, at first, is now grown almost a jest; especially since, at the time they took away all pensions from poor widows and orphans, the Duke of Osuna, one of the richest men in Spain, procured himself a pension of 6000 crowns a year for life, by intercession of the confessor.’ 334. ‘Recueil des Instructions,’ etc. 335. Stanhope Correspondence, 3rd May 1696. 336. Stanhope reports, ‘There is now great noise of a miracle done by a piece of a waistcoat she died in, on an old lame nun, who, in great faith, earnestly desired it, and no sooner applied it to her lips, but she was perfectly well and threw away her crutches. This, with some other stories that will not be wanting, may in time grow up to a canonisation.’ Correspondence in ‘Spain under Charles II.‘ 337. His recovery from this attack was attributed to the body of St. Diego, which was brought to his bed; and when the King got better, amidst the great rejoicings and bullfights to celebrate the miracle, Charles and his wife spent some days at AlcalÁ worshipping the grim relic.—Stanhope. 338. Stanhope Correspondence.—Mahon. 339. The Admiral of Castile, who was the Queen’s most ostentatious champion, though she often quarrelled with him, was really betraying her all the time (‘Recueil des Instructions’). 340. The account here given is taken mainly from a contemporary MS., written by an officer of the Inquisition and an adherent of Portocarrero, in the British Museum, Add. 10,241: and from another account printed in Madrid, 1787. 341. ‘Stanhope Correspondence,’ Mahon, 11th June 1698. 342. Every detail of the correspondence will be found in the MSS. already referred to, and, in English, in ‘The Exorcism of Charles the Bewitched,’ in ‘The Year after the Armada,’ etc., by the present writer. 343. MSS. account already referred to. British Museum MSS., Add. 10,241. 344. This struggle, which cannot be described here, is fully narrated in ‘The Exorcism of Charles the Bewitched’ (‘Year After the Armada’), by Martin Hume. 345. Stanhope Correspondence.—Mahon. 346. Stanhope Correspondence.—Mahon. 347. There is no doubt whatever that the French claim through Maria Theresa and Anna of Austria, Queens of France, was the legitimate one, and that the Emperor had no valid right by Spanish law. Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press. TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
|
|
