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The carelessness which in many instances is evident in the orthography of our ancestors, frequently renders it matter of extreme difficulty to fix, with accuracy and precision, the etymology of places which in early times were conspicuous for the parts they bore in our national transactions.

This is in some measure the situation of Shrewsbury, which by the ancient Welsh was called Ymwithig, or “the Delight;” by the Britons Pengwern; and by the Saxons Scrobbesbyrig; the two latter names signifying nearly the same, “the Head of the Alder Groves.” But it is probable that the Normans after their conquest of the Island, either from inability to pronounce the harsher Saxon words, or from the spirit of innovation on the names and manners of the inhabitants, generally possessed by conquerors, were induced to soften the term into Shrobbesburie and Sloppesburie, from whence were derived the modern names of Shrewsbury and Salop, in latin Salopia. Some are inclined to think the latter name was formed from the two Saxon words sel, signifying pleasant, and hope, the side of a hill, which certainly accords with its situation.

Leland, the antiquary and poet, in his description of the town, thus accounts for its name:—

Built on a hill, fair Salop greets the eye,
While Severn forms a crescent gliding by;
Two bridges cross the navigable stream,
And British Alders gave the town a name.

Although much doubt remains relative to the founder of Shrewsbury, it is certain that “it was repaired about the year 552 by Maelgwyn, king of North Wales;” and the most probable conjecture is, that it was erected between the years 520 and 594 by the Britons, in order to protect themselves from the bloody ravages and harrassing incursions of the Saxons who had previously levelled the Roman Uriconium (the present Wroxeter) and its fortress with the ground, and forced them to retreat beyond the Severn, which then became the boundary of the kingdom of Mercia.

The Britons having established themselves on the hill Pengwerne, founded a city, which became the metropolis of that part of Wales called Powis, one of the princes of which, Brochwell Ysithroc, had his residence here in 617, and thence it was named Pengwerne Powis.—The blood-thirsty spirit of their Saxon invaders still pursued them: after several dreadful and sanguinary contests with the merciless Offa, the British Prince was at length compelled to abandon the patrimony of his ancestors and retire to Mathrafal, amidst the mountains of Montgomeryshire, after witnessing the destruction of his princely mansion, which stood on the spot lately occupied by the church of St. Chad; and finally, in 777, to surrender that part of the country situated between the Severn and a deep dyke and high rampart, extending 100 miles over roads and mountains and across deep vallies and rivers, which Offa threw up as a new boundary between them and Mercia.

In the reign of Alfred, Shrewsbury was numbered among the British cities, by the name of Caer Pengwerne; and during that of Edward the elder, a mint was established here, as appears from a piece of coin now in preservation, with this inscription, Edward Rex AngliÆ, and on the reverse Aelmaer on Scrobe.

Ethelred, with his court, kept the Christmas of 1006 at Shrewsbury, and being unable to resist the perpetual attacks of the Danes, then invading England under Swaine, he summoned a council here, by whose advice he paid £30,000, to procure a temporary and inglorious peace. About the same time Alfhelm, a prince of the blood, was invited to a banquet here by Edric, duke of Mercia and whilst hunting in the neighbourhood was murdered by one Godwin Porthund, a butcher, at the instigation of Edric, and from whence it is supposed arose the custom, recited in Doomsday Book, that whenever the king was here, twelve of the chief citizens should guard his person during his residence in the city, and attend him when he enjoyed himself with the pleasures of the chase.

In the year 1016, the inhabitants having revolted to Canute, Edmund, afterwards, when king surnamed Ironside, marched quickly hither from the north, and having taken the city, exercised every species of cruelty on them as a punishment for their revolt.

No material transactions appear to have occurred in the annals of Shrewsbury for nearly half a century, from the last named date until the conquest of England by the Normans under William. The city was then granted, together with nearly the whole of the county and a great proportion of land in other parts of the kingdom, to Roger de Montgomery, a Norman chief related to William, and by whom he was attended in his English expedition. Roger was no sooner put in possession of his newly acquired property, than being sensible of the advantages resulting from the situation of the town, he constituted it the capital of his earldom, and fixed his abode in it as lord paramount of the county; and having judiciously built a castle on the isthmus, for the purpose of protecting his residence from the attack of his enemies, with the assistance of inferior barons of his court, administered various solemn and kingly acts of justice, donation, and investiture within its walls. Earl Roger was, however, not suffered to enjoy the immense possessions bestowed on him by the Norman conqueror without molestation: Owen Gwynedd, a spirited Welsh chieftain, excited either by hopes of plunder or a desire to dispossess the invaders, of a place which was capable of being rendered a great annoyance to his countrymen in the hands of powerful enemies, attacked it with a considerable body of Welsh; and so important was his attack considered by William, that he marched with a numerous army from the north, for the purpose of repelling the daring disturber; nor did his usual good fortune desert him in this instance, Owen being defeated and a great portion of his followers slain. As a suitable acknowledgment to divine providence for his good fortune and the splendid triumphs of his arms, the Earl founded the benedictine Abbey of St. Peter and St. Paul. A short time previous to his death he was shorn a monk. He died July 27th, 1094, and was buried in the chapel of the Abbey; over his tomb was placed an armed knight in stone.

Robert de Belesme, son of Roger de Montgomery, who succeeded his brother Hugh the Red in the earldom of Shrewsbury, united with the party who wished to seat Robert, duke of Normandy, on the throne, in lieu of Henry the First; and on the coronation of that monarch, openly rebelled against his authority, placing the castle under the command of Roger de Corbet, and garrisoning it with 80 soldiers. Henry immediately marched for Shrewsbury at the head of 60,000 men, and threatening, if the town was not delivered up to him in three days, to hang all he should find therein, Robert surrendered, and sent the keys to the king by Ralph, abbot of Seez, imploring his clemency: this was granted, but Robert was banished to Normandy, his immense estates forfeited, and the splendour of his baronial house for ever extinguished. Henry then took the government of the town into his own hands, and granted the inhabitants their first charter.—The restless disposition of Robert however still incited him to fresh acts of rebellion, but being taken prisoner, he was brought over to England, and being sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, he at length died a miserable death in Wareham castle.

In 1116, the nobility of the realm did homage to William, Henry’s son, at Shrewsbury, and swore allegiance to his father.

The conquest of Wales had always been a leading object in the politics of England, not only from the desire of more extensive dominion, but as a means of preventing in future the devastation and misery which the animosity of a warlike and injured people had occasioned on the English borders. The utility likewise of employing in foreign enterprises a martial nobility, inclined the Norman princes to encourage, by every incitement of advantage and honour, the dangerous designs of subduing or of making settlements in Wales. The consequence of the attacks of the rapacious Norman barons on the Welsh was, that Shrewsbury was continually subject to the ravages and injuries of the contending parties. Besides this, its natural strength and situation on the borders, or as they were then termed the Marches of Wales, rendered it extremely eligible for the rendezvous of the army employed in the Principality, and it was therefore frequently honoured with the presence of those who swayed the sceptre of Britain.

During the struggles between Stephen and the empress Maud, William Fitz Alan, governor of the castle of Shrewsbury, espoused the cause of the latter, and being joined by several noblemen and gentlemen in these parts, left his castle in the care of a deputy, from whom he exacted an oath that he would not deliver up his charge to the king. Stephen having taken the castle, and hanged several of the garrison for the obstinacy of their defence, Alan was forced to fly, leaving his castle and estates in the possession of the king; but on the accession of Henry II. he was restored to all his honours and estates, for his faithful adherence to the fortunes of the family.

In the beginning of the reign of king John, a royal council was assembled in Shrewsbury for the purpose of devising means to put a stop to the continual and harrassing incursions of the Welsh. Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powis, offered terms of reconciliation, but, without any apparent cause, he was detained a prisoner.—The Welsh shortly after attempted to recover their liberties; on this occasion John assembled a large army at Oswestry, and released Gwenwynwyn and several other Welsh chieftains, who immediately repaired to his standard with all the forces they could muster. Llewellin ap Jorwerth, who then governed Wales, was obliged to retire before this powerful army of the British monarch, and delivered hostages to answer for the rectitude of his conduct. But Llewellin, fired with the idea of rescuing his countrymen from the yoke of foreign government, once more broke the truce which had been concluded.

When intelligence of this event reached John, his heart was so steeled against the feelings of humanity that he ordered the immediate execution of the hostages, 28 in number, and chiefly children allied to the first families in Wales—a deed which renders his name worthy to be recorded on the same page, in the annals of cruelty, with that of Nero. Nottingham was the place in which this tragical drama was acted, and from thence John marched with his army for the purpose of chastising the Welsh; but fear and distrust took possession of his mind, and learning that the Pope had dissolved the allegiance of his subjects, he dismissed his army on a sudden and returned to London. Llewellin soon after suddenly appeared before Shrewsbury, which he now entered without opposition; nor did a long period elapse before the Welsh took ample vengeance for the cruelties committed on their countrymen. An insurrection having broke out in England, in consequence of the unpopular ministry of Peter de Roche bishop of Winchester, in the 17th of Henry III. many of the barons joined Llewellin, and having united their forces, laid waste the Marches, and entering Shrewsbury, after having plundered and burnt the town, in which were considerable riches, they put many of the inhabitants to the sword. Notwithstanding peace was established between the contending monarchs, the national jealousies and deep rooted hatred of the two nations were the fruitful source of perpetual conflicts, to repress which, Henry marched with his array to Shrewsbury, where, in 1269, peace was again restored, through the mediation of the Pope’s legate; and the town and castle of Shrewsbury were placed under the care of Edward, the king’s eldest son, afterwards the celebrated Edward I.

On the death of his father, Edward succeeded to the throne, and determined to exert every effort which his power and talents afforded, to obtain what had long been the object of his ambition, the entire conquest of Wales. Soon after Easter, 1277, Edward left London to regulate the measures of the ensuing campaign; and that the administration of justice might not be delayed, by the absence of the king and the length of the war, he removed the Court of Exchequer and the Court of King’s Bench to Shrewsbury.

In the general accommodation made with the vanquished followers of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, in 1264, Llewellin ap Gryffydd was included; but he saw that a blow was meditating by the English king, which though suspended for a time, would be the more severe, and fall with greater weight on his country. Llewellin thought it prudent to secure the support of the adherents of the house of Montfort, of whom many yet remained in England by solemnizing his marriage with the daughter of the late earl. He therefore demanded the young lady from the French king, to whose court on the demise of her father she had retired, but on her passage to Wales she was taken by some of the English vessels and detained at the court of Edward. Llewellin demanded the fulfilment of a treaty made between Henry III. and himself and the release of his bride from Edward, while the latter required Llewellin to appear and do homage for his kingdom, which he refused to perform unless hostages were delivered for the safety of his person. This was the ostensible cause of the war undertaken by Edward, and the pretext for attempting an entire conquest of the principality. Edward cautiously avoided putting to the test the well known valour of a nation inflamed with a just sense of their wrongs and proud of their ancient independence.—Llewellin unable to face an enemy pressing on by slow, cautious, and decisive operations, returned to the mountains of Snowdon, and Edward not choosing to enter the recesses of that difficult country, calmly awaited the result of his policy. The prospect of a famine seconded his prudential schemes, and Llewellin had no better alternative than to implore the clemency of the English monarch. Little generosity or pity was to be expected in the terms granted by Edward, and accordingly Llewellin agreed to pay 5000 marks as a fine; to do homage for his crown; to relinquish all the country between Chester and the river Conway; and to deliver hostages for his future submission.

On his return to London, Edward was attended by the Welsh prince and a numerous retinue of chieftains, for the purpose of swearing fealty to their conqueror. During their stay they were continual subjects of derision to the populace, who treated them as savages and laughed at their foreign garb and unusual appearance. To a people proud and irascible, and who, though vanquished, were still alive to injury and insult—to a sense of their own valour, and to the fond idea of their native independence, this treatment could not be pleasing. They therefore, privately entered into an agreement to revolt on the first opportunity; resolving to die in their own country as freemen, rather than come any more as vassals into England, to be the sport of a haughty and contemptuous nation. Accordingly they flew to arms. Edward, surprised to find himself again attacked by the Welsh prince, determined to crush effectually the rebellious spirit of the Welsh, and advanced from Shrewsbury with a considerable army. The progress of the king was at first slow, in consequence of several advantages gained over him by Llewellin, but the latter being at length surprised near Builth, in Brecknockshire, he was defeated, and together with 2000 of his soldiers, slain. Gratitude could pay no tribute to his memory so expressive, as the tears which his country shed upon the tomb of their prince, who, after many efforts to preserve the freedom of the land which gave him birth, fell in the conflict, and found an honorable grave in its ruins.

David who had previously forgotten the feuds which disturbed the peace of his family and country, assumed, on the death of his brother, the sovereignty of North Wales; but after various unsuccessful struggles, he was basely betrayed into the hands of Edward, who confined him in Rhuddlan castle, and soon after sent him in chains to Shrewsbury.

Edward now (1283) summoned a parliament to meet at Shrewsbury, for “consulting what course to take with David prince of Wales,” whence, in a few days it was removed to Acton Burnell. David, whilst at the English Court had been made a baron of the realm, and it was in consequence determined to proceed against him as a subject of the crown. His judges, deaf to the claims of humanity and justice, and influenced, no doubt, by their desire to gratify the implacable and vindictive spirit of their master, condemned him to die as a traitor. For this act of revenge, new tortures were invented.—He was sentenced to be drawn at a horse’s tail through the town—to be hanged—his heart and bowels to be burnt—his head to be cut off, and exposed at the tower of London, and his body quartered and hung up in different parts of the kingdom. On the death of this prince, the Welsh every where submitted to the victorious arms of the conqueror.

The tragical and cruel death of David closed the only sovereignty which remained of the ancient British empire: an empire which through various changes of fortune, had opposed the disciplined legions of imperial Rome; and for more than eight hundred years, had valiantly withstood the most strenuous efforts of their Saxon and Norman invaders.

The conquest of Wales by the English monarch was of great importance to Shrewsbury, the inhabitants of which had now time for breathing, after having been for nearly 800 years in the scene of continual warfare.

Edward II. visited Shrewsbury in 1322, on his march to subdue the barons who had justly banished the Spencers and was met by the burgesses in armour, who escorted him into the town. About this period, John, one of the sons of the famous Roger Mortimer, earl of March, was slain in a tournament held here. In 1326, Edmund Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel, who had been a faithful adherent of the weak and unfortunate Edward, was apprehended in the neighbourhood of this place by the partizans of the abandoned Queen and her paramour Roger Mortimer.

Richard II. who appears to have been particularly attached to the inhabitants of these marches, summoned a parliament to assemble at Shrewsbury in 1397, and which is called by Speed the “great parliament,” in consequence of the extraordinary number of peers who assembled here. The king was sumptuously entertained, and the parliament too much devoted to his interests, passed several very oppressive acts. One of the articles of accusation on which he was afterwards deposed, charges him with “procuring the many oppressive acts passed in the parliament of Shrewsbury, and with intimidating the judges and other persons whom he caused to come before him there.”

In the following reign the Welsh made another attempt to recover their freedom under the celebrated Owen Glyndwr. Twice were Henry and his generals obliged to retire from their meditated attack of Owen without bringing him to any action, and his rebellion assumed a more serious appearance from the support which he received from the earls of Northumberland and Worcester, and the earl of Douglas, who were disgusted with the treatment which they had received from Henry. At the commencement of the war, Northumberland was suddenly taken ill at Berwick—Hotspur his son accordingly took the command of the troops, amounting to about 12,000 chosen men, and marched towards Shrewsbury to unite his forces with those of the Welsh chieftain. The king aware of the importance of every moment, also hurried to Shrewsbury, and interposed himself between Hotspur and Glyndwr. This moment saved his crown; and the prudence of the one leader and the impetuosity of the other induced them to hasten a general engagement.

Previous to the engagement, Henry sent Thomas Presbury, abbot of Shrewsbury, with offers of pardon to Percy’s army if they would disperse, but this message being misrepresented to Percy by the earl of Worcester, the former sent a manifesto into the royal army in which he renounced his allegiance to Henry and enumerated at length various grievances and indignities of which he conceived the nation in common with his own family had to complain. This manifesto tended to inflame the passions of both parties; and the ability of the respective commanders, the valour of the soldiers and their equality in point of numbers, gave reason to expect a dreadful and doubtful contest. The battle was fought at Oldfield or Bullfield, now Battlefield, about 3 miles north of Shrewsbury, on St. Magdalene’s eve, July 22, 1403. The onset commenced near Berwick with a terrible discharge of arrows from both lines. The Scots rushed with impetuous fury upon the front of the royal army, which began to give way, but the king arriving with reinforcements they again rallied and recovered their ground. Henry exposed his person in the thickest of the fight and combated with an ardour worthy the crown he was defending. His valiant son whose military achievements in France were afterwards so renowned and whose wild youthful excesses are so beautifully pourtrayed by our great dramatic bard, here performed his noviciate in arms, signalized himself on his father’s footsteps, and regained his good opinion. The gallant Percy supported that brilliant fame he had acquired in so many bloody engagements, and Douglas,

Whose high deeds,
Whose hot incursions, and great name in arms
Holds from all soldiers chief majority,

the ancient enemy of Percy but now his friend, still appeared his rival amidst the horror and confusion of the day. This nobleman performed feats of valour which are almost incredible. He seemed determined that the king of England should that day fall by his arm: and as Henry either to elude the attacks of the enemy on his person, or to encourage his own men by the belief of his presence every where, had accoutred several captains in the royal garb; the sword of Douglas rendered this proud distinction fatal to many. Having dispatched sir Walter Blount, the king’s standard bearer, he assailed Henry with such fury that it was with difficulty he escaped to another part of the field. But while the armies were contending in this furious manner, the death of Percy by an unknown hand, decided the fate of the day and the royalists prevailed. On this memorable day, which is immortalized by the genius of Shakspeare, it is supposed that 7000 men were slain. A great number of persons of distinction were killed on both aides, and the earls of Douglas and Worcester, taken prisoners; the latter was after beheaded at Shrewsbury.

This battle, which fixed the house of Lancaster on the throne during three reigns, is among those of the first importance recorded in ancient English history, and may be named as the first of those conflicts between the white and red roses, which some years after deluged the nation with some of its best blood, and filled it with intestine ravages and divisions.

Owen Glyndwr had the mortification to be obliged to remain inactive at the head of his troops at Oswestry, from whence he retired on hearing of Percy’s defeat: and although he afterwards attempted, he was unable to regain the independence of his native country.—He died in Herefordshire in 1414. Henry returned thanks to heaven for this brilliant victory, and founded the collegiate church at Battlefield on the spot where it is probable most of the slain were buried.

During the fatal quarrel between the houses of York and Lancaster, which is computed to have cost the lives of eighty princes of the blood, and to have almost entirely annihilated the ancient nobility of England, Shrewsbury remained steadily attached to the Yorkists, and previous to the battle of St. Albans, Richard Plantagenet, duke of York wrote to his “right worshipful friends the bailiffs, burgesses and commoners of the good town of Shrewsbury,” requesting assistance in his enterprise for the recovery of his throne. After his defeat and death at Wakefield, his son Edward, earl of March, appeared in Shrewsbury, entreating a supply of men to revenge his father’s death. With an army of 23,000 men chiefly raised in this neighbourhood, he obtained a decisive victory at Mortimer’s Cross in Herefordshire, from whence advancing rapidly to London he was shortly afterwards proclaimed king. Edward, duly sensible of the strength and inviolable attachment of Shrewsbury to his cause, committed the care of his queen to its inhabitants, and during her residence here she twice lay in at the convent of the Black Friars, and was delivered of Richard and George Plantagenet, the former of whom was murdered in the Tower through the cruelty of his uncle Richard III. and the latter died young.

In 1484, Henry Stafford, duke of Buckingham, having entered into a conspiracy for the purpose of depriving Richard of a throne which he had acquired by such manifold injustice, and his endeavours being frustrated, fled to the house of one Bannister, at Shinewood, near Wenlock, in order to concealment, but notwithstanding Bannister was indebted to the duke for the property he enjoyed, unable to withstand the temptation of so large a reward as £1000, basely betrayed him to John Mitton, esq. then sheriff of the county, who conducted him to Shrewsbury, where Richard shortly after arrived, and feasted his eyes with the execution of his enemy.

The crimes of Richard were so horrid and so shocking to humanity that the natural sentiments of men, without any political or public views, were sufficient to render his government unstable; and every person of probity and honour, earnest to prevent the sceptre from being any longer polluted by the bloody and faithless hand which held it, at length united in favour of the earl of Richmond. This nobleman set sail from Harfleur, in France, on the 7th of August, 1484, and landed at Milford Haven, in Pembrokeshire, without opposition, with about 2000 followers. He directed his course to that part of the kingdom in hopes that the Welsh, who regarded him as their countryman, and who had been already prepossessed in favour of his cause by means of the late duke of Buckingham, would join his standard. Richard, not knowing where to expect his antagonist, took post at Nottingham, and purposed to fly on the first alarm to the place exposed to danger. He had appointed sir Rice ap Thomas and sir Walter Herbert to defend the coasts of Wales; but the former joined Richmond, and the latter made scarcely any resistance. The earl advanced towards Shrewsbury, which was the only convenient place at which he could cross the Severn, but very unexpectedly found the gates shut against him; and on his demanding entrance by his herald, he was refused, “the head bailey, Maister Myttoon, being a stoute wyse gentilman,” saying, “that he knew no kynge, but only kynge Richard, whose lyffetenants he and hys fellows were; and before he should entir there, he should go over hys belly, meaninge thereby, that he would be slayne to the ground, and that he protested vehementlye on the othe he had tacken; but on better advice, Maister Myttoon permitted the kynge to pass; but to save his othe, the sayd Myttoon lay alonge the grounde, and his belly upwardes, and soe the sayd erle stepped over hym and saved hys othe.” Previous to his reaching Shrewsbury his army scarcely deserved that name, from their wretched appearance and small numbers; but being joined by sir Gilbert Talbot with 2000 of the tenants of his nephew, the earl of Shrewsbury, together with several gentlemen of rank, his cause began to wear a favourable aspect, and marching on with his army, now amounting to about 6000 men Richmond gained the brilliant and decisive victory of Bosworth; Richard perishing by a fate too mild and honourable for his multiplied and detestable enormities.

It is supposed by some that that plague, the sweating sickness, which broke out here in 1485, originated among Henry’s foreign levies; it afterwards infested the kingdom at different periods for 60 years: and, according to Mr. Pennant, Shrewsbury particularly felt its ravages, 1000 nearly dying per day at one period.

Henry was not unmindful of the reception he met with here, and, when quietly seated on the throne, several times visited the town, particularly in 1495, when he was sumptuously entertained in the castle by the corporation.

Nothing worthy of note in the history occurs from this period until the struggle between the Parliament and Charles I.; the former for their privileges and the rights of the people, and the latter for arbitrary power as a despotic monarch. Charles, determined to try the force of arms, erected the royal standard at Nottingham, the open signal of discord and civil war throughout the kingdom. Whilst many of the large towns and corporate bodies took part with the parliament, a great proportion of the nobility and gentry sided with the king; the latter was the case with the Salopians. Not meeting with the support which he expected in the vicinity of Nottingham, Charles after a little hesitation pursued his march to Shrewsbury “in regard of the strong and pleasant situation of it, one side being defended by the Severn, the other having secure passage into Wales;” having received information that the place was entirely devoted to him.

At Wellington the king passed one night, and on the following morning made a rendezvous of all his forces on the plain beneath the Wrekin. His orders having been read at the head of each regiment, he placed himself in the midst of his army, and that he might bind himself by reciprocal ties, he solemnly made the following declaration in their presence; “I do promise, in the presence of Almighty God, and as I hope for his blessing and protection, that I will, to the utmost of my power, defend and maintain the true reformed protestant religion, established in the church of England, and by the grace of God, in the same will live and die. I desire that the laws may ever be the measure of my government, and that the liberty and property of the subject may be preserved by them with the same care as my own just rights. And if it please God by his blessing on this army raised for my necessary defence to preserve me from the present rebellion, I do solemnly and faithfully promise in the sight of God, to maintain the just privileges and freedom of parliament, and to govern to the utmost of my power, by the known statutes and customs of the kingdom, and particularly to observe inviolably the laws to which I have given my consent this parliament. Mean while, if this emergency and the great necessity to which I am driven, beget any violation of law, I hope it shall be imputed by God and man to the authors of this war; not to me, who have so earnestly laboured to preserve the peace of the kingdom. When I willingly fail in these particulars, I shall expect no aid or relief from man, nor any protection from above; but in this resolution I hope for the cheerful assistance of all good men, and am confident of the blessing of Heaven.” Had Charles previously acted up to this declaration, he would not now have been placed in such a critical situation.

Although the tyrannical proceedings of the king had induced many of the Salopians to look upon his cause in an unfavourable light, yet his mild and amiable behaviour won on the inhabitants generally, so much so that a considerable number enrolled themselves as volunteers in his service. In order to give efficiency to his troops and maintain his cause, a mint was established here for the purpose of coining the plate which had been presented to him by various public bodies and private individuals; but at such a low ebb were the mechanic arts at this period, that scarcely £1000 per week could be coined.

However despicable the royal army appeared when it marched from Nottingham, its improvement was rapid on its arrival in Shrewsbury, so that in about twenty days it mustered 12000 men, chiefly persons of considerable property, from the neighbouring parts. But they were exceedingly ill equipped, for says Clarendon; “In the whole body not a pikeman had a corselet, and very few musketeers had swords.”—Add to this, that there was not a single tent, and very few waggons attached to the whole train. With this ill accoutred but high spirited body, Charles took his leave of Shrewsbury, on the 12th of October, 1642.

On the departure of the king, a garrison was left in town, of which Lord Capel was appointed governor, and a fort was erected on an eminence above Frankwell, to secure that quarter from attack. Capel was severally succeeded by Sir Fulke Hunkes (a relative of the celebrated Baxter, the non-conformist,) Sir Richard Otteley, and Sir Michael Earnley. This gentleman was in a very declining state of health, in consequence of which many disorders crept in among the garrison, and gave the commanders of the parliamentary forces in the neighbourhood, opportunity to attempt the conquest of so important a post. After two unsuccessful attempts by Colonels Mitton, and Langhorne, two enterprising officers, they at length attained the object of their wishes. Having arrived before the town with fifteen hundred picked men of the garrisons of Wem and Oswestry, they contrived to convey eight carpenters up the river, who were landed within a breast work on the east side of the castle hill, and notwithstanding they were fired on by the centinels, they continued to cut down a sufficient quantity of palisadoes to enable the troops to enter. After storming a rampart beneath the Council House, a large body of troops entered by St. Mary’s Water-Lane, where the guard, having been intoxicated or bribed, made no resistance. Having opened the north gate, the horse immediately marched in, commanded by Cols. Mitton and Bowyer.—The consternation of the inhabitants may be easily imagined. The preceding night they had retired to rest, confident in their supposed security, but by daylight in the morning they were in the hands of their enemies; and, notwithstanding the humane exertions of Col. Mitton, the soldiery were not to be restrained from plundering the peaceably disposed of their private property. The first intimation which the governor received of the surprise of the town, was the entrance of some of his enemies into his chamber, where he fell covered with wounds, repeatedly refusing quarter, being determined not to outlive the disgrace of the day. The English part of the garrison were suffered to march to Ludlow, but the Irish were left to the discretion of Col. Mitton. The fort at Frankwell bravely held out till night, but finding resistance useless, at length surrendered at discretion. A number of prisoners of rank were taken, besides 15 pieces of cannon, a large stand of arms, and the whole of prince Maurice’s magazine. Nor did the plate and valuable effects of many of the surrounding gentry, placed in the castle for security, during the turbulence of the times, meet a better fate: the whole of it to a vast amount, falling into the hands of the victors. For this important achievement, Colonel Mitton received the thanks of Parliament. The fall of Shrewsbury was a death blow to Charles’s expectations in this quarter; for besides its being the key to North Wales, it caused the dissolution of a formidable confederacy between the counties of Salop, Worcester, Chester and Flint, then on the eve of assembling to defend the falling fortunes of their king.

After the battle of Worcester, so fatal to the royal cause, a commission was sent to Chester by the Parliament, to try the Earl of Derby, and other gentlemen on charges of treason and rebellion; or in other words, for having borne arms in defence of Charles. One of these was Colonel John Benbow, who, in the beginning of the contest, had united with the parliamentary army, and distinguished himself at the surprise of Shrewsbury. Afterwards, disgusted with the violent proceedings against the king, and perceiving that the object of the leaders of his party was private aggrandizement, and not the welfare of their country, he left them and repaired to the royal standard. This was a crime which could not be pardoned; he was therefore condemned to death. That his punishment might be rendered most bitter, the sentence was pronounced by Colonel Mackworth, once his friend and fellow soldier; and it was ordered to be executed at his native town of Shrewsbury, that a terrible impression might be made on the inhabitants of that loyal place. He was shot on the green before the castle, October 15, 1651, and suffered with great intrepidity. This respectable officer was uncle to the celebrated admiral Benbow.

An unsuccessful attempt was made to surprise the castle, in order to favour the restoration of Charles the second, in 1654, but it ended merely in plunging the king’s friends still deeper in misery and ruin: among the most active in this enterprise was Sir Thomas Harris, who suffered most severely for his well intended zeal. After Cromwell’s death, and the restoration of the long parliament, upon Sir George Booth’s rising in Cheshire for the king, the venerable Sir Thomas Middleton, then 80 years of age, proclaimed him at Wrexham, which so much encouraged the royalists of Shropshire and Denbighshire, that they immediately sent a party to seize Shrewsbury, but though the friends of monarchy were very numerous in it, Captain Edmund Waringe of Oldbury, the governor, prevented their design, and secured the place for the parliament. In 1683, when the nation was thrown into a ferment, by the discovery of the Rye House Plot, this town was one of those which the conspirators, presuming on its general disaffection to the government of Charles the second, proposed to have seized. Such at least was the deposition of the infamous Colonel Romsey, a wretch on whose head lies the blood of the virtuous and patriotic Russel—who adds, in his narrative, that there were in the castle 38 barrels of powder, 138 pounds in the barrel, with arms for 300 men and great guns. “The castle,” he, observes, “is strong by situation, and lies so conveniently, that either from the north or west, or Midland, or Wales, the rebellious party might easily resort thither.”

The last royal visit paid to this town was by the bigotted James the second, who passed the 25th of August, 1687, here, and kept his court at the Council House. The sentiments of loyal attachment, for which Shrewsbury has ever been conspicuous, burst forth on this occasion, with chivalrous enthusiasm.—They blazed in bonfires and illuminations, and literally ran through the streets in torrents of wine, the public conduits being charged with this royal liquid.

Having brought down the general history of Shrewsbury to a late date, we shall now proceed to view its local character. There is no doubt that its Trade was formerly very considerable, and though its importance in this respect may have been eclipsed by the more eligible situation of numerous other places for the manufacture of various articles, it has never ceased to enjoy a considerable share of internal commerce. Heylyn speaks of it as “a fair and goodly town, well traded and frequented by all sorts of people, both Welsh and English, by reason of the trade of cloth, and other Merchandise; it being the common mart or emptory between Wales and England,” and Mr. Pennant, who wrote his account of Shrewsbury above 40 years ago, gives the following account of its trade in Welsh woollens: “From very early days this place possessed almost exclusively the trade with Wales in a coarse kind of woollen cloth called Welsh webs, which were brought from Merioneth and Montgomeryshires to a market held here weekly on Thursday. They were afterwards dressed, that is, the wool raised on one side, by a set of people called Shearmen. At the time of Queen Elizabeth, the trade was so great, that not fewer than 600 persons maintained themselves by this occupation. The cloth was sent chiefly to America to clothe the negroes, or to Flanders; where it is used by the peasants. At present the greatest part of this traffic is diverted into other channels, and not more than 4 or 5000 yards are brought to the ancient mart.” This market is now entirely done away, through an unfortunate disagreement between the manufacturers of these articles and the drapers of Shrewsbury, and the market is now held at Welsh Pool every other Thursday. The mode of raising the wool on one side, described by Mr. Pennant, being found to be injurious to the texture of the cloth, the number of shearman has considerable declined, insomuch that there are only a few in the town at this time. Beside, its trade in Welsh flannels and webs, a brewery appears to have been established here in 1618; and in the reign of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth it was famous for its glove and shoe manufactory.

Nor is the trade carried on in Shrewsbury at this period inconsiderable—being the capital of a large and populous county, its vicinity to the principality of Wales, and the facility with which articles of every description are forwarded either by land or water carriage, render it an extensive mart for the disposal of goods. Here are two very large linen factories, besides manufactories for starch, soap, flannels, cotton goods, an extensive iron and brass foundry, two ale and porter breweries, a spirit distillery, &c. which will be noticed under their proper heads, as well as various mechanical trades which are common to all other large towns, and which contribute in no small degree to the accumulation of wealth, to the enjoyment of the conveniences of life, and to the power of benevolent actions by the inhabitants.Shrewsbury is also famed for its excellent brawn and a kind of sweet flat cake, whose good qualities are celebrated by the elegant pen of Shenstone,

“For here each season do those cakes abide,
Whose honoured names the inventive city own,
Rend’ring thro’ Britain’s isle, Salopia’s praises known.”

With the increase of trade and riches we must also connect that of its population and its consequent extension of buildings. In the reign of Edward the Confessor there were only 252 houses here, and the earliest calculation of the number of inhabitants on record is in 1695; the town then contained 7383 persons—in 1750, there were 8141 inhabitants and 1884 houses. In the years 1801, 1811, and 1821, enumerations were made, agreeable to orders of the House of Commons, and which are here subjoined:

1801.

1811.

1821.

Inhabit.

Houses.

Inhabit.

Houses.

Inhabit.

Houses.

13,479.

2,861.

15,542.

3,024.

18,242.

3,463.

From these statements it appears that an increase of 2063 persons took place in the first 10 years, and 2700 in the second, but it should be observed that as each parish extends more or less into the surrounding country, it is probable that the town does not contain more than 16,000 inhabitants.

Although much remains to be done in order to put Shrewsbury on an equality, with respect to elegance and convenience, with many other places not its superiors in size, wealth, or situation, numerous praise-worthy improvements have taken place during the last 60 years. Previous to that period there was but one Inn (the Raven) of any extent for the accommodation of strangers, no stage coach; neither cart nor waggon was employed for the conveyance of goods, packhorses being only in use; and such persons as had occasion to travel were obliged to perform their journies on horseback, postchaises being unknown.—At length about 1761 the first stage coach made its appearance in Shrewsbury, and since that period by the indefatigable perseverance of the late Mr. Robert Lawrence, of the Lion Inn, in completing the communications and bettering the roads: a noble and substantial Guildhall, two beautiful stone bridges over the river Severn, together with two new and elegant churches, and a great number of charitable and benevolent erections have given additional beauty to this interesting and venerable town. Its suburbs have been materially enlarged and improved, many obstructions in the principal streets removed, and the facilities for travelling have been astonishingly increased.

The government and police of Shrewsbury have the next claim on our attention. It is a corporation by prescription, and charters have been granted to it by almost every king of England since William the Norman. The first regular charter was granted by Henry I.; this was confirmed by John, who in addition empowered the burgesses to chuse two proepositi of bailiffs removeable only on bad behaviour; but it was not until Edward III. that the bailiffs were constituted magistrates and authorised to hold a session for the trial of causes. The institution of aldermen is supposed have taken place in the 12th of Richard II. for “about the year 1390, the earl of Arundel being commissioned by the king to end certain disputes among the Burgesses, awarded that for the good government of the town for the future, the commonalty should elect out of themselves twelve of the most sufficient persons who should continue in their office for two years from the feast of St. Giles.”

By the charter of Charles I. granted in 1638, the corporation was new modelled changing the offices of bailiffs into that of a mayor, recorder, steward, town clerk, 24 aldermen, 48 assistants or common councilmen, two chamberlains, a sword bearer, serjeants at mace, &c. &c.; and that the mayor, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, recorder, steward, 3 senior aldermen, and the alderman who last served the office of mayor, should act as Justices within the town and liberties of Shrewsbury. In this form it now exists. The right of electing the corporate officers is vested in the common council by whom the mayor is chosen annually on the Friday after St. Bartholomew. The general session is held quarterly by the justices of the peace for the borough; and the mayor or some of the aldermen and justices attend the Exchequer every Tuesday to transact public business. A court of requests, for the recovery of debts under the value of forty shillings, is held in the town hall every other Wednesday. The number of its commissioners is about 30, the eligibility for election to which office consists in residence in the town and the possession of freehold property of the value of £30 per annum, or a personal estate of £600 value clear of all deductions.

Notwithstanding the corporation is empowered to enact laws for the most effectual administration of the police of the town, this branch of internal government is in a very disorganized state; yet the many useful regulations which have been established, and the strict and impartial manner in which they are enforced, reflect the greatest credit on the magistrates and conduce to the peaceable demeanour of the inhabitants and the order and respectability of the town. But the most impartial observer will see that much remains to be done for the prevention of immorality; and though it is impossible that the most enlightened, active and persevering magistracy, aided by the continued exertions of the inhabitants can prevent individual delinquency, something may yet be achieved for the preservation of public morals, some plan devised which may foster the sparks of pure and proper feeling as an antidote to that national dereliction of manners in which Shrewsbury in common with most other large towns participates too much.

In addition to the Corporation here are sixteen chartered companies, consisting of various trades, to exercise any of which, within the liberties, no person is admitted who has not either served a legal apprenticeship or paid a sum of money, entitled, “a foreigner’s fine”, which is of various amount in the several fraternities.—An ancient ceremony, called the Show, used by these, deserves to be recorded, as perhaps, (with the exception of Coventry) it is the only one of the kind now existing in the kingdom. On the second Monday after Trinity Sunday the various companies assemble in front of the castle, with their wardens, flags, devices, &c. &c., each having at their head some person gaudily dressed; some in representation perhaps of the monarchs who granted their respective charters, whilst others display devices and insignia emblematical of the trades which they practise. The procession being arranged, moves over the Welsh bridge to a piece of ground, on the west side the river, and adjoining the town, called Kingsland, where each company has its arbour, in which is a cold dinner provided for the entertainment of the mayor and corporation, who visit the various arbours with their attendants, decorated in all “the pomp and circumstance” of office. After spending the evening in festivity and mirth, the several companies retire from Kingsland, much invigorated with the essence of barley corn, and return into town over the English bridge.

This ancient pageant is now fast approaching its dissolution. During the few last years, the master tradesmen have entirely ceased to walk in procession to the ancient spot, and the ceremony is now continued only by the apprentices of the chartered companies most numerous in the town. The custom originated in the celebration of the feast of Corpus Christi, one of the most splendid feasts of the Romish Church. After the reformation, the religious part of the ceremony was discontinued, but one day was still set apart for the express purpose of idleness, jollity and merriment.

The first return of Members of Parliament to represent the town of Shrewsbury appears to have been in the 26th of Edward the first. The right of election is vested in the resident burgesses, paying scot and lot, and not receiving alms: the mayor being the returning officer. The burgesses who polled at the contested election, in 1819, were 688 in number.—The freedom of Shrewsbury (with respect to voting) is acquired by serving seven years apprenticeship to a burgess residing within the liberties, or by birth within the liberties on paying the sum of £7 4s. 0d.; every male child of a burgess, who may be born after his father has been sworn in, can claim his burgesship on the payment of £1 6s., whether born in the town or not. Honorary freedoms may be also given by the body corporate. The members who represent the town of Shrewsbury in the British Parliament, are two in number.

Considered as a place of residence, Shrewsbury has the advantage of a salubrious air and mild temperature. At a short distance from the town in a N.E. aspect, a very accurate observer found the mercury in the thermometer down at 8° in January 1814.—By observations on the variations of the thermometer for one year, the same gentleman found that the mean temperature of the same year was 46°, and that the variations, during the course of the year amounted to 77°, varying from 8° to 83°. In South Carolina, the annual variation has extended to 83°. The winter of this year, it may be recollected, was much colder and the summer hotter than is common at Shrewsbury, and yet the highest degree to which the mercury rose was 85°. In the East Indies, the mercury is frequently at 104°. From accurate observation it appeared, that the medium of the daily variations was nearly regular in its increase till June, and from the close of that month till the end of December was again almost uniformly diminishing. The medium of the daily variations was no more than 6°, whereas in some places they reach 30°. From these statements it appears that we are free from those sudden changes of the atmosphere which generally very much affect, and often prove fatal to, the human frame.

That this is a fact may be inferred from the similar temperature of Shrewsbury with that of Sidmouth, in Devonshire, one of the most healthy places perhaps in this kingdom: In the year 1814, the mean temperature was 47°, only one degree above that of Shrewsbury. This observation is also supported by the tables published by Dr. Price, on Reversionary Payments, in which he proves, from the Bills of Mortality that out of 1000 persons born, there were alive

Age

London.

Northampton.

France.

Vaud,
Switzerland.

Shrewsbury.

18

334

459

621

618

555

54

125

218

406

367

326

85

7

13

36

17

41

The relative degrees of vitality are thus shewn in a more perspicuous manner than by any other method and from the above table it is evident that the temperature of Shrewsbury is in most instances nearly equal, and in some superior, to the warm climates of France and Switzerland, and extremely favourable to longevity.

The elevation of the town, together with the purity of its atmosphere and the excellence of its water, renders its situation extremely salubrious. Contagious diseases are very rare. The scarlet fever, measles, hooping cough, &c. are usually very mild. The residents in the immediate vicinity of the Severn are most liable to illness, and in these cases the inflammatory symptoms generally run high. Many parts of the town and its environs may justly be recommended as eligible residences for invalids, who visit Shrewsbury from Ireland, Wales, and various parts of the United Kingdom, to avail themselves of the able medical assistance which the town affords.

Shrewsbury is built on two hills, of easy ascent, which for the most part gently slope to the river Severn; by this stream the ground on which the town stands is formed into a peninsula, the castle being judiciously placed on the isthmus, and thus commanding the entrances to the town.

Like most ether places not of Roman origin, its streets are extremely irregular; nor had its buildings, until within these few years, any claim to superiority, the ancient houses being chiefly built with projections into the public streets—an inconvenience very properly remedied by the elegance of modern erections. Its suburbs have of late years very much increased, and, in conjunction with this, many excellent improvements have been made in removing obstructions from the entrances to the town: but, notwithstanding the natural advantages it possesses, the bad state of its pavement and the filthy picture continually presented by its streets, is a source of poignant regret.

The plain of Shropshire, in which the town is situated, is of considerable extent, divided by the Severn into two unequal portions, and though flat, when compared with the surrounding hills, of a very varied surface. Its greatest length from N. to S. is about 30 miles, comprehending the space between Whitchurch and Church Stretton; its breadth from Oswestry to Coalbrookdale, is about 28 miles. Shrewsbury, when viewed from any of its adjacent eminences, presents a beautiful and interesting scene, and the eye of the spectator is led to survey the most extensive amphitheatre of mountains which perhaps the island can boast. The Wrekin is connected by the gentle hills of Acton Burnel and Frodesley, (over which the gigantic summit of Brown Clee is conspicuous,) with the Lawley and Coredock, generally called the Stretton Hills, from whence the Longmynd, Stiperstones, and Long Mountain, from an uninterrupted chain, with the bold and precipitous cliffs of the Kefn y Castyr, Moel y Golfa, and Breyddin, surmounted by an obelisk in honour of the late gallant Lord Rodney; thence the horizon is bounded by the stupendous Berwin range, losing their blue summits in the clouds; while the northern view is terminated by the humbler but beautiful eminences of Grinshill, Pymhill, Hawkstone, Haughmond, &c., round to the Wrekin. The whole of this vast circle incloses a finely wooded and beautifully diversified champaign country, of gentle hill and dale, studded with numerous gentlemen’s seats—watered with various streams—eminently fertile in arable, meadow, and pasture; and amply justifying the eulogium of an ancient British poet, who, after gazing, as he tells us, on the plain of Shropshire, from the height of Charlton Hill, calls it the paradise of Cymru. [33] The glittering rays of the Sun gilding the lofty spires of the town—the bold and ancient appearance of its ivy-mantled castle—the lovely pleasure and garden grounds which nearly surround it and gently slope from the mouldering ruins of its once warlike walls to the majestic Severn, which, fringed with lofty tufts of trees of various foliages, “proudly rolls its crystal stream along;” altogether form one of the most picturesque and enchanting prospects any where to be met with. Added to this, the well known salubrity of its air, and the many agreeable promenades which on every side of the town present themselves; and the compiler thinks he will not be esteemed too vain in asserting, that his native town is not surpassed, (though, for aught he knows, it may be equalled,) in point of situation, wholesomeness, and picturesque scenery, by any place of equal size in Great Britain.

The general character and manners of the inhabitants of Shrewsbury, as they assume no characteristic sufficient to distinguish them from those of other towns similarly circumstanced and situated, will not long detain the attention of the visitor. He will not often be disgusted with the petty assumptions of office clothed with a “little brief authority,” nor will he be displeased in perceiving, in a large majority of the inhabitants, a considerable portion of civility, hospitality, social intercourse, and liberality of opinion; and if great refinement of manners do not characterise them in the aggregate, the stranger will have employed his leisure to little advantage, who does not soon discover in the town a very extensive share of that frankness, benevolence, and warmth which is a prominent feature in the old-British character. Numbers in the different ranks of society are to be met with whose lives are adorned with the honours due to industry, integrity and virtue; and if we add the munificence with which the various public charities are supported by Salopians in general—who

— Learn the luxury of doing good,

in the diffusion of a part of these superfluities with which a benignant Providence has crowned their labours, the writer thinks he is not saying too much when he observes that benevolence is strongly marked in the general portrait. The different churches and chapels are, on the whole, well attended; and in few towns of equal size is there a more decent and orderly observance of the Sabbath. It is, however, to be regretted that many of its residents are destitute of that urbanity and politeness which should ever be displayed to strangers; but it is probable this circumstances to be attributed chiefly to the pride of nobility and ancestry, which looks down with half averted eyes on supposed inferiority; and to the want of an enlarged commixture with mankind, producing a generosity of disposition, and moderation of principle which are the natural results of extensive commercial pursuits.

Difference of opinion on the actions of public men,—on the measures pursued by persons holding the first political situations in the state, and on religious subjects; are compatible with the purest loyalty and most fervent patriotism, and will be readily acknowledged by those who possess any share of liberality add reflection.

To the infinite credit of Shrewsbury, its population has not been led to the perpetration of any of those acts of violence and atrocity which have disgraced other places, and which are caused by the difference of religious opinion, of the political effervescence of the times in which such outrages may have taken place. This observation, however, is not intended to impute to the inhabitants any thing like a state of passive obedience or wilful ignorance—far otherwise. This judicious conduct by which the welfare and good order of the town have been so essentially promoted, is perhaps rather attributable to the candour and prudence of the leaders of the various political parties, or to the virtue of mutual forbearance happily exercised by the inhabitants at large.

On subjects, however connected with the safety and prosperity of the British Empire, and the welfare of the illustrious house of Brunswick, Shrewsbury has ever been among the foremost in displaying its patriotic spirit and affectionate attachment. The loyalty of the inhabitants has long been pre-eminent, so much so, that it is celebrated by the elegant pen of Shenstone.

Admir’d Salopia, that with venial pride
Eyes her bright form in Severn’s ambient wave;
Fam’d for her cares in loyal perils try’d,
Her Daughters lovely and her Striplings brave.

As early as the year 1715, this town displayed its consequence and attachment to the present royal family in a very spirited manner. A considerable body of horse and foot was raised by Lord Newport, Sir C. Lloyd, Bart., W. Kynaston, T. Gardner, and J. Fownes, Esquires, for the protection of Shrewsbury; the walls were put in a state of defence, new gates, &c. made, and brigadier Dormer’s regiment, then lying in this town, received orders to march to Preston, Shrewsbury being deemed secure from the strength of its own garrison. In 1745, also, the earl of Powis raised a regiment here, for the service of the state, into which many gentlemen of the town and neighbourhood entered as volunteers. During the war with the French republic two regiments were raised in Shrewsbury, one by colonel Cuyler, (the present 86th) and the other by colonel, now general Williams, and the inhabitants contributed very liberally towards the crusade against French revolutionary principles.

The maturer efforts of Shrewsbury have not been unworthy the zeal of its youth. When the tocsin of invasion was sounded through the vast dominions of France, and the existence of Britain as an independent nation, was threatened with extinction, the inhabitants of Shrewsbury stepped forward with a noble enthusiasm, in defence of their lives, their liberty and, laws:

Types of a race, who shall th’ invader scorn
As rocks resist the billows round their shore:
Types of a race who shall to time unborn
Their country leave unconquer’d as of yore.

A regiment of foot, called the Shrewsbury Volunteers, was formed. It consisted of seven companies of eighty men each, chiefly tradesmen, clothed at an expence of about £3,000, raised by voluntary contribution in the town. Besides this corps, which was commanded by Sir Charles Oakley, Bart., two companies were raised in the town by B. Benyon, and J. Sutton, esq.’s which were attached to that fine regiment the Shropshire Volunteers, under the command of colonel Kynaston Powell, M.P.; and three troops of Cavalry commanded by the honourable William Hill. And had an allwise Providence permitted the invader to set his unhallowed foot on the shores of Britain, there is no doubt but each individual was determined that the spot on which he contended in defence of the noble institutions of his country should have been the throne of his triumph or his grave.

The promptitude with which these associations and others of the same nature throughout the empire, united in the hour of public danger—the fatigues they underwent in acquiring a knowledge of the use of arms—the readiness evinced in the abandonment of their private concerns for the public safety—and the inconveniences and expenses which they incurred on the occasion, surely demanded some other reward than to have their ardour damped by the change in the system of national defence; for to whom in the hour of battle could the protection of their homes and their families, the independence of their country, the sepulchres of their fathers, and the sanctuary of their God, be better entrusted than to those whose courage was animated and strengthened by the most endearing recollections? But such sacrifices, even when the necessity of them was superseded, will not be forgotten—the remembrance of them will live in the minds of their grateful and admiring countrymen, and their services will form a splendid, monument on the page of history.

Nor have the inhabitants been insensible to the miseries attendant on those whose relatives have fallen sacrifices to the heroism and devotion which they displayed during the sanguinary battles of the last twenty years, having very largely contributed to alleviate the wants of their widows and orphans.

The affection and loyalty of the inhabitants of Shrewsbury to their venerable Sovereign was most conspicuously displayed on the National Jubilee, the 25th of October, 1809, the fiftieth anniversary of his Majesty’s accession to the crown. On this occasion, liberal subscriptions were entered into for the purpose of discharging the debts of persons in the court of conscience—for relieving the distresses of the sick poor, &c. &c. Joy beamed in every countenance, and gratitude filled every heart. A congratulatory address had been previously voted unanimously, in a general meeting of the inhabitants convened by the mayor.—We give the following abridged account of the celebration of the day from the Shrewsbury Chronicle of October 27:—

Never, perhaps, has any national occurrence taken place which can afford in retrospect so rich and amiable a gratification as that of Wednesday last. If we contemplate that a general amnesty was proclaimed to all delinquents in our army—that a national banquet was ordered for the brave fellows in our navy—that the prisons in many places were thrown open to the debtors—that there was no such thing, perhaps in the land, as an hungry honest man—and, lastly, that our places of worship were thronged by a people, who, like sons and daughters, had assembled to give thanks to the Almighty for the preservation of the life of their political parent: scarcely could the imagination conceive a happier variety of circumstances from which the mind may derive such sublime enjoyment. How conspicuous on this event has been the attribute of Englishmen—Generosity! And let us also reflect, how much good had been omitted to be done, and how much evil had been produced, if the sums voluntarily subscribed by the people of this kingdom had been squandered in acts of sensuality, and riotous illuminations. Instead of which, the hungry have been filled, the moneyless relieved, and the captive set free.In deeds of this description, the inhabitants of THIS TOWN have never been deficient. The subscriptions amount to between £400 and £500, and the committee has been indefatigable in proposing, and in executing, the best plans in the distribution of it.

The mode of distribution, fixed upon at a Meeting of the Subscribers, is as follows:—A sum not exceeding 50 Guineas to be applied in the discharge of persons now in the court of conscience, under the direction of a committee.—The like sum to be applied by the same committee in discharging or compounding debts of other poor persons within the town.—A like sum to be applied in the relief of poor sick persons within the town, under the direction of a committee.—The distribution of these sums to take place on or before the 25th of December next.—The Directors of the House of Industry to be recommended to make what addition they shall think proper, on the 25th instant, to the ordinary allowance of the poor and aged people under their care.—Five Guineas to be given to the ringers; and 7s. to each housekeeper in St. Chad’s, St. Mary’s, and St. Giles’s almshouses.—The remainder given on Tuesday evening (the 24th) to proper persons—one half to St. Chad’s parish, and the remaining half in the other four parishes.—Each subscriber to have a right to recommend two persons for each guinea subscribed.

The dawning of Wednesday morning was saluted by ringing of bells; while, from the barges on the Severn, decorated with laurels and flags, which were suspended from their yard-arms and top-masts, the bellowing of cannon was incessantly heard. Shops were closed, and business seemed suspended. At eleven, the mayor and corporation, preceded by their officers, and the wardens and many members of every company of tradesmen, accompanied by their flags and streamers, walked in procession to the church of St. Chad, the band playing God save the King. The sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr. Nunn, from the 11th Nehemiah, 3d verse, “Let the king live for ever;” and the service concluded by singing “God save the King.” Sermons were also delivered to crowded congregations at every place of worship in the town. The doors of many of the principal in habitants were ornamented with laurel; at night, fire-works were exhibited from the gardens of Benyon, Esq. and Dr. Evans, and bonfires distinctly descried on the remote eminences of the Wrekin, Haughmond Hill, Grinshill, &c.

We shall conclude by repeating the sentiment, that the future historian, dwelling upon the character of his Majesty, will, by this day, be released from the trouble of much prolixity. The character of George the Third has been drawn by his people in this spontaneous expression of their sentiments. After a reign of half a century, they rose with one accordant voice, and desired with prayer and praise, with thanks and rejoicings, with deeds of benevolence and charity to all their fellow subjects, to express their gratitude to God for having given them so good a King, and for having spared his life so long.

One remark will surely occur to every person who reads this and other accounts of the universal spirit that has pervaded the bosoms of Englishmen on this occasion:—If the strength of a state center in the virtue of its people; the virtue of a people in affection for their sovereign, and a reciprocal love, link both together, then is England powerful indeed! ‘What shall subdue this spirit?’

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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