A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3

FOOTNOTES:

[1] "The expression 'human marriage' will probably be regarded by most people as an improper tautology. But, as we shall see, marriage, in the natural-history sense of the term, does not belong exclusively to our own species. No more fundamental difference between man and other animals should be implied in sociological than in biological and psychological terminology. Arbitrary classifications do science much injury."—Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 6. In like spirit, Hellwald entitles his book Die menschliche Familie.

[2] A brief and clear account of some of the more important works is given by BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des europÄischen Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 4 ff., 384 ff. Compare the criticisms of Spencer, Starcke, and Westermarck contained throughout their respective treatises.

[3] For a proof of the efficiency with which the "statistical method" may be applied to anthropological and sociological questions, see the paper of Dr. Tylor, "On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, Applied to Laws of Marriage and Descent," Journal of the Anthropolog. Institute, Feb., 1889, 245-69. Cf. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 1-7; Starcke, Primitive Family, 1-16; BernhÖft, op. cit., 1-4.

[4] See the suggestive paper of Winsor, "The Perils of Historical Narrative," Atlantic Monthly (Sept., 1890), LXVI, 289-97.

[5] BernhÖft, op. cit., 1-4, has noted the danger of inference, especially from written laws, where there has been a mixture of races and institutions: "Denn die Rechtsinstitute sind eben nicht aus einem einheitlichen Prinzip erwachsen, sondern aus einem Kompromiss verschiedener Prinzipien entstanden, welche sich gegenseitig einschrÄnken und durchbrechen."

[6] It is a merit of Westermarck's book that he has "put particular stress upon psychological causes which have often been deplorably overlooked."—Op. cit., 5. Cf. also Starcke, op. cit., 4.

[7] "Yet nothing has been more fatal to the Science of Society than the habit of inferring, without sufficient reasons, from the prevalence of a custom or institution among some savage peoples, that this custom, this institution, is a relic of a stage of development that the whole human race once went through."—Westermarck, op. cit., 2. Cf. Post, Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des Familienrechts, 1-3, 58.

[8] Marquardt, Das Privatleben der RÖmer, I, 1. The theory is also held by Bluntschli, Theory of the State, 182-89; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 391-95; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 113; MÜller, Handbuch der klass. Alterthumswissenschaft, IV, 18-20; Gilbert, Handbuch der griech. StaatsalterthÜmer, II, 302; Maine, Village Communities, 15 ff.; Ancient Law, 118 ff.; Early Law and Custom, chap. iii; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 111 ff.; Grote, History of Greece, I, 561; ThÜmser, Die griech. StaatsalterthÜmer, 28 ff.

[9] Plato, Laws, Book III, 680, 681: Jowett, Dialogues, IV, 209; Aristotle, Politics, Book I, 2 ff.: Jowett, I, 2 ff. These are followed by Cicero, De Officiis, I, 17.

[10] "They (the Cyclops) have neither assemblies for consultation nor themistes, but everyone exercises jurisdiction over his wives and his children, and they pay no regard to one another."—Odyssey, Book IX, 106 ff., as rendered by Maine, Ancient Law, 120. Cf. Odyssey, Book VI, 5 ff.; Bryant's Trans., I, 144, 215, 216. On the themistes, as inspired commands of the hero-king, handed down to him from Zeus by Themis, see Maine, chap. i; and on the import of the passage in Homer compare ibid., 120, with Freeman, Comparative Politics, 379 n. 20, and Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 3, 4.

[11] Ancient Law, 118.

[12] Clients, servants, and even those admitted to the hearth as guests, by observance of the proper rites, were regarded as members of the family group and sharers in the sacra. Hearn, Aryan Household, 73, 107 f.; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 150; Maine, op. cit., 156 ff., 185 ff. (sacra).

[13] For the Roman patria potestas see Poste, Gaius, 61 ff.; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 57-102; Sohm, Institutes, 120 ff., 356 ff., 385-95; BernhÖft, RÖmische KÖnigszeit, 175 ff.; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 384 ff.; Morey, Outlines of Roman Law, 23, 24; Scheurl, Institutionen, 271, 272; Kuntze, Excurse, 570 ff.; Maine, Ancient Law, 123 ff., 130 ff., 227, 228; Hadley, Roman Law, 119 ff.; Clark, Early Roman Law, 25; Muirhead, Hist. Int. to the Private Law of Rome, 27 ff., 118, 222; Lange, RÖmische AlterthÜmer, I, 112 ff.; Grupen, Uxore romana, 19 ff., 37 ff.; Bader, La femme romaine, 75 ff.; Tardieu, Puissance paternelle, 5 ff.; Bourdin, Condition de la mÈre, 9 ff. On the power of the father to expose female infants during the early empire see Capes, Age of the Antonines, 19 f.

[14] Maine, Ancient Law, 122, and chap. vi.

[15] On the Roman agnation see Poste, Gaius, 113 ff.; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 64 ff.; Sohm, Institutes, 124, 355 ff.; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 17 ff.; Moyle, Institutiones, I, 155, 156; Morey, op. cit., 6, 34; Kuntze, Excurse, 435-37 (Agnationsverband); Lange, RÖmische AlterthÜmer, I, 211 ff.; Muirhead, Hist. Int. to the Private Law of Rome, 43 ff., 122 ff.; Hadley, Roman Law, 130 ff.; Maine, op. cit., 56, 141 ff.

[16] Maine, op. cit., 142.

[17] Ibid., 144.

[18] Ibid., 141.

[19] Ibid., 141 ff., 145 ff.

[20] Ibid., 118 ff., passim.

[21] Ibid., 123, 124, 128. See the table of comparative groups in Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 394. For the Ionic groups cf. SchÖmann, Antiquities, 317, 364; Athenian Constitution, 3-10; Wachsmuth, Hist. Ant., I, 342 f.; MÜller, Handbuch, IV, 17-22; Grote, Hist. of Greece, III, 52, 53. In general, cf. Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 141 ff.; Hearn, Aryan Household, 63 ff., 112 ff., passim; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte and Alt-arisches Jus Gentium.

[22] For Freeman's well-known theory of political expansion see Comparative Politics, chap. iii.

[23] Maine, Ancient Law, 125 ff., 26. On the new mode of adoption in India see Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 88 ff.; Lyall, Asiatic Studies, chap. vii; Fortnightly Review, Jan., 1877; Jolly, Hindu Law of Partition, 144-66. On the formation of non-genealogical clans see Hearn, Aryan Household, 296 ff. Cf. Post's discussion of "KÜnstliche Verwandtschaft" in Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des Familienrechts, 25-42: Kohler, ZVR., V, 415-40.

[24] Maine, Early Law and Custom, chaps. iii, iv, viii. For ancestor-worship see especially Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 9-52; Hearn, Aryan Household, 15 ff., 45, 46, 59, 60; Taylor, Primitive Culture, II ("Animism"); Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 55, 438; Lyall, Asiatic Studies, chap. ii; Duruy, History of Rome, I, 206; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 413; Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 24, 25, passim, who holds against Schrader, Sprachvergleichung (2d ed.), 613-15, that ancestor-worship arose before the separation of the Aryan races. Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 49-51, and Hearn regard the religious tie as of more importance than the blood-bond in the formation of the gentile groups, Aryan Household, 66; and Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 11 ff., also makes the formation of the first recognized groups of relationship depend on the sacra. Cf. Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 409-17, for animism; and for additional references, a subsequent note.

[25] Early Hist. of Institutions, 64 ff., 115 ff., 217 ff., 306-41; Village Communities, 15, 16, passim; Early Law and Custom, chaps. iii, iv, and especially chaps. vii, viii, where adverse criticism is considered. Cf. McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 1-23, for a collation of the more important passages of Maine's writings.

[26] "The rudiments of the social state, so far as they are known to us at all, are known through testimony of three sorts—accounts by contemporary observers of civilization less advanced than their own, the records which particular races have preserved concerning their primitive history, and ancient law." Of these three sources of information, Maine regards ancient law as the best. He fails entirely to appreciate the true importance of the first source, from which, obviously, are derived most of the data of recent ethnical, anthropological, and sociological investigation, including much that Maine himself has presented. Cf. the criticisms by Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 713, 714; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 6 ff.; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 29, 30.

[27] Primitive Family, 94, 95.

[28] Principles of Sociology, I, 713-37.

[29] Ibid., 716, 717, 540-53.

[30] See below, chap. iv. Mr. Spencer also points out that Maine does not take into account "stages in human progress earlier than the pastoral or agricultural."—Op. cit., I, 724 ff.

[31] The Patriarchal Theory, edited and completed by Donald McLennan (London, 1885).

[32] Ancient Law, 118-20, 123.

[33] The marriage of Jacob with Laban's daughters is the case in point. In "beena" marriage—the name given to the institution in Ceylon—"the young husband leaves the family of his birth and passes into the family of his wife, and to that he belongs as long as the marriage subsists. The children born to him belong, not to him, but to the family of their mother. Living with, he works for, the family of his wife; and he commonly gains his footing in it by service. His marriage involves usually a change of village; nearly always (where the tribal system is in force) a change of tribe—so that, as used to happen in New Zealand, he may be bound even to take part in war against those of his father's house; but always a change of family. The man leaves father and mother as completely as, with the patriarchal family prevailing, a bride would do; and he leaves them to live with his wife and her family. That this accords with the passage in Genesis will not be disputed." Patriarchal Theory, 42, 43. Nevertheless, in this case McLennan is certainly mistaken. We have here to do with that form of wife-purchase called "marriage by service;" see Lichtschein, Die Ehe, 10, 11; the argument of Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 239-44; and Friedrichs, Familienstufen und Eheformen, ZVR., X, 207, 208. "Beena" marriage existed, however, among other Semitic peoples and possibly also among the Hebrews: Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 108, 175-78, 146. It is found also in Africa and in many other places: Wake, op. cit., 149, 299-301; McLennan, op. cit., 43; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 109, 389-90; Tylor, On a Method of Investigating Institutions, 246 ff.; Starcke, op. cit., 78; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 255, 266.

[34] On the Hebrew family see Patriarchal Theory, 35-50, 132, 133, 243-47, 273, 274 note, 289, 306, 307, 315, passim.

[35] Filmer's Patriarchia, or the Natural Power of Kings appeared in 1680; Locke's Two Treatises on Government, in 1690. Both works are reprinted in the ninth number of Morley's Universal Library.

[36] See Patriarchal Theory, 36 ff., 243 ff., 273 note, where a summary of Locke's argument, with additional evidence against the existence of agnation and patria potestas and in favor of an original maternal system among the Hebrews, will be found.

[37] Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage; Wilken, Das Matriarchat bei den alten Arabern, a work suggested by Smith's "Animal Worship and Animal Tribes," Journal of Philology, IX, 75-100. These writers have found among these Semitic tribes the system of kinship through the mother in actual use, with traces of polyandry, exogamy, and the totem gens; and Wilken believes that he finds evidences of early promiscuity. See especially Kohler, Ueber das vorislamitische Recht der Araber, ZVR., VIII, 238-61; and Friedrichs, Das Eherecht des Islam, ibid., VII, 240-84, especially 255 ff., who shows that the Mohammedan house-father exercises great authority over his wife, yet she has her own property and receives a dower. At present, relationship in Arabia is generally counted in the male line; and therefore, Westermarck, Human Marriage, 102, note 4, regards the conclusion of Smith that originally the system of female kinship exclusively prevailed as "a mere hypothesis."

[38] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 244.

[39] According to Ewald the ancient Hebrew father might "sell his child to relieve his own distress, or offer it to a creditor as a pledge."—The Antiquities of Israel (London, 1876), 190; Westermarck, op. cit., 228; and the Levitical law prescribes death as the penalty for striking a parent (Leviticus 20:9; Exodus 21:15, 17); but the penalty could only be administered through appeal to the whole community, Westermarck, op. cit., 228. Cf. Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, I, 444, who shows that the mother, as well as the father, might sometimes choose wives for the sons; while McLennan and Locke prove that the position of the mother in Israel was higher than is consistent with Roman patriarchalism.

[40] Human Marriage, 97-104, notes. Cf. Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 371-73; Kohler, ibid., VI, 403 (Korea); VII, 373 (Papuas).

[41] Compare Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 267 ff., 362 ff., 382, 396 ff.; especially Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 209-12; and Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 3, 28, 118, who believes the so-called "mixed systems" are merely a consistent union of two entirely different principles—the principle of relationship with the principle of power or protection.

[42] Starcke, op. cit., 26, 27 (Australia), 30 (America), 58 ff., 101 ff. Compare the criticism of Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 456 ff.; and on the development of the patriarchal family, see Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 505-54.

[43] Westermarck, op. cit., 224-35, gives an enumeration. Noteworthy examples of patriarchal power are afforded by the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, and by the modern Chinese and Japanese. On the Nahua and Maya natives see Bancroft, Native Races, II, 247-53, 663-68. Cf. Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 54, 55; also ibid., VI, 374 (Chinese), 333, 334; VII, 373 (Papuas).

[44] Op. cit., 225.

[45] Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht; McLennan, Studies, I, 121 ff., 195 ff.; idem, Patriarchal Theory, 50 ff., 71 ff., 96 ff., 120 ff., 250 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 8, 13, passim; Giraud-Teulon, Les orignes du mariage, 130 ff., 286 ff., 329 ff.; idem, La mÈre chez certaines peuples de l'antiquitÉ; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 153, 154. Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 393 ff., holds that the primitive Aryans must necessarily have recognized relationship through the mother. For the literature of this subject see the next chapter.

[46] DelbrÜck, "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen," Preussiche JahrbÜcher, XCVI, 14-27, a clear summary of the results of recent research. Cf. his Die Indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen (Leipzig, 1889). According to Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 453-80, especially 459, 460, patriarchalism was fully established at the earliest dawn of Indic history; but there are nevertheless traces of earlier mother-right.

[47] Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte (2d ed.), 536 ff.; Jevons's Translation, 369 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 51-58. Max MÜller declares that "whether in unknown times the Aryas ever passed through that metrocratic stage in which the children and all family property belong to the mother, and fathers have no recognized position whatever in the family, we can neither assert nor deny."—Biographies of Words, xvii.

[48] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 359 ff., especially 382, where a thorough and detailed criticism of McLennan's theory is given.

[49] BernhÖft, "Die Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 418, 419, 437 ff. See also his RÖmische KÖnigszeit, 202 ff.; and his articles in ZVR., VIII, 11; IV., 227 ff.; and compare Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 91-94, 108. Starcke, op. cit., 101-18, also gives a searching examination of the theory of McLennan and the earlier views of Dargun, rejecting their conclusions.

[50] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 108.

[51] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 13. Cf. the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 95, 117 ff., passim.

[52] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 41, 42, 4 ff., 28, 29-42, 118, passim.

[53] Dargun, op. cit., 41.

[54] Ibid., 3 ff., 28, 36, 86 ff., 155, passim. As remarked in the text, the whole work is concerned with the thesis in question. The distinction is also made in the Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 18.

[55] See Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 86-116, for his criticism of the linguistic argument.

[56] Ibid., 91, 92. Cf. a similar protest against conclusions as to the primitive Aryans derived from Greek and Roman sources, ibid., 116; and Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 14.

[57] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 69, denies that women have ever attained political headship; but (113, 114) declares, though the researches of the philologists make it probable that the Aryans lived under the rule of house-fathers, that neither this fact nor any other circumstance tells against the view that mother-right coexisted from antiquity; while, in a still more remote period, this may have implied matriarchal power in the family; but of such a matriarchate no proofs are presented.

[58] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 64. This work is continued in the Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, the two books really constituting a single treatise. Compare the more conservative view of Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung der Frau, 4 ff., 20-22, and Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff., who, however, denies the existence of an authority on the part of the Hindu husband equal to that of the Roman pater.

[59] BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 12, 15, who also regards the view of Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 8, 13, as extreme. Cf. his "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 416, n. 39. Kohler favors the patriarchal system and agnation for the Indic peoples, in ZVR., VII, 201, 210, 216; X, 85. Hearn, Aryan Household, chaps. iii-vi, passim, takes practically the same view as Maine regarding the patriarchal theory, rejecting entirely for the Aryans the matriarchal hypothesis.

[60] The rita-conception is well expressed by Dr. Botsford: "This mankind learned from the revolution of sun and stars, from the succession of the seasons, from the unchanging movements of nature. The conception thus gained was transferred to human modes of activity. The sexes in marriage were subject to the naturalis ratio, as well as the continuance of the race through successive generations. The relation of parents to children with their reciprocal obligations and privileges—the protection and support which the father, as the stronger, offered, the kind care of the mother for her infants, the reverence and affection with which the children requited their services, the love of youth and maiden, leading to marriage—all these rested, in the rita period, on the one foundation of natural law."—Athenian Constitution, 29, 30.

[61] The discussion of the two general phases of rita and dharma, with their transitional stages, constitutes one of the most valuable parts of Leist's contribution to comparative jurisprudence: Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 3, 111 ff., 132, 133, 174 ff., 606; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 175-285. Cf. Botsford, op. cit., 24, 25, 26 ff., for an excellent account; on the Roman stages see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, 14-23; and for the Greek themis and the themistes of the hero-kings consult Maine, Ancient Law, chap. i.

[62] For a definition of dharma see BernhÖft, "Ueber die Grundlagen der Rechtsentwicklung bei den indogermanischen VÖlkern," ZVR., II, 266 ff., 261 ff.

[63] Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 122 ff., 125-33.

[64] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 10 ff., 21 ff., 25 ff., divides the rita period into two stages: that of the "primitive Aryan household," and that of the "early Ayran household," and thinks that the latter stage is represented by the house-communities of the southern Slavs; but this may be doubted. Dr. Botsford favors the existence of agnation and the absolute power of the father in the rita period; and believes that the liberal tendencies, presently to be pointed out, are a development of the dharma period, beginning before the separation (24-26). On agnation and the power of the early Aryan house-fathers see Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 386 ff.; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 319 ff., 326 ff.; DelbrÜck, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 382, 586-88, 543, 544; Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung, etc., 4 ff., 20-22; Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff.

[65] Leist, op. cit., 80.

[66] On ancestor-worship, in connection with the literature already cited, p. 13, note 4, see Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 121 ff.; Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59-118; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 318; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, I, 202 ff., II, 64 f., 75, 76, 108, 126 f., 255 ff., 369; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 408 ff.; "Studien Über kÜnstliche Verwandtschaft," ibid., V, 423-25; also for the Papuas, ibid., VII, 373. For the influence of ancestor-worship among the Slavs see Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 33 ff.; among the American aborigines, Peet, "Ethnographic Religions and Ancestor-Worship," Am. Antiquarian, XV, 230-45, and "Personal Divinities and Culture Heroes," ibid., 348-72.

[67] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 10-14, 275 ff., 282, 284, 294, criticises Maine's theory of adoption. Kohler's investigations show that adoption, artificial brotherhood, milk-kinship, and like institutions have widely prevailed and rendered important service. Adoption, he holds, may arise in different motives; sometimes being due to sexual communism, when it is a means of assigning the children to particular fathers; but very generally arising in the desire for descendants to perpetuate the family-worship: "Studien Über die kÜnstliche Verwandtschaft," ZVR., V, 415-40; see also for much important matter his various other writings in ZVR., III, 408-24, 393 ff. (India); VI, 190 (Chins), 345 (Indian Archipelago), 377-79 (China), 403 (Korea); VII, 218 ff. (Punjab); VIII, 100 (Rajputs), 109-12 (Dekkan), 243, 244 (Arabia). See also Post, Familienrecht, 25-42, for an interesting account; also Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 60 ff., 77, 99-207; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 103 ff., 115, 606; Tornauw, "Das Erbrecht nach den Verordnungen des Islams," ZVR., V, 151; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 237-45; Starcke, Primitive Family, 146, 233; Huc, Chinese Empire, II, 226.

[68] Leist, op. cit., 103, 115, 504 ff. On the position of the house-mother cf. Hearn, Aryan Household, 86-91.

[69] Leist, op. cit., 122, 123, 126 ff., successfully combats the theory of Kohler ("Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 394), who declares that it is a cardinal principle of Indo-Germanic legal evolution that "die Vaterschaft beruht auf dem Rechte des Mannes am Weibe, kraft dessen dem Hausvater das Kind des Weibes zukomme, ebenso wie dem EigenthÜmer des Feldes die Frucht." The same view is expressed by Kohler in Krit. Vjschr, N. F., IV, 17, 18; and in "Vorislamitisches Recht," ZVR., VIII, 242. Cf. Unger, Die Ehe, 11, 77; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 95 ff., 99, 158.

[70] Although the married son possessed a hearth and was a free member of the gens, "his house did not become fully independent in religious and property matters till the death of the father and the final division of the property."—Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 27, and the sources there cited. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 124.

[71] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, chaps. xvi, xvii; Leist, op. cit., 124, 504 ff.

[72] Leist, op. cit., 496-508; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 424 ff.

[73] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96. Lack of space prevents any attempt at a detailed discussion of the old Aryan or Indic family and matrimonial law; a general reference must suffice: Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59 ff., 496 ff.; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 57 ff., passim; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 379-95; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 305-36; Jolly, Rechtliche Stellung, 1 ff.; idem, Hindu Law of Partition, 70 ff.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 342-442; and his various articles, ibid., VI, 344-46 (Indian Archipelago and Caroline Islands); VII, 201-39 (Punjab); VIII, 89-147, 262-73 (Indian customary law); IX, 323-36 (Bengal); X, 66-134 (Bombay); XI, 163-74 (Indian North-west Provinces); Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 2-67 (excellent); Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 159 ff., 355 ff., index; BernhÖft, "Altindisches Familienorganisation," ZVR., IX, 1-45; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 50 ff., 96 ff., especially the chapters on "sonship among the Hindoos," 266-339, combating the view of Maine, Early Law and Custom, 78-121, 232 ff.; Early Hist. of Inst., 116-18, 310 ff.; and Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 50 ff., 60 ff., passim; Starcke, Primitive Family, 100 ff.; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, index; Hearn, Aryan Household; Unger, Die Ehe, 21-27; Bader, La femme dans l'Inde antique, 39 ff.; Jacolliot, La femme dans l'Inde, 7 ff.

[74] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 50; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 59 ff. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 230, justly observes that the power of the father among the Greeks, Germans, and Celts, "to expose his children when they were very young and to sell his marriageable daughters, does not imply the possession of a sovereignty like that which the Roman house-father exercised over his descendants at all ages."

[75] Leist, op. cit., 60, and 59 ff., for his discussion of the Aryan custom of exposing new-born children.

[76] Botsford, op. cit., 51; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 118, 120, notes; Plutarch, Solon, 13.

[77] Botsford, op. cit., 52; Leist, op. cit., 57, 58, 64, 11 ff.

[78] Ibid., 57-102.

[79] In the post-Homeric age agnation did not exist; see Botsford, op. cit., 73. In general on the Greek family see Hruza, EhebegrÜndung nach attischem Rechte, 8 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 121-23, especially the essay on "Kinship in Ancient Greece," ibid., 195-246 (favoring the maternal system); Botsford, op. cit., chaps. i, ii, iii, supporting the patriarchal theory; but Dr. Botsford's patriarchal family is not that of Sir Henry Maine; Lasaulx, Zur Gesch. u. Philos. der Ehe bei den Griechen, 3 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 2, 3, 14; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 286-301; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 24 ff., 355 ff., 366 ff., who criticises McLennan's view in detail for the Aryan peoples; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 35, 36; BernhÖft, "Das Gesetz von Gortyn," ZVR., VI, 281-304, 430-40; and his "Ehe- und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit," ibid., XI, 326-64, both articles being of great value; Kohler, "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht," ibid., V, 407-14, who proves the existence of "judicial" fatherhood; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 232, 233; Unger, Die Ehe, 52-65; Bader, La femme grecque, I, 41 ff.; II, 1 ff. See also Hearn, Aryan Household, and Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, for much valuable matter.

[80] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 120-31; Studies, I, 68 ff., 118; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 329-32; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 31, 32; Maine, Early Hist. of Inst., 216 ff., passim.

[81] The South Slavonian house community is an early institution; see Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 2 ff., 64-128; Botsford, op. cit., 12-21; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 340, 341; McLennan, op. cit., 71-119; Maine, Ancient Law, 118; Early Law and Custom, 232-82. But it is not primitive. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, chaps. i, ii, finds many survivals, as he believes, of an earlier maternal system of kinship and succession.

[82] The question for the Germans will be again referred to; see chap. vi, below.

[83] Gaius, I, 55, Poste, 61.

[84] Such is the view of McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 136-40, 181 ff., 205 ff., 214, 260-62, where Maine's theory of agnation is criticised.

[85] "The last vestiges of the two disappeared from the law together. But, in fact, agnation went first. The paternal powers were susceptible of abridgment and restriction in various ways short of extinction. The wife might become free from them; the children also; and yet they might remain for the slaves. And it was thus gradually that they perished. But agnation is perfect, or it ceases to be agnation. And the moment the ties of blood through women received civil effects agnation was no more."—Patriarchal Theory, 182. On the decay of agnation and patria potestas see Sohm, Institutes, 357, 358, 389-93, 438-47; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 18, 384 ff., 431 ff., 457 ff.; Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 422 ff., 343-49; Maine, Ancient Law, chap. v; Morey, Roman Law, 78, 129, 150, 240-43, 248.

[86] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 190.

[87] Ibid., 194, 195.

[88] Ibid., 204-14. Cf. Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 43.

[89] Plutarch, Roman Questions, VI, tells us that "in early times the prohibition of marriage extended as far as the tie of blood; and, if this be received, it involves—since the gentiles considered themselves to be of the same blood—that there could not be marriage between persons of the same gens."—McLennan, op. cit., 206, 207.

[90] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96, also denies (against Marquardt, Privatleben, I, 22, 29) that the distinctive feature of the Roman family is dependent on the patriarchal authority, since the elements of agnation and paternal power are Aryan. BernhÖft, "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten rÖm. Recht," ZVR., IV, 234, holds that Roman agnation does not depend upon blood-relationship, but upon power; and this was an Aryan characteristic; idem, RÖm. KÖnigszeit, 69 ff., 94, 201. McLennan's hypothesis is plausible, though not strongly supported by proof. Cf. Starcke, Primitive Family, 101; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 384, 385.

[91] Such are the isolated facts comprised in the early annals which seem to imply acknowledged kinship in the female line, even precedence of the latter; the fact that the status of slaves, illegitimate children, and the children of concubines was determined by the condition of the mother; the effects of marriage by usus; the supposed evidences of former wife-capture and wife-purchase, marking the transition to the agnatic system; the instances of wife-lending as by the elder Cato; and especially the plebeian element; for cognation, not agnation, prevailed among the plebeians, and possibly among them kinship was at first counted only through the mother; see Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 9-13, 14; Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 115; BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des europÄischen Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 197-201; "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten rÖm. Recht," ibid., IV, 227 ff.; Staat und Recht der rÖm. KÖnigszeit, 192, 202-7; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 408-26; Sohm, Institutes, 360, 361, notes; Karlowa, Die Formen der rÖm. Ehe, 1 ff.; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 194 ff., 205 ff., 259 ff.

[92] "Die Ehe des rÖmischen Civilrechts (justum matrimonium) war eine formgebundene, durch und durch kÜnstliche Institution."—Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 10. Cf. BernhÖft, Staat und Recht der rÖm. KÖnigszeit, 196 ff.

[93] See, for example, Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4, 5; Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266 ff., who regards Bachofen as the "Altmeister der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz;" and Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 146 ff., passim. Cf. Kautsky, in Kosmos, XII, 348.

[94] DelbrÜck, "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen," in Preussische JahrbÜcher, XCVII, 15, characterizes the work as "fantastic," though resting upon "einer Äusserst ausgebreiteten Gelehrsamkeit." Dr. Starcke's criticism is too severe: "We should rather call his 'Mutterrecht' the rhapsody of a well-informed poet than the work of a calm and clear-sighted man of science."—Primitive Family, 243. For the best analysis of Bachofen, see ibid., 241-51. Cf. also BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," in ZVR., VIII, 4, 5; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 98 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 319-25; Giraud-Teulon, La mÈre chez certains peuples de l'antiquitÉ, 6 ff.; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter, 178 ff., 196 ff., 311 ff., passim; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 31, 36-38, 178, 190; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 14 ff., 257, 258; Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 256, 257, 348; Achelis, Die Entwicklung der Ehe, 6 ff.; Posada, ThÉories modernes, 47 ff., 148; Chamberlain, The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought, 12 ff.

[95] The author first discusses the account given by Herodotus and others of Lycian customs, which account, he declares, contains the clearest and most valuable evidence of the existence and character of Mutterrecht (v). Then follows a similar treatment of the evidence derived from Crete, Athens, Lemnos, Egypt, India and central Asia, Orchomenos and the Minyoe, Epizephyrian Locris, Elis, Lesbos, Mantinea, the Cantabrians, and from the Pythagorean system.

[96] Das Mutterrecht, vi, xviii-xix, xxi, passim.

[97] Ibid., vi. "Wie auf die Periode des Mutterrechts die Herrschaft der PaternitÄt folgt, so geht jener eine Zeit des regellosen HetÄrismus voran."—Ibid., xviii. For many illustrations, see the Index at "Aphrodite," "Demeter," and "Apollo," the names of the divinities presiding respectively over the three phases.

[98] "Es kann nicht verkannt werden: die Gynaikokratie hat sich Überall in bewusstem und fortgesetztem Widerstande der Frau, gegen den sie erniedrigenden HetÄrismus hervorgebildet, befestigt, erhalten."—Ibid., xix; cf. xviii, 17-18.

[99] Ibid., 18, passim. Cf. Starcke, 245.

[100] "Das demetrische Prinzip erscheint als die BeeintrÄchtigung eines entgegengesetzten ursprÜnglichern, die Ehe selbst als Verletzung eines Religionsgebots.... Nur aus ihm erlÄutert sich der Gedanke, dass die Ehe eine SÜhne jener Gottheit verlangt, deren Gesetz sie durch Ausschliesslichkeit verletzt. Nicht um in den Armen eines Einzelnen zu verwelken, wird das Weib von der Natur mit allen Reizen, Über welche sie gebietet, ausgestattet; das Gesetz des Stoffes verwirft alle BeschrÄnkung, hasst alle Fesseln, und betrachtet jede Ausschliesslichkeit als VersÜndung an ihrer GÖttlichkeit."—Das Mutterrecht, xix. In general, on the antagonism of Aphrodite to marriage, see ibid., 13, 71, 134, 137, 310, 320, 325.

[101] "Die Prostitution wird selbst eine BÜrgschaft der ehelichen Keuschheit, deren Heilighaltung eine vorausgegangene ErfÜllung des natÜrlichen Berufes von Seite der Frau erfordert."—Ibid., xix.

[102] Ibid., xxiv.

[103] Starcke, Primitive Family, 246. On the Amazon myth see Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, xxiv ff., 85. For many examples of amazonism noticed in the work see Index at "Amazonen;" and compare Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 302-28, who accepts the view of Bachofen and gives an elaborate discussion. According to Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia, 16 ff., there are evidences of amazonism found among the Slavs. Compare Stricker, "Untersuchungen Über die kriegerischen Weiber," Archiv fÜr Anthropologie, V; and his Amazonen in Sage und Geschichte.

[104] Das Mutterrecht, xiii, xiv. See Starcke's fine translation of these passages, op. cit., 243-45.

[105] Das Mutterrecht, 19; cf. Starcke, 245.

[106] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244; Bachofen, xxvii.

[107] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244, 245; Bachofen, xxix.

[108] Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 190, 191, rejects the use of Mutterrecht as being practically of "no significance," preferring Matriarchat (from ???e?? = "to lead") to denote the uterine system of relationship; and Gynaikokratie, "gynocracy" (from ??atei? = "to rule") to express the idea of the domination of women over men. "Gynocracy" is used to express this idea by the Jesuit Lafitau (Moeurs des sauvages, 1724), borrowed from Strabo (Geogr., lib. iii); Peschel, Races of Man, 234; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., 174 ff., passim, rejects the use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht, and adopts the terms "gynocratic" and "androcratic" family; but these designations had already been employed by other writers, e. g., by Ploss, op. cit., II, 393-96. "Metrocracy" also appears: Westermarck, Human Marriage, 98.

But Dargun's use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht to express maternal or paternal kinship, and Matriarchat and Patriarchat to express maternal or paternal power, seems preferable, in order to avoid confusing the two conceptions; see above, chap. i, p. 21. Compare further Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 11, who uses Mutterfolge and Vaterfolge respectively as opposed to Matriarchat and Patriarchat; also Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 122-24, who gives definitions of "marriage" and "family;" and Westermarck, "Le matriarcat," Annales, 115 ff., who shows that in practice writers have used "matriarchate" in three senses.

[109] Les origines du mariage, 302-28.

[110] Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 17; Unger, Die Ehe, 9. See also Gumplowicz, Grundriss der Sociologie, Abschnitt III, who holds that a period of gynocracy preceded the androcratic stage; Barazetti, in ZVR., IX, 304-7. See also Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 13 ff.

[111] Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 343, 344.

[112] Peschel, Races of Man, 233, 234.

[113] Tylor, Method of Investigating Institutions, 252.

[114] Letourneau, in Annales de l'institut international, 155: "Le mot [matriarcat] doit disparaÎtre, parceque la chose n'a jamais existÉ."

[115] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 213 ff. But this author (112 ff., 116) shows that among primitive men the sexes were not fully differentiated; so that women often possessed "amazonian" characteristics.

[116] Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 48, 161 ff., 176 ff., 183. According to Grosse, among the lowest existing races patriarchalism prevails. Examples of women exercising political authority in the clan (Sippe) are exceedingly rare, although such may be found occasionally, as among the Huron and Iroquois, and some other peoples.

[117] Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 328, 329. Cf. Powell, "Wyandot Government," I. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 59-69.

[118] Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 381, 382, though he shows elsewhere that paternal authority may coexist with mother-right: "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 206. Cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., passim, who maintains that the family, androcratic or gynocratic, originates in slavery through rape or purchase. In the gynocratic family the woman is owner and mistress of the man, as the man is lord of the woman in the androcratic family.

[119] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 67-85.

[120] For an example see Powell, op. cit., and his "Wyandotte Society," A. A. A. S., XXIX, 675-88.

[121] For his theory see the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht; and compare chap. i, pp. 20-23, above.

[122] See Post, Ursprung des Rechts, 52-56; Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 94, denying the existence of a period of gynocracy; also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 748; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 216-19; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 131.

[123] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Curr, The Australian Race, I, 60, 62, 69. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 2 ff., insists that Mutterrecht denotes merely exclusive kinship through the mother and is entirely consistent with paternal authority. Cf. Mucke, 173 ff.

[124] Starcke, op. cit., 65; cf. ibid., 229. Fear of the blood-feud through the wife's relatives, as among the Amaxosa, may sometimes act as a check upon the power or brutality of the husband: Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 39, 40.

[125] For example, by Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 70 ff., passim; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, II, 7; BernhÖft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; Engels, Ursprung der Familie, 17; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140; "Intercommunale Ehe," ibid., X, 193; Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, 480, 487 ff.; Ancient Society, 418, 500-502, 384 ff.; Bastian, RechtsverhÄltnisse, xviii, lix; McLennan, Studies, I, 92, 95, passim; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86 ff., 98 ff.; Post, AnfÄnge des Staats- und Rechtsleben, 19; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 16 ff.; Grundlagen des Rechts, 182 ff.; Familienrecht, 54 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 46 ff.; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 7; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and especially Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266, 267; V, 334 ff., and elsewhere throughout his numerous papers.

[126] Thus Giraud-Teulon (op. cit., 70), a zealous advocate of the theory of promiscuity, declares: "Avant d'accepter une semblable hypothÈse, il convient cependant de reconnaitre que l'on n'a pas encore trouvÉ de peuplade vivant actuellement en État de complÈte promiscuitÉ." But, he adds, the facts observed among living tribes "sont en tel nombre, en telle concordance, et confinent de si prÈs À la promiscuitÉ absolue, que ce n'est pas sortir du champ des hypothÈses scientifiquement permises que de supposer dans l'enfance de l'humanitÉ un État de pur communisme." On the lack of positive proof cf. also Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 198 ff.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Morgan, Ancient Society, 500 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 85 ff., 93 ff.; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 662, 664; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 130, 131.

[127] "Communal marriage" is the name introduced by Sir John Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86, 98, 103, 104-9, whose theory is criticised by McLennan, Studies, I, 329 ff. "Gruppen- oder Hordenchen" is the term employed by Post, Familienrecht, 57, 58; Grundlagen des Rechts, 200, 201; AnfÄnge, 10 ff. For the so-called Australian group-marriage see Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 50 ff., 99 ff., 159 ff.; the criticism of Curr, The Australian Race, I, 106-42, which should be compared with Kohler, "Das Recht der Australneger," ZVR., VII, 326 ff., 329 ff., 337 ff.; his Zur Geschichte der Ehe, 64 ff.; Cunow, Australneger; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia; and Crawley, Mystic Rose, 475 ff. In general, on group-marriage see Kulischer, in ZFE., VIII, 140; X, 193; BernhÖft, "Altindisches Familienorganisation," ibid., IX, 5 ff.; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtlichen Ordnung, 19 ff.

[128] On the horde see BernhÖft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 167; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41, 52; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 194, 197, 198; idem, ibid., VIII, 378, 379; Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 193 ff. (the Stamm); Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 4 ff.; Familienrecht, 57, 58; Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 381; Mucke, Horde und Familie; Grosse, Die Formen der Ehe, 59, 62; Frerichs, Zur Naturgeschichte des Menschen, 106, 107; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 121 ff., 153; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and the literature cited below on the Australian class-systems, and on the works of Morgan and Spencer.

[129] Westermarck, op. cit., 52.

[130] For this class of evidence, see Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 1 ff.: Post, Familienrecht, 57, 58; AnfÄnge, 17 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 69 ff., 104 ff.; BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 83 ff.; Morgan, Ancient Society, 500 ff., passim; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 168-80; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 331, 360 ff., 370 ff., 383 ff.; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140, 141; Friedrichs, "Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 370 ff.; Mucke, Horde und Familie, 65, 138 ff., who deny that these customs are evidences of promiscuity; as also does Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 36 ff.; Kohler, "Ueber das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun," ZVR., XI, 419, 422; "Studien Über Frauengemeinschaft," ibid., V, 334 ff.; Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 14, 64 ff., 146; and elsewhere in his various monographs; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 187, 326-29; Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 6 ff.; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, I, 267 ff.; II, 413 ff., who, rejecting the doctrines of evolution and survival, holds to the biblical legend of the "fall of man."

[131] The result of the recent researches of Spencer, Starcke, Westermarck, Letourneau, and others will be discussed in the next chapter.

[132] Read especially the section of BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," 161-221, on "Askese und HetÄrismus," who is criticised by Mucke, Horde und Familie, 122; Guyot, Prostitution, 12 ff.; Mantegazza, GeschlechtsverhÄltnisse des Menschen, 366 ff.; and the detailed and learned monograph of Rosenbaum, Geschichte der Lustseuche im Alterthume (Halle, 1893). An examination of the whole subject is given by Westermarck, Human Marriage, chap. iv.

[133] In this connection are adduced the cases in which courtesans have been held in high esteem, sometimes in higher regard than married women, as in Athens and India: Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 43-45; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 132, 133, 537, 538; Post, Geschlechtsgenoss., 31; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtlichen Ordnung, 244 ff.; BernhÖft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 172-74; Kohler, "Ueber das Negerrecht," ibid., XI, 419; Westermarck, op. cit., 61 ff., 80, 81, who denies the inference of promiscuity from this custom and mentions many low tribes among whom chastity is observed. Cf. Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 374 ff.; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, II, 473, 474, who ascribes the custom to religious impulse—the consecration of virgins to the cult of Aphrodite.

The custom, found among Egyptians, Tibetans, WotjÄken, American Indians, and other peoples, permitting girls freely to prostitute themselves before marriage is similarly put in evidence: Herodotus, II, 121, 124, 125, 126; IV, 176; V, 6; Post, Grundlagen, 187; Geschlechtsgenoss., 29-31; Familienrecht, 346; Buch, Die WotjÄken, 45 ff.; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 335 (WotjÄken); BernhÖft, op. cit., 165, 166; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 52, 53; Unger, Die Ehe, 12, 13; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 220 ff., 343; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 112, 113 (Africa); Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 128 (Brazil and ancient Peru); Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane, II, 386 (Natches Indians); Stevenson, in XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 19, 20 (the Sia); Turner, ibid. XI, 189 (the Innuit).

[134] On the so-called "Probeehen" or "ProbenÄchte," see Buch, Die WotjÄken, 50, 51, 53, 57; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 346, 351, 338, 339; Post, AnfÄnge, 21; DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, 9; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 40; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 261 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 84; and especially Fischer, Ueber die ProbenÄchte der teutschen BauernmÄdchen, who gives a detailed historical investigation from the early Middle Ages onward, with interesting examples. Cf. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 12, 13 (the Kirchgang or Dorfgehen of Switzerland, Baden, and WÜrtemberg).

Among the Todas, after a marriage is arranged, the bride has a proof-time of a night and a day. On the "expiry of this brief honeymoon," the damsel is required to make up her mind "either to accept or reject her suitor."—Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 212.

[135] Strabo, II, 515; Lubbock, op. cit., 131; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 3; Post, Geschlechtsgenoss., 29, 43 ff; AnfÄnge, 21; especially Hellwald's chapter entitled "Zeitehen und wilde Ehen," Die mensch. Familie, 438 ff.; and Kulischer, "Communale Zeitehen," Archiv fÜr Anthropologie, XI, 228 ff.; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 105 (proof and temporary marriages among American Indians); II, 114 (same in Africa); Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 78 (N. A. Indians); Turner, in XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 189 (Innuit); McGee, The Seri Indians, in XVII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 280.

[136] Plutarch, Lycurgus, c. 15 (Sparta); Friedrichs, "Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 372, 373; Post, AnfÄnge, 25; Geschlechtsg., 34 ff.; Nadaillac, L'Évolution du mariage, 17 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 131, 132, who mentions the well-known case of Cato's lending his wife Marcia to his friend Hortensius; Buch, Die WotjÄken, 48; Kohler, in ZVR., III, 398, note (India), 399 (Germans); V, 336 (WotjÄken), 342 (Alaska), 353 (Creeks); VII, 326 (Australia); VIII, 84 (Birma); XI, 422 (Kamerun); Jolly, in ZVR., IV, 331, 332 (Hindus); Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 116; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 114 (Africa); Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," in XVIII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 292; McGee, in XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 178 (Sioux); Westermarck, op. cit., 74 n. 1, mentions, with the sources of information, many tribes among whom wife-lending prevails.

"Exchange of wives" is common among the Eskimo. "For instance, one man of our acquaintance planned to go to the rivers deer hunting in the summer of 1882, and borrowed his cousin's wife for the expedition, as she was a good shot and a good hand at deer hunting, while his own wife went with his cousin on the trading expedition to the eastward. On their return the wives went back to their respective husbands." Sometimes in such cases the women are better pleased with their new mates and remain with them. "According to Gilder (Schwatka's Search, 197) it is a usual thing among friends in that region to exchange wives for a week or two almost every two months." Egede (Greenland, 139) says such temporary exchanges take place at festivals. So also at Repulse Bay, at certain times there is said to be a "general exchange of wives throughout the village, each woman passing from man to man till she has been through the hands of all, and finally returned to her husband."—Murdoch, "Point Barrow Expedition," IX. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 413. Cf. Turner, "Ethnology of Ungava Dist.," ibid., 189. The loaning of wife or daughter to a guest, or the prostitution of the wife for hire, appears among some South American tribes: Martius, Ethnographie, I, 118; idem, Rechtszustande, 65.

[137] Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 130-32, 536 ff.; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 5 ff., who says: "Le mariage (en prenant ce mot dans son sense Étroit) apparaÎt chez les races infÉrieures comme une infraction aux droits de la communautÉ, et partant, comme la violation d'une loi naturelle: de lÀ, À le considÉrer comme la violation d'une loi religieuse, il n'y avait qu'un pas." See the criticism by McLennan, Studies, I, 335 ff., who rejects the theory of expiation for violation of communal right; because usually the woman does not belong to the husband's tribe, and because often the privileges are exercised by friends of both bridegroom and bride. Cf. Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 149-56; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 17, 34, 65, 245 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 169; Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 327 (Australia); Mucke, Horde und Familie, 138-40, who rejects the theory; and Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 10, 11, who refers to the promiscuous intercourse practiced at various festivals, resembling the assemblies on the Roumanian Gainaberg which Kohler has discussed in ZVR., VI, 398 ff. These may be compared with the license practiced at certain gatherings among the Arunta and several other Australian tribes: Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 96 ff.

[138] "Thus Herodotus states, in Babylonia, every woman was obliged once in her life to give herself up, in the temple of Mylitta, to strangers, for the satisfaction of the goddess; and in some parts of Cyprus, he tells us, the same custom prevailed. In Armenia, according to Strabo, there was a very similar law. The daughters of good families were consecrated to Anaitis, a phallic divinity like Mylitta, giving themselves, as it appears, to the worship of the goddess indiscriminately."—Westermarck, Human Marriage, 72; Herodotus, I, c. 199; Strabo, XI, 532. As to Babylon Herodotus may have been mistaken; cf. chap. iv, below. See further illustrations in BernhÖft, op. cit., 169 ff.; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 7 ff.; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 383 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 171; Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 373, who enumerates the peoples where the custom has existed; idem, ibid., X, 215, 216; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 356 ff.; and Howard, Sex Worship, 103-16, 201, passim, who holds that sacred prostitution, and many of the other sexual practices usually assigned as survivals of promiscuity, are evidences of phallicism.

[139] The monograph of Dr. Karl Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, is the most elaborate work on the subject. The author denies (41 ff., 365 ff., 379) that the custom existed in feudal Europe or elsewhere as a right; and he holds that the practices so called are not evidences of promiscuity. His views are sharply criticised by Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 349 n. 4; and especially by Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 279-87. Schmidt has a supplementary discussion in ZFE., XVI, 44 ff.; and is reviewed unfavorably by Kohler, ZVR., V, 397-406. See also Schmidt's Slavische Geschichtsquellen zur Streitfrage Über das Jus Primae Noctis; Kohler, Urgeschichte der Ehe, 140; idem, in ZVR., VII, 350, 351; VIII, 85; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, II, 471-73; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 32-41; Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen, I, 300, 301; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 56-62; Suggenheim, Geschichte der Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft, 104, who believes the "right of the lord" existed in France far down into the Middle Ages; Bachofen, Mutterrecht, 12, 13, 17, 18, passim; Post, AnfÄnge, 17, 18; idem, Geschlechtsgenoss., 37; Kulischer, "Die communale Zeitehe," in Archiv fÜr Anthropologie, XI, 228 ff., who refers to the recent existence of the alleged custom in Russia; Friedrichs, in ZVR., X, 214, 215; Starcke, op. cit., 124-26. There is a learned discussion in the quaint De uxore theotisca, cap. i, of Grupen; the literature cited in Bibliographical Note II should be consulted; and Schmidt has appended a very full bibliography to his book. The term jus primae noctis is especially applied to the alleged "right of the lord" in feudal times; but the existence of even this custom as a legal privilege is still an unsettled question.

[140] The custom is for the men "to buy the women whom they marry of their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be consecrated, as he chooses." In the same connection, CastaÑeda says, "among them are men dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives;" and he describes also a curious kind of legal or consecrated prostitution existing among the same people: see the translation of CastaÑeda's account in Winship's "Coronado Expedition, 1540-2," XIV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 513, 514. Cf. Fawcett, "On Basivis: Women, Who, through Dedication to a Deity, Assume Masculine Privileges," Jour. Anth. Soc. (Bombay), II (1891), 322-54.

[141] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 73, 74; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 81, 82. The custom may possibly be accounted for by the slow growth of the sentiment upon which "conjugal attachment depends:" McLennan, Studies, I, 341. For an alleged "survival" see Schmidt, Hochzeiten in ThÜringen, 31. For the strictly regulated form of wife-lending among certain Australian tribes see the reference to the work of Spencer and Gillen below.

[142] Westermarck, op. cit., 72; McLennan, Studies, I, 341, 342. This is also the view of Clifford Howard in his Sex Worship, chaps. v, ix, x.

[143] Westermarck, op. cit., 78; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 41.

[144] Westermarck, op. cit., 73.

[145] McLennan, op. cit., I, 337; Westermarck, op. cit., 76.

[146] The well-known theory of Starcke, op. cit., 121-27. It is not essential, according to this view, in early stages of development, that a child should be actually begotten by the father. It is enough that it should be borne by his legal wife and be accepted by him. Hence the jus primae noctis, exercised by a priest, king, or other distinguished person, is sometimes regarded as an honor: ibid., 125, 126; Westermarck, op. cit., 79.

[147] The first series of relationships is seen in the Arunta tribe, where "no man will lend his wife to anyone who does not belong to the particular group with which it is lawful for her to have marital relations—she is, in fact, only lent to a man whom she calls Unwana, just as she calls her own husband, and though this may undoubtedly be spoken of as an act of hospitality, it may with equal justice be regarded as evidence of the very clear recognition of group relationship, and as evidence also in favor of the former existence of group marriage." A native, it is true, will sometimes lend his wife "as an act of hospitality to a white man; but this has nothing to do with the lending of wives which has just been dealt with." It "does not imply the infringement of any custom." The second relationship in the series named is of a public nature, and it is strictly regulated by custom. It consists in the defloration of a girl just before her marriage by certain men who have access to her in a definite order. These men belong to forbidden groups; that is, groups into which the woman may not marry. "The ceremonies in question are of the nature of those which Sir John Lubbock has described as indicative of expiation for marriage;" and they may be regarded as "rudimentary customs" pointing back to a stage of wider marital rights than those which now exist in these tribes. The third relationship is the license allowed on "occasions when a large number of men and women are gathered together to perform certain corrobborees," the more important gatherings lasting perhaps "ten days or a fortnight." Every day "two or three women are told off to attend at the corrobboree ground, and, with the exception of men who stand in the relation to them of actual father, brother, or son, they are, for the time being, common property to all the men present." The explanations of similar usages advanced by McLennan and Westermarck, such as phallicism, are deemed inapplicable to these cases: Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 92-111. Compare especially Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 64 ff., passim, who finds in the totem groups and classificatory systems of relationship, existing in Australia, America, and elsewhere, evidence of former group-marriage.

[148] Mystic Rose, 236-66, 294-317, 347 ff., 468-85, passim. Cf. Lang, Social Origins, 87-111, passim.

[149] According to Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 190 ff., the forms of the family are the following: (1) "die lose Familie;" (2) "die matriarchale, uterine Familie;" (3) "die patriarchale, agnatische Familie;" (4) "die moderne, zweiseitige Familie."

[150] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 12, 13. For exceptions, however, see his Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 29 ff., 35, 41, 46.

[151] Kohler, in ZVR., III, 393; IV, 266 ff.

[152] Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4 ff., 218 ff.; idem, Kulturgeschichte, I, 76 ff., 90.

[153] BernhÖft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 401, 402.

[154] Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 338-48, especially 347; cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 172 ff.

[155] Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 256-58.

[156] See below, chaps. iii, iv.

[157] "Wie die Ehe aus der UeberwÄltigung der Frau durch den Mann hervorging, und wie sie sich von da aus zum Frauenkaufe gestaltete; wie sie zur religiÖsen Heilanstalt wurde und wie sie von da aus zum gelÄuterten Rechtsinstitute umbildete, indem die religiÖse Feier nicht mehr obligat blieb, ... lehrt uns das indische Recht klarer, als jedes andere."—"Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 342, 343.

[158] Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem einer algemeinen Entwicklungsgeschichte, 14 ff., 17 ff.; idem, Recht und Sitte auf den versch. Kulturstufen, 9 ff.

[159] Kautsky, "Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 190-207, 256-72, 329-48.

[160] Kautsky's use of "hetairism" for "defective" monogamy is apt to become misleading.

[161] Kautsky, 339.

[162] According to Kautsky, just as polygyny arises in a HerrschaftsverhÄltniss—the lordship of the man over the captured or purchased woman—so polyandry originates in an analogous relation of the woman to the man. Under gynocracy the woman chooses her husband, hence polyandry; 344-46.

[163] Kautsky, 347.

[164] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 60, 61, 127, 43-52.

[165] For Lippert's development of the family see his Geschichte der Familie, and especially his excellent Kulturgeschichte, I, 71-90; II, 1-165, 505-54.

[166] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 121, 122, 126. "Was Platz griff, war wohl ungeregelte Polygamie, welche aber ziemlich naturgemÄss Polyandrie nach sich zieht, und aus dieser Vermischung jenen ehelosen Geschlechtsverkehr schuf, fÜr welchen noch die richtige Benennung fehlt."—Ibid., 129.

[167] Ibid., 146, 150; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, I, 76; idem, Geschichte der Familie, 20.

[168] Hellwald, op. cit., 150; Frerichs, Zur Naturgeschichte des Menschen, 103, 104; cf. Lippert, op. cit., I, 76.

[169] Hellwald, op. cit., 151.

[170] Ibid., 151; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 3; Bachofen, Mutterrecht, as above quoted.

[171] Hellwald, op. cit., 158 ff., accepting Morgan's main conclusions in his Systems of Consanguinity; and opposing Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, II, 474-77.

[172] Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 218, 219, who distinguishes between the "Alt- und Gesamtfamilie" and the modern "Sonderfamilie."

[173] Of course, only a bare outline of the author's able treatise is here given. See especially Die mensch. Familie, 176 ff. ("Exogamie und Clanbildung"), 197 ff. ("Entwicklungsbedingungen und Wesen des Matriarchats"), 227 ff. ("Die BÜndnissformen im Matriarchat"), 274 ff. ("Der Frauenraub und seine Folgen"), 347 ff. ("Ausbildung des Patriarchats"), 529 ff. ("Die Altfamilie").

[174] "Niedere und HÖhere JÄger, ViehzÜchter, Niedere und HÖhere Ackerbauer."—Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 25, 26.

[175] Lippert, op. cit., 30 ff.; Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 4, 5, where Hildebrand is criticised; Hellwald, op. cit., 197 ff., who declares that in the history of civilization it is "undoubtedly more correct to regard, not pastoral life and agriculture, but nomadic life and settled life as the marks of two diverse culture-phases."

[176] Grosse, op. cit., 29 ff.

[177] "Im Uebrigen aber bildet die Muttersippe auf dieser Culturstufe noch keine Lebens- sondern nur eine Namensgemeinschaft."—Grosse, op. cit., 64.

[178] Ibid., 84.

[179] Ibid., 244, 245.

[180] Mucke, Horde und Familie in ihrer urgeschichtlichen Entwickelung. Eine neue Theorie auf statistischer Grundlage (Stuttgart, 1895). Mucke is harshly reviewed by Kohler, Urgeschichte der Ehe, 17-27.

[181] "Genossenschaft der Urzeit." He derives horde from orta, orda = "local community," "Ortsgemeinschaft," hence "order": Mucke, viii, 40, 41, 43 ff., passim.

[182] "Raumverwandtschaften," Mucke, 1 ff., 20-43, passim.

[183] The details of the author's argument cannot here be given. First (erster Abschnitt) he appeals to the mental processes of the child. The spaces, and consequently the relationship, arise in the child's sense-perception, the impression obtained by the infant soul of the relative distance or remoteness of persons belonging to the different ages and generations. The very inadequate evidence adduced for the former universality of such Lager arrangement (sechster Abschnitt) consists (1) of the alleged customs of modern Asiatic hordes; and (2) the remains of ship-shaped graves and dwelling-places discovered in various parts of the world. With wonderful ingenuity the author is able to explain by his theory nearly every problem connected with marriage and the family. Aside from the constructive part of his work, his criticism of other writers, though often unjust and intolerant, is sometimes acute and instructive.

[184] The brothers capture men for their sisters by way of reprisal and retaliation for stealing the latter: Mucke, Horde und Familie, 125, 126, 111, 113 ff.

[185] But at first the man and the woman are merely slaves—there is no sexual or marriage relation whatever: ibid., 117.

[186] Ibid., 178-82. In the fourth and fifth Abschnitte (155-247) the author discusses the dissolution of the horde through the influence of the two forms of the family. The argument is involved and almost entirely a priori. It is nearly impossible to discover his conclusion as to whether a purely patriarchal or matriarchal family is differentiated in the process.

[187] McLennan's Studies in Ancient History appeared in 1876, being mainly a reprint of his Primitive Marriage, published January, 1865, four years later than Bachofen's book; but "it was in the spring of 1866," he says, "that I first heard of Das Mutterrecht."—Studies, I, 319.

Morgan's League of the Iroquois was published in 1851, and in this he describes some of the essential facts connected with his theory. In 1857, he re-examined the subject and enlarged his views (Proceedings of the Am. Association for the Advancement of Science, Part II). But it was not until 1871 that his great work on Systems of Consanguinity appeared, though accepted for publication, January, 1868. This was followed by the Ancient Society, 1877, in which his theory is fully elaborated. The Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines, 1881, was originally intended as Part V of the Ancient Society.

[188] Referring to Lubbock's favorable view of Morgan's contributions to ethnological science, Dr. Starcke declares: "With all respect for Morgan's diligence as a collector of facts, I am more disposed to agree with McLennan that his work is altogether unscientific, and that his hypotheses are a wild dream, if not the delirium of fever."—Primitive Family, 207, 208. Cf. McLennan, Studies, I, 269; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 162; and Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 3 ff. This criticism is far too severe; see Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 1 ff.; Cunow, Australneger, chaps. v-vii, 11 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 158 ff.

[189] Ancient Society, 49-379; Houses and House-Life, 1 ff.

[190] Ancient Society, 227, 433 ff., 469. It is easy to see that this argument is fallacious, even when the rule of exogamy prevails. Cf. the criticism of Starcke, op. cit., 275-77; Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 4-7.

[191] Ancient Society, 389, and on the whole subject, 382-508. In his earlier work, Systems of Consanguinity, 480 ff., Mr. Morgan gives fifteen normal stages or institutions in the evolution of marriage and the family. See also the summary in McLennan, Studies, I, 251, 252; and Lubbock's elaborate discussion of Morgan, Origin of Civilization, 162 ff.

[192] Ancient Society, 394; Systems of Consanguinity, 10-15; Lubbock, op. cit., 165.

[193] Ancient Society, 383 ff., 401-23; Systems of Consanguinity, 480 ff., 488 ff., where the term "communal family" is used.

[194] Systems of Consanguinity, 131 ff., 489, 490; Ancient Society, 424-52. The Hawaiian word Punalua means "dear friend," "intimate companion": ibid., 427.

[195] In forty North American tribes the former existence of the Punaluan family is thought to be proved by the Turanian system of consanguinity and by the right of the husband of the eldest sister to the younger sisters also: Ancient Society, 432, 436.

[196] Ibid., 424.

[197] Since the rule of exogamy as respecting the gens would permit the intermarriage of brothers and sisters. For convenience McLennan's term "exogamy" is here used to indicate prohibition of marriage within the gens.

[198] Systems of Consanguinity, 131-382. But, curiously enough, among the peoples with the Punaluan family the Malayan system of consanguinity survived: Ancient Society, 426, 427, passim. GanowÁnians are the American Indians, the word meaning "bow-and-arrow people": Systems of Consanguinity, 131. Cf. McLennan, Studies, I, 253, n. 1.

[199] Ancient Society, 387, 435 ff. In all more than two hundred relationships of the same person are recognized: ibid., 436.

[200] Ibid., 384 ff., 453-65. Called the "barbarian" family in Systems of Consanguinity, 490, 491.

[201] Ancient Society, 461.

[202] Ibid., 384, 465, 466; Systems of Consanguinity, 480, 491.

[203] Ancient Society, 468-97; Systems of Consanguinity, 492, 493, 3-127.

[204] Published by Morgan in Proceedings of the Am. Academy of Arts and Science, for 1872; and subsequently presented in full by Fison in Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 50 ff., 99 ff., 159 ff., passim; Morgan, Ancient Society, 49-61. Compare McLennan's account of Australian kinship in Studies, II, 278-310, especially 304 ff.

[205] Curr, The Australian Race, I, 106-42. Cf. also Keane, Man: Past and Present, 154, 155; and Crawley, Mystic Rose, 348, 476 ff.

[206] Curr, op. cit., I, 111, 112.

[207] Ibid., 116.

[208] Ibid., 140. Compare the criticism of Westermarck, Human Marriage, 56, 57.

[209] Mucke, Horde und Familie, 31 ff., passim.

[210] Kautsky, "Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 194-98, 256.

[211] See Studies, I, 249-315; II, 304 ff.; and the reply of Morgan, Ancient Society, 509 ff.

[212] Studies, I, 270, 271, 273.

[213] Studies, I, 277. The form of marriage referred to is Nair polyandry. So the Turanian system is referable to Thibetan polyandry. Cf. Morgan, op. cit., 517 ff.

[214] Primitive Family, 181.

[215] Ibid., 207, 171-208. Starcke is criticised by Cunow, Australneger, 165, for lack of thoroughness and consistency in his examination of the classificatory systems.

[216] History of Human Marriage, chap. v, 82 ff.

[217] Ibid., 90. Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 162-203, criticises Morgan's views as to the classificatory systems and concludes that the "terms for what we shall call relationships are, among the lower races of men, mere expressions for the results of marriage customs, and do not comprise the idea of relationship as we understand it; that, in fact, the connection of individuals inter se, their duties to one another, their rights, and the descent of their property, are all regulated more by the relation to the tribe than by that to the family; that, when the two conflict, the latter must give way" (202). Tylor, On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 261-65, discovers a close relation between exogamy and the classificatory system. Thus out of fifty-three tribes with that system thirty-three observe the rule of exogamy (264).

[218] The so-called "Pirauru marriage" of the Dieri tribe (Howitt, in Trans. R. S. Victoria, I, Part II, 1899, 96) and the "Dilpamali marriage" of the Kunandaburi tribe (Cunow, Australneger, 163). Practically the same is the Piraungaru custom of the Urabunna tribe which Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 61 ff., regard as a "modified form of group-marriage."

[219] Cunow, op. cit., 161, 163-65.

[220] Idem, Australneger, 176.

[221] On the three Altersclassen or Altersschichtungen, see ibid., 25 ff. The present class-system of the Kamilaroi, the author believes, is not older than the rise of the gentile organization. "Originally the division into classes by no means served, as Morgan and Fison assume, to exclude sexual intercourse between near collateral kindred, but to prevent cohabitation between relatives in the ascending and descending line, between parents and children, uncles and nieces, aunts and nephews, etc." Cf. as to the main point the somewhat similar views of Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 158 ff.; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, I, 81-83; and Kautsky, Kosmos, XII, 196-98.

[222] Cunow, op. cit., 161, 162: Among backward tribes parents are distinguished from parents' brothers and sisters; and own children from the children of own brothers and sisters.

[223] Ibid., 25. See the somewhat similar conclusion of Atkinson, The Primal Law, 280-94; and compare the criticism of Cunow by Lang, Social Origins, 37, 112-18.

[224] Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 3, 14 ff., 151 ff. This paper supplements the author's earlier Recht der Australneger, ZVR., VII, 321 ff., 329 ff., 337 ff., where Fison's general conclusions are accepted and the literature cited.

[225] "Der Totemglaube gehÖrt zu den bildensten, lebensvollsten, religiÖsen Trieben der Menschheit. In dem Totemismus liegt die kÜnftige Familien- und Staatenbildung im Keime."—Kohler, op. cit., 27.

[226] Ibid., 62.

[227] Ibid., 39 ff., 41, 53 ff., 64, 65.

[228] Ibid., 65, 163, 164.

[229] Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 56.

[230] Ibid., 56, 57. "A man can only marry women 'who stand in the relationship of nupa, that is, are children of his mother's elder brother's blood or tribal, or, what is the same thing, of his father's elder sister.'" The mother of a man's nupa is "mura to him and he to her, and they must not speak to one another." This applies to a possible mother, i. e., the sister of the father: ibid., 61, 62.

[231] Op. cit., 58.

[232] Mystic Rose, 473, 474.

[233] In general on the Australian class-systems see further, Tylor, Early History of Mankind, 288; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, chap. iv; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 13 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 104 ff., BernhÖft, in ZVR., IX, 6 ff.; McLennan, Studies, II, 304 ff., where the reports of Grey, Ridley, and other observers are summarized; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 49 ff., 58 ff., who, in the main, accepts Curr's conclusions; Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1, 2, 26-40; Forest, "Marriage Laws of N. W. Australia," Report 2d Meeting of Aust. Association Adv. Sci. (1890), 653, 654; Fison, "Group-Marriage and Relationships," ibid., 4th Meeting (Tasmania, 1893), 688-97, criticising Westermarck, 717-20, criticising McLennan; Mathew, "Australian Aborigines," Jour. R. S. N. S. Wales, XXIII, 335-49, criticising Morgan and McLennan. Consult also the references in the Bibliographical Note at the head of the chapter.

For further discussion of Morgan's researches see BernhÖft, Verwandtschaftsnamen und Eheformen; Posada, ThÉories modernes, 52-57; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtl. Ordnung, 18 ff.; Cunow, Australneger, v-vii, 11 ff.; Grosse, op. cit., 3 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 158 ff.; Beauchamp, "Aboriginal Communal Life in America," Am. Antiquarian, IX, 343-50, attacking Morgan's views, holding that proper communism is not found among the red Indians; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 92-101, 169 ff.; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 99, 101, 149, 316 ff., who, for the Australian groups, sustain Morgan as opposed to McLennan; Wake, op. cit., 15, 19, 112, 266 ff., 297 ff.; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 432, 433, who accepts Morgan's five forms of the family; Kovalevsky, op. cit., 9, 10; Maine, Early Law and Custom, 195 ff., passim; Peschel, Races of Man, 224, 228 ff., who rejects Morgan's conclusions; Lubbock, "Development of Relationships," Jour. Anth. Inst., Feb., 1871.

[234] Studies in Ancient History, I, viii, 83-146. McLennan's views are somewhat modified and further developed in his Patriarchal Theory, notably in chaps. xii and xiii, 181-242; and a mass of new material is presented in his Studies, 2d ser. (1896).

[235] In his two earlier works McLennan is vague as to the exact meaning of "promiscuity" and "polyandry;" but in his letter to Darwin (1874), Studies, II, 50-56, he defines these terms, so that, in effect, he makes important concessions to the adherents of early monogamy and polygyny and to those critics who have questioned his theory of universal phases of progress. He says, referring to the first series of Studies: "The import of my reasoning is that more or less of it [promiscuity] and of indifference must appear in the hordes or their sections or some of them." It is used to "denote the general conduct as to sexual matters of men without wives.... Now I agree with you that from what we know of human nature we may be sure that each man would aim at having one or more women to himself, and cases would occur wherein for a longer or shorter time the aim would be realized, and there would be instances of what we may call polygyny and monogamy—your first stage.... I take it, polygyny, monogamy, and polyandry (or its equivalents) must have occurred in every district from the first;" but the cases of polyandry would be much more numerous. "Polyandry, in my view, is an advance from, and contraction of, promiscuity. It gives men wives. Till men have wives they may have tastes, but they have no obligations in matters of sex. You may be sure polygyny in the early stage never had the sanction of group opinion." This late explanation does not, however, relieve the author from responsibility for the misleading statements or obscurities of his earlier works. Cf. the rather too appreciative review of the second series of Studies by Professor Giddings, in Annals of the Am. Academy, IV, 97-100.

[236] Studies, I, 83, 88-90.

[237] Ibid., chap. viii.

[238] On the three systems of kinship see Post, Familienrecht, 6 ff.

[239] McLennan, op. cit., I, 83, 84.

[240] Ibid., 90, 91, 75-77; II, 77-80. After the appearance of totem groups, infanticide would be checked by the blood-feud: ibid., I, 145.

[241] Ibid., 91-93.

[242] On totemism see McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 206, 207, 227-29, 230-36; Studies, II, 368 ff., passim; Morgan, Ancient Society, 49 ff., who gives many facts relating to totem gentes among the American Indians and elsewhere; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, Index; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 40-49, 165-71, who criticise Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 210, 338 ff., 263; Starcke, Primitive Family, 20 ff., 29 ff., passim; Tylor, Primitive Culture, I, 42, 213, 215. Westermarck, Human Marriage, chap, ix, denies that tattooing is fundamentally connected with totemism, and holds that it is a form of ornamentation to serve as a means of sexual attraction. Cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 77; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 94 ff.; 196 ff.; Bachofen, Mutterrecht, 335; Fraser, Totemism; idem, Golden Bough, III, 416 ff.; Crawley, Mystic Rose, 249, 398, 457, 470; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 190 ff.; Fletcher, "A Study from the Omaha Tribe," Procds. A. A. A. S., XLVI, 325-34; idem, "Emblematic Use of the Tree in the Dakotan Group," ibid., XLV, 191-209; especially Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 27 ff.; and Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, containing the best and fullest account of the Australian forms of the institution.

[243] For McLennan's best statement as to the nature and prevalence of polyandry see his interesting letter to Darwin, Studies, II, 50-56, already mentioned.

[244] Ibid., I, 93 ff., 97, 133 ff.; II, 47-56; Patriarchal Theory, 267 ff. In general, on polyandry, see Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 190-232; Starcke, op. cit., 128-40, 77 ff., passim; Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 121 ff., 277-79; Fison and Howitt, op. cit., 144 ff.; Wake, op. cit., 134-78, Index; Giraud-Teulon, Origines du mariage, 150 ff., 434 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., chaps, xx-xxii, 3, 115-17, 547-49; Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 60 ff.; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 672-81, 641 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 79, 143 ff.; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 35, 36, 319, 320; Post, Familienrecht, 54-63; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 40, 303; idem, Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 16 ff.; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 40, 49, 90-109; Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 221, 222; Maine, Early Law and Custom, 106, 123, 200; Friedrichs, "Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 371 ff.; idem, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 257, 258; Mucke, op. cit., 181-38; Kautsky, "Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 258, 264, 344-48; BernhÖft, in ZVR., IX, 12 ff.; Kohler, op. cit., 143; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 117 ff.; Hellwald, op. cit., 241-61; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, II, 459 ff.; Achelis, Entwicklung der Ehe, 28 ff.; Ellis, in Pop. Sci. Monthly, Oct., 1891.

[245] McLennan believes this form to be wide-spread. It is found in Ceylon, among the Kasias and Saporogian Cossacks, and elsewhere. The higher and lower forms often appear together among the same people: Studies, I, 99 ff. "Beena" marriage of Ceylon is believed to be a modification of their polyandry.

[246] Buchanan, Journey, II, 594; McLennan, op. cit., I, 102. Cf. on the Nairs, Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 150-64; Starcke, op. cit., 83-87, 133 ff.; Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 122; Letourneau, op. cit., 99-101.

[247] Cf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 676, 677.

[248] Marshall, op. cit., 210. According to Frau Janssen (Globus, XLIII, 371), it is the custom for the "young wife to become the spouse of all the brothers of her husband; her first child counts as that of the eldest brother, the second as that of the second, and so forth." Cf. Hellwald, op. cit., 246.

[249] Marshall, op. cit., 206, 207. To be a barudi or widow or a baruda or widower is a term of reproach: ibid., 208.

[250] Ibid., 111, 196, 213.

[251] Ibid., 221. In this regard as in many others the Todas resemble the Veddahs: Sarasin, Die Weddas von Ceylon, I, 465-67. For a good account of polyandry among the Todas and other peoples see Hellwald, op. cit., 241 ff., 246 ff.

[252] On wife-purchase and initiation, as a means of transition to the paternal system, see McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 232-38.

[253] Thus, in Guinea, according to Bosman, in ordinary marriages, even when the wives were purchased, the children belonged to the mother. "It was customary, however, for a man to buy and take to wife a slave, a friendless person ... and consecrate her to his Bossum or god." In this case the "children would be born of his kindred and worship."—Bosman, Description of Guinea, 161; McLennan, op. cit., 235, 236.

[254] Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 222; Rockhill, Land of the Lamas, 213, 339; Marshall, op. cit., 210 ff., 217, 219.

[255] An "appointed daughter" is one assigned by contract in marriage to bear an heir to her father who has no son. In the Niyoga a son is begotten upon the wife, in the lifetime of the husband, by a person appointed for that purpose. The levirate and other like expedients existed also among the Hindus: Ordinances of Manu, IX, 53, 57-69, 97, 143 ff.; Burnell and Hopkins, 253 ff.; "Gautama," Sacred Books of the East, II, 267 ff.; Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, chap. iv; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 268, 286 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 122, 123; Jolly, The Hindu Law of Partition, 144-66; idem, Rechtliche Stellung der Frauen bei den alten Indern, 36-38 (levirate). For the Hebrew form of the levirate, see Deuteronomy 25:5-11, where the brother is required to "perform the duty of an husband's brother to the widow." The book of Ruth contains many illustrations of primitive family custom. Sir Henry Maine, Early Law and Custom, chap. iv, regards the Niyoga, the levirate, and similar expedients for supplying a male heir, as fictions, under the influence of the worship of male ancestors, for maintaining the agnatic family. J. D. Mayne explains the Niyoga on the theory that the lord and owner of the wife is the lord of the child, physical paternity not being essential; and the levirate is an extension of the Niyoga. McLennan, op. cit., 266-339, criticises the theories of the two last-named writers. See also Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 153; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 262, 274, 470; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, I, 25; II, 461; Achelis, Entwicklung der Ehe, 36 ff.; Redslob, Die Levirats-Ehe bei den HebrÄern, 1 ff.; Starcke, Primitive Family, 141-58, 159-70 (inheritance by brothers); Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 679-81; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chaps. xii, xv; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 146, 147; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 171-78, 436 ff.; especially Westermarck, Human Marriage, 3, 510-14, who cites the literature. Various examples are mentioned in ZVR., III, 394-407, 419, 420; VI, 280 (Germany); VIII, 242; X, 81; XI, 237.

[256] McLennan, Studies, I, 23, 72, 73, passim.

[257] Ibid., I, 127-40, 50-71.

[258] Principles of Sociology, I, 641 ff. In general for criticism and summary of McLennan's views see Morgan, Ancient Society, 509-21; Maine, Early Law and Custom, 106 ff., 123, 124, 150, 192-228; Giraud-Teulon, Origines du mariage, 102 ff., passim; Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 80, 118, 121, 129 ff., 230; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 23 ff., 67, 101 ff., 130 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 102, 109, 130, 143 ff., passim; Schurman, The Ethical Import of Darwinism, chap, vi; Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, chap, x; Starcke, Primitive Family, 94 ff., 128 ff., 141 ff., passim; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 14 ff., 58 ff., 134 ff., 253 ff., 297 ff., passim; idem, "Primitive Family," Jour. Anth. Inst., August, 1879; Kautsky, in Kosmos, XII, 258 ff.; Westermarck, Index; Spencer, Various Fragments, 70 ff.; Gomme, "Primitive Human Horde," Jour. Anth. Inst., XVII, 118-33; who is criticised by Wake, "Primitive Human Horde," ibid., November, 1887, 276 ff.

[259] Such is the view of Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 103, 129, 134, 135; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 466, 472, 473, 547; Fison and Howitt, op. cit., 133 ff., 171 ff., 190, 357; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 75 ff. "It is not proved that the tribes which practice child-murder put to death the female infants by preference."—Starcke, op. cit., 131 ff. Such is also the opinion of Fison and Howitt, loc. cit.; Lubbock, op. cit., 103; Darwin, Descent of Man, II, 364, 591-93; and Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 110-16. See also Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 129, 130, 279-85; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen," ZVR., X, 219-37; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 243-64; idem, Das Weib, I, 250, 251; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 36; Schneider, Die NaturvÖlker, I, 297 ff.; Martin, Hist. de la femme, 3 ff.; and various examples in ZVR., VII, 355, 374; IX, 14 ff. (Todas); X, 122; XI, 427 (Kamerun); Brouardel, L'infanticide (Paris, 1897); Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 108 ff., 190 ff.; Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering Strait," in XVIII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 289; Chamberlain, The Child, etc., 110 ff.

In his second series of Studies, 74, 111, McLennan defends his view as to the prevalence of female infanticide and presents a mass of facts relating to it among many peoples. Farrer, Early Wedding Customs, 224, denies that infanticide is the cause of exogamy.

[260] Spencer, op. cit., I, 646.

[261] Ibid., 646, 647. But McLennan meets this difficulty by insisting that wife-stealing, among polyandrous peoples would lead to polygyny on the part of the most successful. This would also explain the inconsistency alleged by Spencer (648) that polygyny and polyandry sometimes coexist, as among Fuegians, Caribo, Eskimo, Warrens, Hottentots, and the ancient Britons. See McLennan, Studies, I, 145, 146; and cf. Post, Familienrecht, 62.

[262] Spencer, op. cit., I, 649.

[263] Primitive Family, 132. Other objections are brought forward by this able writer. "It has been suggested that the motive for the murder of female infants is the fear of becoming the object of the predatory instincts of other tribes; whence we must conclude that the tribe which keeps its women alive is tolerably strong; those tribes which lack women cannot, therefore, obtain them by violence to any great extent. It also seems to be a strange thing to kill the female infants from a dread of being exposed to attack, and at the same time to seek to increase the number of women by carrying them off by violence from other tribes."—Ibid., 132.

[264] Spencer, op. cit., I, 644.

[265] McLennan, Studies, I, 78-80, 124, 142-45, 147 ff.; II, 57 ff. Cf. his article on "Exogamy and Endogamy," Fortnightly Review, XXI, 884 ff., where he seems to waver somewhat in his conclusions on this point.

[266] Among the great living investigators in this field no one, perhaps, has sinned more frequently in making hazardous generalizations than Kohler, who is particularly harsh in his criticism of Westermarck, Curr, and other adversaries. See, for example, his Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 2 ff., 150 ff.

[267] Primitive Family, 7, 8.

[268] See Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chap. ii, on "Le mariage et la famille chez les animaux;" and his Sociology, 327-30, 380-82.

[269] L'Évolution du mariage, chap. i.

[270] Starcke, op. cit., 8, 9.

[271] Human Marriage, 9. See also ibid., chap. iii, on the "Antiquity of Human Marriage."

[272] Die mensch. Familie, 4 ff.

[273] Among the aborigines of New Britain, according to Powell, Unter den Kannibalen von Neubritannien, 123; and among the Lacondou Indians of Central America, according to Charnay, Les anciennes villes du nouveau monde, 399. "Negro women of unmixed blood seldom have voluptuous figures, and in anatomical structure they resemble the men in a remarkable way, so that seen from a distance they are scarcely to be distinguished from them. The same is true for a whole series of low races."—Hellwald, op. cit., 6.

[274] "Bedenken wir die vielen Mittel, die gerade die Civilisation hierzu bietet, so dÜrfte dem befremdenden Urteile nicht mehr zu widersprechen sein, dass bei wirklichen NaturvÖlkern und unter normalen sozialen VerhÄltnissen der erotische Antrieb ein beschrÄnkterer sei, als auf hÖheren Stufen der Civilisation."—Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 29, 30. Among the highly civilized of our own times the nervous system is very greatly developed, and therewith the capacity for sexual pleasure is proportionately increased; see Hellwald, op. cit., 11 ff., 128, and the literature there cited.

[275] Ibid., 22.

[276] Westermarck, op. cit., 9 ff.

[277] Brehm, Tierleben: Allgemeine Kunde des Tierreichs (10 vols., Leipzig and Vienna, 1891). Vols. IV-VI are devoted to birds. See also his Bird-Life (London, 1874).

[278] Westermarck, op. cit., 11; cf. Brehm, op. cit., IV, 19 ff., passim; and Herman MÜller's Am Neste, which Brehm has used.

[279] Darwin, Animals and Plants under Domestication, II, 81, speaks of pigeons as being "true to their wedding-vow." On polygyny and monogamy among animals see idem, Descent of Man, 216 ff. "Many mammals and some few birds are polygamous, but with animals belonging to the lower classes I have found no evidence of this habit. The intellectual powers of such animals are, perhaps, not sufficient to lead them to collect and guard a harem of females" (216, 217). Birds sometimes lose the pairing "instinct" under domestication (220). Regarding the "marital virtue" of birds, see Hellwald, op. cit., 30.

[280] "Abweichend von anderen Tieren leben die meisten VÖgel in geschlossener Ehe auf Lebenszeit und nur wenige von ihnen, gleich den SÄugetieren, in Vielweiberei oder richtiger Vielehigkeit, da eine Vielweiberei einzig und allein bei den Straussen stattzufinden scheint. Das PÄrchen, welches sich einmal vereinigte, hÄlt wÄhrend des ganzen Lebens treuinnig zusammen, und nur ausnahmsweise geschiet es, dass einer der Gatten die Gesetze einer geschlossenen Ehe missachtet." But since there are more males than females, the husband often has to fight for the retention of his wife, though in exceptional cases she aids him in repelling the aggressor. The wife is sometimes too ready to follow the victor, and in some cases the widow is very easily consoled. "VÖgel, deren MÄnnchen getÖtet wurde, waren schon eine halbe Stunde spÄter wieder verehelicht; der zweite Gespons wurde ebenfalls ein Opfer seiner Feinde: und dieselben Weibchen nahmen ohne Bedenken flugs einen dritten Gatten an. Die MÄnnchen legen gewÖhnlich viel tiefere Trauer um den Verlust ihrer Gattin an den Tag, wahrscheinlich aber nur weil es ihnen ungleich schwerer wird als den Weibchen, wieder einen Ehegenossen zu erwerben."—Brehm, op. cit., IV, 20, 21. For very interesting examples of marriage and the family among birds, see Hellwald, op. cit., 26 ff., 38; and compare Wundt, Menschen und Thierseele, 448 ff.; and Espinas, Des sociÉtÉs animales, 417 ff., 439.

[281] Brehm, Bird-Life, 324; Westermarck, op. cit., 11, 482, 502.

[282] Hellwald, op. cit., 25, 26.

[283] Description of Troglodytes Gorilla, 9 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 13.

[284] Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa, 349; Westermarck, op. cit., 14. But see Hellwald, op. cit., 23.

[285] Cf. Darwin, Descent of Man, 108, 217 ff., 590, 591, who is cautious in his statement as to the rule among the quadrumana. Kautsky, "Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 198 ff., gives some interesting illustrations of marriage among animals; and see Espinas, op. cit., 444 ff.; Atkinson, Primal Law, 219-25.

[286] Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 6, 7; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, I, 72, 73.

[287] Hellwald, op. cit., 26, 27.

[288] Op. cit., 444; cf. Hellwald, op. cit., 40-42.

[289] Westermarck, op. cit., 14-19. Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem einer allgemeinen Entwicklungsgeschichte, 23 ff., maintains the existence of monogamy in what he holds to be the first culture-stage, that of the chase. A similar result is reached by Mucke, Horde und Familie, 59 ff., passim: Kautsky, op. cit., 190 ff.; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, as above summarized.

[290] For the social systems among animals, even insects, see SchÄffle, Bau und Leben des socialen KÖrpers, 20 ff.; Wundt, Menschen und Tierseele, 369 ff., 447 ff.; Groos, Spiele der Thiere, 147 ff., 162 ff., 230 ff.; and especially Espinas, op. cit., 207 ff., 274 ff., 458 ff., 543 ff. Compare Houzeau, Étude sur les facultÉs mentales des animaux; and the other authors on this subject cited in Bibliographical Note III.

[291] Op. cit., 20; cf. Keane, Ethnology, 9, taking the same view.

[292] Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, IV, 224.

[293] Powers, Tribes of California, 206. Similar evidence is furnished by Corbusier: "For two years in succession I observed that in August and September the women solicited the attentions of the men, and an unusual number of couples were seen with their heads hidden in a blanket caressing each other. The majority of the children were born in the spring."—"The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mojaves," Am. Antiquarian, VIII, 330.

[294] Westermarck, op. cit., 20, 24-38, cites the literature. On the pairing seasons among men and animals, see also Hellwald, op. cit., 127 ff.; Kulischer, in ZFE., VIII, 149 ff.; and Mucke, op. cit., 67 ff. The pairing season appears to be the result of natural selection, a device of nature to make sure that the young shall be born at a time most favorable to their sustenance and survival.

[295] Vignoli, Ueber das Fundamentalgesetz des Intelligenz im Thierreiche: translated from Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 42.

[296] Compare the interesting chapter of Hellwald, "Kuss und Liebe," op. cit., 97-120.

[297] Primitive Family, 241, 242, 268, and the whole of chap. vii, of the second division of the work, in which he gives the results of the researches comprised in the preceding chapters. Cf. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 17, 18, who favors Starcke's view as against Hellwald, op. cit., 457; also Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 118, who takes a similar position.

[298] "The family is therefore distinguished from the family group and the clan as a group of kinsfolk established by contract, and only in a subsidiary sense by the tie of blood between parents and children."—Op. cit., 13. With Starcke's view compare that of Posada, who uses the suggestive word symbiose (convivencia) to express the totality of influences concerned in the origin of society. He says: "En somme, d'aprÈs tout ce qui vient d'Être dit, la sociÉtÉ humaine ne peut pas Être considÉrÉe comme ayant eu la familie pour origine. A la force instinctive du sang, au fait nÉcessaire et primitif de l'union sexuelle, il faut ajouter et combiner la symbiose, qui tend À devenir territoriale, et rÉsulte du besoin fondamental de la conservation: elle implique la coopÉration universelle et la vie de relation, dÉterminÉe par le plaisir, par la sympathie, par la nÉcessitÉ de faire face aux exigences d'autres hommes; elle implique aussi la coopÉration universelle, non plus de mari À femme, ni de pÈre À fils, mais d'homme À homme."—ThÉories modernes, 99, 100, 96, 81 ff., passim.

[299] Westermarck, op. cit., 20-22.

[300] Ibid., 22 ff., 379, 535. On these customs, often taken as evidences of former promiscuity, compare Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 6, 7; and the examples in ZVR., V, 353; XI, 135, 136.

[301] Westermarck, op. cit., 19, 20; Starcke, op. cit., 13. Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 253-56, accepts Starcke's conception of marriage, but finds his definition inadequate. He offers the following: "Eine von der Rechtsordnung anerkannte und privilegirte Vereinigung geschlechtsdifferenter Personen, entweder zur FÜhrung eines gemeinsamen Hausstandes und zum Geschlechtsverkehr, oder zum ausschliesslichen Geschlechtsverkehr." Cf. Heusler, Institutionen, II, 271-76, on the distinction between Familie and Sippe. "Die Familie des Rechtes," he says, "ist nicht ein Verband von Blutsverwandten sondern eine Gemeinschaft der Hausgenossen;" but the Sippe (gens) is based on blood-relationship (271). He combats the view of Rosin, Der Begriff der Schwertmagen, §5. Hellwald, as already seen, prefers the term "mother-group" for the so-called primitive family; and does not find marriage proper until the stage of property and full "mother-right" is reached; see chap. ii.

[302] Early Law and Custom, 204, 205; cf. also Westermarck, op. cit., 115-17.

[303] Early Law and Custom, 204, 205, note.

[304] Westermarck, op. cit., 115; Mantegazza, Die Hygiene der Liebe, 405; cf. Maine, op. cit., 204.

[305] Op. cit., 115.

[306] Ibid., 115-17. Thus in Tibet but one of the husbands was usually at home; and among the Todas betrothals are made with the condition that each of the husbands should live with the wife a month by turns: ibid., 116.

[307] See the elaborate investigation of Westermarck, op. cit., chaps, xiv, xv, especially 334 ff.

[308] Ibid., 117-33, 495, 551. With this passage should be read his extremely interesting chapters on the "Courtship of Man," the "Means of Attraction," "Liberty of Choice," "Sexual Selection among Animals," "Sexual Selection of Man; Typical Beauty," and the "Law of Similarity."

[309] Finck, Primitive Love, 87 ff., criticises Westermarck's view, presenting a mass of facts to prove the absence of true jealousy among low races.

[310] Descent of Man, 591; cf. Westermarck, 117; and Kautsky, 194 ff. On jealousy among animals, see Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 23, 37.

[311] Le Bon, L'homme et les sociÉtÉs, II, 293; Westermarck, op. cit., 117; cf. Giraud-Teulon, Origines du mariage, 71.

[312] Tribes of California, 412.

[313] Adair, History of the American Indians, 143; Westermarck, op. cit., 119. Cf. Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 80, who finds evidence in both Americas of male jealousy among the natives.

[314] "Although the men are very jealous of the favors of their wives, and incontinence on the part of the latter is certain to be more or less severely punished, the male offender, if notoriously persistent in his efforts to obtain forbidden favors, is usually killed by the injured lover or husband." Separations are often caused by jealousy.—Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava District," XI. Rep. Bureau of Eth., 178, 188, 189. Cf. Krause, Die Tlinkit Indianer, 221, who says the "betrayer of a woman, if he escapes the dagger of the offended husband, must pay for his offense with presents. If, however, he is a relative, he takes the position of a subordinate husband (Nebenmann) and must help contribute to the support of the woman."

[315] JosÉ Vieira de MagalhÃes, "Familia e religiÃo Selvagem," in his "Ensais de Anthropologia, RegiÃo e RaÇas Selvagens," published in Revista Trimensal do Instituto ... do Brasil, XXXVI, 108 ff. The passages quoted here and elsewhere from MagalhÃes are given in the translation made for the author by Professor J. C. Branner. The reports of Martius, Ethnographie, I, 112, 115, 116, 119, 120; idem, Rechtszustande, 59, 63, 64, 66-68, seem to confirm that of MagalhÃes.

[316] "I refer," he says, "to the uncatechised Indian, for the catechised one is, as a rule, a degraded being. Whether the system of catechising is bad, or whether in the efforts directed especially toward making a religious man, the development of the eminently social ideas of free labor is forgotten, or whether it is something else, the fact is this: the catechised Indian is a degraded man, without original customs, indifferent to everything and consequently to his wife and almost to his family."

[317] "Of the Weddings and Marriages of the Abipones," in his Account of the Abipones, II, 213. Dobrizhoffer was eight years among this people during his stay in South America, 1749-67.

[318] I am indebted to Professor J. C. Branner for a translation of the passages here and elsewhere quoted from Souza and Anchieta, as also for the dates.

[319] Souza, "chap. clii, which treats of the manner of marriages of the Tupinambas," in his "Tratado descriptivo do Brazil em 1587," Revista Inst. Hist., XIV, 311 ff.

[320] JosÉ d'Anchieta, "InformaÇÃo dos Casamentos dos Indios do Brazil," Revista Trimensal de Hist. e Geog., VIII, 254-62. "At most," he continues, "they beat the one guilty of adultery if they can, and he bears it patiently, knowing what he has done, except in case he is some great chief, and the woman has no father or strong brothers of whom he is afraid." Then the author relates how a "great chief," Ambirem, cruelly put a wife to death for adultery; but this act and others of the same sort he ascribes to the influence of the French, whom the good priest evidently does not like.

[321] Avery, "Races of the Indo-Pacific Oceans," Am. Antiquarian, VI, 366. The death penalty also appears in New Zealand: Rusden, I, 21.

[322] Waitz, Anthropologie, V, 106, 107. "When the wife has broken the marriage vow, the husband may put her away, returning her property; but when the man is guilty of this crime, or has even made himself suspected of it, his fate is worse; for then all the women of the neighborhood troop together and fall upon the offender with his possessions, who is lucky if he gets off with a whole skin. His landed property, his house, and everything he has are completely destroyed. If the husband does not bear himself humbly or friendly enough towards his wife, or if otherwise she is no longer pleased with him, she abandons him and goes to her parents, who then undertake the same work of destruction. Therefore many men are not willing to marry, and they live with paid women."

[323] For examples of all these customs read Westermarck, op. cit., 124 ff. On the sacrifice of widows in India and elsewhere, explained usually as an evidence of patria potestas under influence of ancestor-worship, consult Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 328 ff.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 376 ff.; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chap. xv; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 437 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 478-80 (India), 381 (China).

[324] For general criticism of the hypothesis of promiscuity compare with Westermarck, op. cit., chaps. iv-vi, 51-133; Wake, op. cit., 14-53; Letourneau, op. cit., 46 ff.; Starcke, op. cit., 121 ff., 241 ff., passim; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 661-71, 641 ff., passim; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 41 ff.

[325] Westermarck, op. cit., 52, 53; Belcher, "Notes on the Andaman Islands," Trans. Eth. Soc., N. S., V, 45.

[326] Journal Anth. Inst., XII, 135; Westermarck, op. cit., 57.

[327] MagalhÃes, op. cit., 108 ff.

[328] Compare the somewhat analogous "communism" of the Sia: Stevenson, "The Sia," XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 19-26.

[329] There are in the villages "men destined to be viri viduarum. These individuals have no other duty; they are supported by the tribe and do not, like the others, engage in the exercises of long trips which they all make annually, each in his turn." This indulgence was justified on the ground that "the peace which the families enjoyed, and which they would not enjoy without these individuals, or rather without this institution, compensated largely for the work that fell upon the others in supporting them."—MagalhÃes, loc. cit.

[330] MagalhÃes, loc. cit.

[331] Westermarck, op. cit., 66 ff., where examples are given. See the quotation from MagalhÃes above.

[332] Ibid., 61 ff.

[333] Primitive Family, 9; ibid., 30. Starcke is conspicuous for the simple causes which he assigns for the various phenomena connected with marriage and the family. See examples, op. cit., 43, 49, 50, 106.

[334] Studies, I, 88, 83-146; Patriarchal Theory, chap. xiii. In general, on kinship in the female line, compare Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 124, 150 ff., 239, 456-58; Lippert, Die Geschichte der Familie, 4 ff., 8 ff.; Kulturgeschichte, II, 90 ff., passim; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 1 ff., 13, 17; Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 1 ff., 43 ff.; Giraud-Teulon, Origines, 131 ff.; Post, Geschlechtsg., 88 ff., 94 ff.; Familienrecht, 7 ff.; Ursprung, 37 ff.; AnfÄnge, 10 ff.; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 13 ff.; Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 53 ff.; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 7 ff.; Tylor, On a Method, 252 ff.; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 3 ff.; Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 131 ff., 151 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 149 ff.; Morgan, Ancient Society, 63 ff., 153-83, 344 ff. All the foregoing writers sustain in the main McLennan's and Bachofen's principal assumptions. On the other hand, they are rejected or criticised by Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 665 ff.; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, chaps. viii, ix, x; BernhÖft, in ZVR., VIII, 4 ff.; Maine, Early Law and Custom, chap, vii; Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 370-83; X, 189 ff.; Schurman, Ethical Import of Darwinism, 223; Starcke, Primitive Family, 1-120; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 96-113. Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem, 28-31, holds that the earlier mother-right gave place to the paternal system under influence of property. See also Letourneau, L'Évolution, 424, 377 ff., who believes that the maternal system is more archaic, but does not imply promiscuity; Mucke, Horde und Familie, 114 ff., passim; and Kautsky, Entstehung der Ehe, 256 ff., 338 ff., who holds that the systems were independently developed; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 48 ff., 61, who believes it possible that the two systems may have been worked out side by side and that they are not necessarily successive phases of development.

[335] Palauinseln (1873), 320, 119, 181; Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 327.

[336] Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 374, 375.

[337] Das Weib, I, 172 ff., 179 ff. See also his Das Kind, I, 383 ff.; and compare Friedrichs, op. cit., 375, 376; Hellwald, op. cit., 343.

[338] Principles of Sociology, I, 665, 666.

[339] Westermarck, op. cit., 107-13; cf. Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 149 ff.

[340] Westermarck, op. cit., 108; Starcke, op. cit., 27, 28, 35, 36, 40, 41, 69 n. 4, citing Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighborhood of Sierra Leone. Cf., however, Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 59 ff.

[341] Westermarck, op. cit., 106, 107, 17.

[342] In the couvade the father occupies the erroneously so-called lying-in bed; is nursed and otherwise cared for as if he were the mother: while he rigidly fasts or abstains from certain kinds of food. Giraud-Teulon, Origines du mariage, 138; Bachofen, Mutterrecht, 17, 255, 419; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 394-98; BernhÖft, in ZVR., IX, 417; and Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 14 ff., 159, regard the couvade as a mark of transition. Such, in effect, is also the view of Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 312; Geschichte der Familie, 213 ff., who believes the custom is a form of redemption-sacrifice rendered by the father instead of the actual sacrifice of the first-born child, a sacrifice exacted in the stage of earlier mother-right. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 361 ff., accepts the theory of Lippert. On the other hand, Tylor, Early History of Mankind, chap, x, 297 ff.; Starcke, Primitive Family, 51, 52, 283, 284; and Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 18-26, hold that it takes its rise in a supposed physical connection between father and child, and therefore that it exists for the welfare of the child alone. Lubbock, op. cit., 14 ff., emphasizes this fact, while regarding the practice as an evidence of transition. Tylor, however, in his Method of Investigating Institutions, 254-56, accepts the view of Bachofen and Giraud-Teulon, relegating the explanation first assigned by him to a secondary place. Roth, "On the Significance of the Couvade," Jour. Anth. Inst., XXII, 204-44, holds the custom to be a form of magic or witchcraft, resting on the belief in a physical connection between the father and child, and so implying power over the child. According to Crawley, Mystic Rose, 416-28, the custom has its origin in sexual taboo. It is a case of "substitution." The father simulates the mother so that by exposing himself to the same danger he may help her and the child against the magical or evil influences which are especially harmful in the great sexual crises of human life. Cf. Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 49; MÜller, Chips from a German Workshop, II, 281, 278; Ploss, Das Kind, I, 143-53; Mucke, Horde und Familie, 219 ff.; Friedrichs, in Ausland (1890), 801, 837, 856, 877, 895; Chamberlain, The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought, 124, 125.

[343] Starcke, op. cit., 52. See the preceding note; also Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 213 ff., who criticises the use of the term "lying-in bed."

[344] Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 47, 70, passim; see further, Westermarck, op. cit., 107, 108; Howitt, Smithsonian Report (1883), 813; Maine, Early Law and Custom, 203; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, I, 320.

[345] Human Marriage, 97. He insists on the powerful influence of names on the roles of succession: ibid., 111.

[346] Starcke, op. cit., 10-16, 25.

[347] Ibid., 26, 27, 30, 58 ff., 101; Westermarck, op. cit., 98 ff.

[348] Starcke, op. cit., 118; cf. ibid., 54. Friedrichs agrees with Starcke on the essential point. The uterine system arises with the formation of families and gentes. In a very primitive state, the natural means of subsistence sufficing, the children leave the parents and look out for themselves; as it becomes more and more difficult to find food and shelter, family groups are formed, and the children remain a longer time with the mother. Hence naturally the name and kinship are taken from her: "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 378 ff. Compare idem, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 197 ff., 201. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 43-66, discusses the original mother-right, but rejects Starcke's theory of local causes, accepting uncertainty of fatherhood as a primary influence. Starcke is also criticised by Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 456-58, 465, 484 ff.

[349] Op. cit., 36, passim; summarized by Westermarck, op. cit., 110.

[350] See above, p. 16, on "beena" marriage.

[351] Tylor, On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 258. Cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 109; also Starcke, op. cit., 79, 80, who regards serving as a form of wife-purchase, and the migration of the husband as "due to the great cohesive power of the several families, which causes them to refuse to part with any of their members." Among various American peoples it is the custom for the husband to take up his abode permanently in the wife's family: Souza, "Tratado descriptivo do Brazil," Revista Inst. Hist., XIV, 311 ff.; Stevenson, "The Sia," XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 20, 22; or temporarily: Dobrizhoffer, Account of Abipones, II, 208, 209; Powell, "Wyandotte Society," in A. A. A. S., XXIX, 681; MacCauley, "Seminole Indians," V. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 496; McGee, "The Seri Indians," XVII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 280.

[352] Westermarck, op. cit., 110. Compare Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 74 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 101 ff.; and Marsden, History of Sumatra, 225.

[353] See Cunow, "Die Ökonomischen Grundlagen der Mutterherrschaft," Neue Zeit (1897-98), XVI, 115, 113, 14, reviewing and supplementing Grosse's Die Formen der Familie, summarized above. The investigations of Hildebrand, elsewhere mentioned, tend in the same direction.

[354] Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 424, thus concludes his investigation of the question of kinship: "Ce qui est vraisemblable, c'est que, dans la majoritÉ des cas, la filiation paternelle a succÉdÉ À la filiation maternelle et À des formes familiales plus ou moins confuses." Cf. ibid., 399, 400. Max MÜller, Biographies of Words, p. xvii, thinks that "we can neither assert nor deny that in unknown times the Aryans ever passed through a metrocratic stage." Cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 104, 113.

[355] "Among the lower hunters there is no matriarchate, but—if indeed one may make the distinction—only a patriarchate or rather an androcracy (Mannesherrschaft). Even in those Australian tribes where the custom of maternal succession exists, the woman follows the man into his horde and becomes his property. Their children remain in his horde, and not she but he has the disposition of the offspring.... This primitive patriarchate, of course, has nothing to do with that of the later patriarchal family. It is not based on any reflection regarding descent or the man's share in procreation; it rests simply on the right of the stronger, on the rude physical superiority of man, his position as winner of the greater share of the food and as protector" of the family community.—Cunow, op. cit., 115, 116.

[356] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 649-52. It should be noted that McLennan really ascribes the origin of exogamy to wife-capture, though, inadvertently seemingly, in one passage he refers it to a "primitive instinct."

[357] See Starcke, op. cit., 217, who thinks Spencer inconsistent with his own theory; for "if the rape of women can be practised within the tribe, it need no longer be assumed that a young man's ambition impels him to take a wife from another tribe."

[358] Origin of Civilization, 111, 130.

[359] Starcke, op. cit., 217, 218.

[360] Spencer, op. cit., I, 652-60. Spencer is criticised by Westermarck, op. cit., 311 ff.; Starcke, op. cit., 215 ff.

[361] Lubbock, op. cit., 86, 98, 103, 104-43. Cf. the criticism of Starcke, op. cit., 220, 221; Westermarck, op. cit., 316; McLennan, Studies, I, 329-47.

[362] Starcke, op. cit., 220; Lubbock, op. cit., 109 ff.

[363] McLennan, op. cit., I, 344, 345, 329 ff.

[364] On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 267, 268; cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 316, 317.

[365] Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 360-62; Post, Familienrecht, 79, 83. Tylor, op. cit., 365, 366, denies that capture and exogamy are related as cause and effect.

[366] Westermarck, op. cit., 290.

[367] Spencer, op. cit., I, 636 ff.

[368] Lubbock, op. cit., 133.

[369] Morgan, Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, VII, 469; Ancient Society, 69, 424 ff.; cf. Starcke, op. cit., 323; Westermarck, op. cit., 317.

[370] Peschel, Races of Man, 224; Westermarck, op. cit., 317, 318; also Darwin, Animals and Plants under Domestication, II, 124; Lubbock, "Customs of Marriage and Systems of Relationship among the Australians," Jour. Anth. Inst., XIV, 300.

[371] Maine, Early Law and Custom, 228.

[372] Darwin, op. cit., II, 103, 104, accepts Huth's view (Marriage of Near Kin), that there is no "instinctive feeling in man against incest any more than in gregarious animals."

[373] This is the view of Morgan, Ancient Society, 512-14; also of Maine, op. cit., 221 ff.; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 117, 138 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 363.

[374] Starcke, op. cit., 212, 223, 224.

[375] In this part of his argument Starcke's generalizations are scarcely sustained by the evidence. See the criticism of Cunow, Australneger, 180-84, who urges the well-known fact that many of the lowest peoples are not acquainted with wife-purchase at all; and even where wife-purchase exists, it might seem to be of as much advantage to a father to marry his daughter to her brother as, for instance, to allow the son to obtain a wife by offering his sister in exchange.

[376] Starcke, op. cit., 233, 229, 230.

[377] Ibid., 227, 228.

[378] Westermarck, op. cit., chaps. xiv, xv, xvi, 290-382. These chapters should be read in the light of the results obtained in those on "Law of Similarity," the "Means of Attraction," "Sexual Selection," and the "Liberty of Choice."

[379] For the evidence of incestuous marriages, see Westermarck, op. cit., 292 ff., 331 ff.; Starcke, op. cit., 44, 209 ff.; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 636; Giraud-Teulon, Origines, 60 ff.

[380] This may perhaps explain why half-sisters and half-brothers may marry among the Todas where relationship is in the male line: Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 206, 221.

[381] Here and there among low races one finds examples of alleged incest recorded. Thus among the New England Indians marriages between brothers and sisters are said to have existed: Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 106. "Among these people only," says Turner of the Innuit on the Labrador coast, "have I heard of a son who took his mother as a wife, and when the sentiment of the community compelled him to discard her he took two other women, who were so persecuted by the mother that they believed themselves to be wholly under her influence." "Ethnology of the Ungava District," XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 180. So also D'Evreux suspects incest, not marriage, between brothers and sisters among the Brazilian Indians: Voyage dans le Nord du BrÉsil, 1613-14, 85-95. On the other hand, Dobrizhoffer says the Abipones abhor marriage with near kindred: Relation, II, 212; and the same appears to be true of the Kafirs: Ratzel, History of Mankind, II, 435. See also the examples mentioned by Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 129, 130.

[382] Westermarck, op. cit., 297; Powers, Tribes of California, 192.

[383] Westermarck, op. cit., 297, 305, 306.

[384] Ibid., 318, 320, 321. Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 55, 56, expresses a similar view.

[385] Westermarck, op. cit., 321, citing Egede, Description of Greenland, 141; Nansen, The First Crossing of Greenland, II, 330.

[386] Westermarck, op. cit., 321, citing Macpherson, Memorials of Service in India, 69.

[387] Tylor, On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 268; Piedrahita, Historia general (1688), 11; Westermarck, op. cit., 321.

[388] Ibid., 322; Wallace, Travels on the Amazon, 497.

[389] Morgan, Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines; Fiske, Discovery of America, I, 64 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 324.

[390] Maine, Early History of Institutions, 7, 78, 106, 195, 200, passim; Early Law and Custom, chap, viii; Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 14, 64, 72, 79 ff., 84, etc.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 362; cf. Lyall, Asiatic Studies, chap. vii.

[391] Lewis, Ancient Laws of Wales, 56, 57, 196.

[392] Westermarck, op. cit., 323-28.

[393] Tylor, On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 261 ff.; cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 328, 329.

[394] Westermarck, op. cit., chap, xiii, and compare chap, xv, 334 ff.

[395] On sterility as the result of crossing in species, see Wallace, Darwinism, 152-86; Darwin, Animals and Plants under Domestication, II, 78 ff.; and on the good effects of crossing and the evil effects of close interbreeding, ibid., II, 92-126, 104. Cf. Quaterfages, The Human Species, 85-88 (crossing species), 276-86 (effects of crossing in mixed races); Mitchell, "Blood-Relationship in Marriage," in Memoirs of London Anth. Society, 1865, II, 402-56; and Withington, Consanguineous Marriages, 2 ff., who believes the injurious effects of such unions on the offspring have been overestimated. On the other hand, it has been maintained that under primitive conditions the advantages of close intermarriage may have outweighed all disadvantages: Mucke, Horde und Familie, 245-47, combating Westermarck's view.

[396] Darwin, Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilization in the Vegetable Kingdom, 436.

[397] Cunow, Australneger, 184 ff., rejects Westermarck's theory, first, on the ground that the prohibition of intermarriage in the cases cited often extends far beyond the local group; and secondly, because where the members of a gens do not at the same time form a local community, marriage is not forbidden in the group of persons actually living together. But Westermarck is dealing with origins; and he does not mean to say that all the existing complex systems of kinship which have gradually been developed through association of ideas or other influences actually now conform to the principle for which he contends. On the other hand Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 178 ff., following Wagner, in Kosmos, 1886, I, 21, 24-34, reaches a conclusion essentially like that obtained by Westermarck. He finds the origin of exogamy in a dread of close intermarriage producing a horror of incest. During the period of the endogamous mother-group such marriages were the rule. With the rise of fixed habitations for the group, beginning in the glacial age and carried farther in the diluvial period, came more permanent sexual relations, the prototype of real marriage. This close living together, because of its deadening effect on sexual attraction, produced a dislike of unions in the group, leading to exogamy, often accompanied by wife-capture; although neither rape nor exogamy must be regarded as a universal stage of social evolution. Crawley, Mystic Rose, 222, 223, 443 ff., rejects Westermarck's theory of a general human "instinct" against inbreeding. He insists that neither incest nor promiscuity was "ever anything but the rarest exception in any stage of human culture, even the earliest; the former being prevented by the psychological difficulty with which love comes into play between persons either closely associated or strictly separated before the age of puberty, a difficulty enhanced by the ideas of sexual taboo, which are intensified in the closeness of the family circle, where practical as well as religious considerations cause parents to prevent any dangerous connections." Westermarck's theory, he holds, does not account for all the facts; for example, "that to no little extent brothers and sisters, mothers and sons, fathers and daughters, do not live together. This is a result of sexual taboo, and is originally a part of the cause why such marriage is avoided, and not a result of avoidance of incest." In short, it "is the application of sexual taboo to brothers and sisters, who, because they are of opposite sexes, of the same generation, and are in close contact, and for no other reasons, are regarded as potentially marriageable, that is the foundation of exogamy and the marriage system." Cf. Lang, Social Origins, 10-34, 238-40 note, whose criticism of Westermarck and McLennan follows similar lines; and Atkinson, Primal Law, 209-40, who believes that jealousy may have set up a bar to sexual unions within the "fire-circle" before totems or the idea of incest arose.

[398] Consult the very interesting chapter of Westermarck on "Selection as Influenced by Affection and Sympathy, and by Calculation," op. cit., 356 ff. "Affection depends in a very high degree upon sympathy. Though distinct aptitudes, these two classes of emotions are most intimately connected: affection is strengthened by sympathy, and sympathy is strengthened by affection.... If love is excited by contrast, it is so only within certain limits. The contrast must not be so great as to exclude sympathy."—Ibid., 362. "Civilization," he adds, "has narrowed the inner limit, within which a man or woman must not marry;" while "it has widened the outer limit within which a man or woman may marry and generally marries. The latter of these processes has been one of vast importance in man's history."—Ibid., 376.

[399] McLennan, Studies, I, 116, passim; cf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 679.

[400] See, especially, Westermarck, op. cit., chaps. xx-xxiii; Starcke, Primitive Family, 128-70; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, chaps. v, vi, vii; and compare Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 241 ff. For the literature of polyandry, see p. 80, n. 2, above.

[401] For the literature relating to the levirate and similar customs, see above p. 84, n. 2.

[402] This may be the explanation of the levirate among the Todas: Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 206-9, 213. Similar practical motives influenced the rise of the levirate elsewhere: Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 258; cf. Martius, Ethnographie, 117, notes; idem, Rechtszustande, 64.

[403] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 679-81, 748 ff., 750. See, however, the criticism of Starcke, op. cit., 151-53, 159 ff.; and compare Westermarck, op. cit., 510 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 108 ff.; Fortnightly Review (1877), 701; and Spencer's "Short Rejoinder," ibid., 897. But elsewhere Spencer thinks the levirate may arise in the duty of caring for the brother's children—a general cause of polygyny: op. cit., 691, 692. For examples of inheritance of widows, see Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 54; "Das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun," ibid., XI, 416, 423; and for widower inheritance among the Chins, idem, ibid., 186 ff.

[404] Starcke, op. cit., 141 ff. For his theory of juridical fatherhood see ibid., 121-27, 135, 139; and compare the similar view of Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 78 ff. This author gives an interesting discussion of the case of Boaz and Ruth, op. cit., 172-78, which may be compared with McLennan, Studies, I, 109 n. 3. On the evidence for juridical fatherhood among the Arabs, consult Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 119, 120.

[405] Westermarck, op. cit., 455-57.

[406] Ibid., 457-59, 113-17; cf. especially Starcke, op. cit., 135. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 264 ff., gives many interesting details.

[407] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 673-75, 678, 679. Insufficient food-supply may cause polygynic and monogamic families to die out; and it is favorable to the survival of the polyandrous family. But the infertility of polyandrous families is unfavorable to their survival, for there are fewer members available for defense.—Ibid., 681.

[408] Polyandry is favored by poverty and scarcity of women; but it is essentially the outgrowth of ancient sexual relations: Hellwald, op. cit., 258-61; agreeing with Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 10. Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 223 ff., follows Lubbock and McLennan in regarding polyandry as a survival of communism. On the other hand, Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 227, is decidedly of the opinion that polyandry among the Kafir Herero is the direct result of poverty and low condition (niedrige Gesinnung); it is, he says, "keine Sitte, sondern eine Unsitte," harmonizing with the laxity of their moral ideas.

[409] Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 125 ff., 128.

[410] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 172, 134-78.

[411] Starcke, op. cit., 135, 139, 128-70.

[412] Westermarck, op. cit., chap. xxi, in connection with chaps. xx and xxii.

[413] Thus Lord Kames, Sketches of the History of Man, I, 277 ff., declares "polygyny to be an infringement of the law of nature, basing his opinion on the false assumption that, 'in all countries and at all times,' males and females are equal in number, and supporting it by the consideration that the 'God of nature has enforced conjugal society, not only by making it agreeable, but by the principle of chastity inherent in our nature.'"—Wake, op. cit., 198 ff., who shows this assumption to be unfounded.

[414] The facts are collected by Westermarck, with elaborate reference to authorities: op. cit., 460-66.

[415] Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 100; Westermarck, op. cit., 467.

[416] Bruce, Travels to Discover the Sources of the Nile, I, 284 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 467, 468.

[417] Oettingen, Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung fÜr eine Socialethik, 55; Westermarck, op. cit., 469. Darwin, Descent of Man, chap, viii, discusses the numerical proportion of the sexes, showing their inequality. Cf. Ploss, Das Weib, I, 244-46, giving a table of the number of male and female births for European countries and for several of the commonwealths of the United States, the male predominating.

[418] Thus, according to Sadler, The Law of Population, II, 333 ff., and Hofacker and Notter, Ueber die Eigenschaften welche sich bei Menschen und Thieren von den Eltern auf die Nachkommen vererben, "more boys are born if the husband is older than the wife, more girls if the wife is older than the husband." But Noirot and Breslau have reached the opposite result; and Berner, from Norwegian statistics, has shown that "the law is untenable." From the registers of births in Alsace-Lorraine, Stieda, Das SexualverhÄltniss der Geborenen, proves "that neither the relative nor the absolute ages of the parents exercise this sort of influence." Platter "concludes from the examination of thirty million births that the less the difference in the age of the parents the greater is the probability of boys being born." For these authorities and others see Westermarck, op. cit., 469, 470; and compare Thompson and Geddes, Evolution of Sex, 32 ff., for a review of theories, particularly the comparative table, p. 35, and the bibliography, p. 40.

[419] The authorities are compared by Westermarck, op. cit., 470; and there is an interesting discussion of this point by Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 223 ff. Cf. Darwin, Descent of Man, chap. viii, 215 ff. Ploss, Das Weib, I, 239-44, gives a comparative view of the notions of various peoples as to the knowledge of sex before the birth of the child.

[420] DÜsing, Die Regulierung des GeschlechtsverhÄltnisses bei der Vermehrung der Menschen, Tiere, und Pflanzen (Jena, 1884), 121-237.

[421] As summarized by Westermarck, op. cit., 470, 471.

[422] Ploss, Ueber die das GeschlechtsverhÄltniss der Kinder bedingenden Ursachen, 21 ff., 30, passim.

[423] Compare Geddes and Thompson, Evolution of Sex, 32-54, who discuss the literature relating to sex-determination; and Geddes, article "Sex" in Encycl. Brit. See the bibliographies of the subject in Geddes and Thompson, op. cit., 40, 53, 54. Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 110, 111, regards the tendency to produce more males than females as due to natural selection, practiced by an in-and-in breeding people, made necessary originally by female infanticide. Thus a "male-producing variety of man is formed."

[424] Consistent with the rule is the fact that the majority of illegitimate births are female.

[425] DÜsing, op. cit., 237.

[426] Powers, Tribes of California, 403, 149; Starckweather, The Law of Sex, 159 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 476-80, who cites many other authorities.

[427] Ibid., 481, 482.

[428] Westermarck, op. cit., 475, 476, citing Stulpnagel, in Indian Antiquary, VII, 135. Cf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 688.

[429] Westermarck, op. cit., 482, 483. Cf. Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 110, 111, 221, passim, for illustrations.

[430] Westermarck, op. cit., 515.

[431] On polygyny see Swinderen, Disputatio de polygynia (1795); Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen, II, 13 ff.; Post, Familienrecht, 63 ff.; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 17 ff., 26 ff.; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 101 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 367-437; Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 222 ff.; Darwin, Descent of Man, chaps. viii, xx; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 143; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chaps. viii, ix, x, xi; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, chap. vi; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 682-97; Starcke, Primitive Family, 261 ff., passim; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 431 ff., and Index. For examples of polygyny see Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 370, 379 (Papuas); VIII, 114 (Dekkan); IX, 324 (Bengal); X, 55 (Azteks); 97-99 (Bombay); XI, 432, 433 (Kamerun); Henrici, "Das Recht der Epheneger," ZVR., XI, 134; Post, "Die Kodification des Rechts der Amaxosa," ibid., XI, 232, 233; Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ibid., X, 36.

[432] For instance, Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 672, 688.

[433] See the enumeration of polygynous peoples in Westermarck, op. cit., 431-35; Spencer, op. cit., I, 682, 683; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 181 ff.; Mason, Woman's Place in Primitive Culture, 222 ff.

[434] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 366 ff.; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 104 ff.

[435] See the lists of monogamous peoples in Westermarck, op. cit., 435-38; and compare Darwin, Descent of Man, 591; Post, Familienrecht, 73; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chap. xi; and especially Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, as above summarized, chap. ii.

[436] Sarasin, Die Weddas von Ceylon, I, 457-75. These investigators, sustaining Westermarck's view of social evolution, regard the monogamy of the Veddahs as a typical primitive institution. Of course, as Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 10 ff., 14 ff., urges against Westermarck and the Sarasin brothers, the accumulation of a great number of examples of peoples among whom monogamy prevails does not necessarily constitute proof of the original condition of man. It is possible, for example, that the Veddahs are far advanced beyond their former condition, or, conversely, that they are a degraded race. Still the existence of these examples of the single pairing family among barbarous and savage men, as well as those found among the anthropoid mammals, puts the burden of proof on the other side. At any rate, it must not be lightly assumed that this kind of evidence has been used more critically by the adherents of the theory of promiscuity than by those who take the opposite view.

[437] Polygyny is found, for example, among the Innuit, but monogamy is the rule, though marriages are often of very short duration. Occasionally there are two, three, four, or in very rare cases even five wives: Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava District," XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 182, 188, 189. Among the Point Barrow Eskimo Murdoch found usually one wife, and never heard of more than two: "Point Barrow Expedition," ibid., 411. "Rich men" among the Thlinkets often have two wives: Niblack, "Coast Indians," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1888, 367, 368; Krause, Die Tlinkit Indianer, 220. The Pima Indian has more than one wife when he can support them, for "the wife is the slave of the husband": Grossmann, "The Pima Indians of Arizona," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1871, 415, 416. A Ponca chief married four wives at one time, took them at once to his wigwam, and all got on well: Rep. Smith. Inst., 1885, 64. The Wyandottes allow polygyny if the wives are taken from different gentes, but polyandry is prohibited: Powell, "Wyandotte Society," A. A. A. S., XXIX, 681. Sometimes "duogamy" is found among the Seminoles: MacCauley, in V. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 495. Among the Sioux "a plurality of wives is required of a good hunter, since in the labors of the chase women are of great service": Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 225; but the "maximum number of wives that one man (an Omaha Sioux) can have is three, e. g., the first wife, her aunt, and her sister or niece, if all be consanguinities. Sometimes the three are not kindred": idem, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 261; and compare Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 65 ff., 82, who finds here an evidence of group-marriage. One wife is the rule among the South American Abipones: Dobrizhoffer, Account, II, 209, 210; and AppiacÁs: GuimarÃes, "Memoria," Revist. Trimens. Hist., VI, 307; and in general it is the prevalent form in South America: Martius, Ethnographie, II, 104; idem, Rechtszustande, 53. Two wives is the average number among the Seri: McGee, in XVII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 279.

[438] For a collation of the facts as to the ratio of polygynists to the whole population among polygynous peoples, consult Westermarck, op. cit., 438-42; cf. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 413, 414.

[439] Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 109; but here the subordinate women are not always legitimate wives. Cf. Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 109; Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 114, 192, 193, 227, 363.

[440] Waitz, op. cit., III, 308, 328. In the Ungava District the children of the first wife take precedence: Turner, op. cit., 190; cf. Niblack, "Coast Indians," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1888, 367.

[441] McGee, "The Siouan Indians," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 178.

[442] Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," ibid., 225. Among the Siouan Omahas, "when a man wishes to take a second wife he always consults his first wife, reasoning thus with her: 'I wish you to have less work to do, so I think of taking your sister, your aunt, or your brother's daughter for my wife. You can then have her to aid you with your work.' Should the first wife refuse, the man cannot marry the other woman. Generally no objection is offered, especially if the second woman be one of the kindred of the first wife. Sometimes the first wife will make the proposition to her husband.... The first wife is never deposed."—Idem, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 261.

[443] Souza, "Tratado Descriptivo do Brazil," Revist. Inst. Hist., XIV (1851), 311 ff. Compare Martius, Ethnographie, 104-06, 108, 109, notes; idem, Rechtszustande, 53, 54, 57, 58.

[444] On these modifications see Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 694-96; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 196, 197, 186 ff., 210. "The phases of this custom [wives of different grades] may be practically divided into (a) those in which all a man's wives have equal rights, (b) and those where there is a superior wife (or wives) and inferior ones, the latter being sometimes legal wives, and at others slave wives or concubines."—Wake, 197. "The Siamese occupy the almost unique position of having four classes of wives, of which, however, the slave wife answers to the concubines of other forms of polygyny."—Ibid., 197. Cf. further, Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 109; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 328; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 368, 382 (China), 414; Avery, "The Indo-Pacific Oceans," Am. Antiquarian, VI, 366.

[445] "I have known many who kept the same wife all their lives. But if any Abipon marries several women, he settles them in separate hordes, many leagues distant from one another, and visits first one, then the other, at intervals of a year."—Dobrizhoffer, Account, II, 210.

[446] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 442-50; cf. Starcke, Primitive Family, 261, 262.

[447] This is the view of Westermarck, op. cit., 482, as opposed to that of Chervin, Recherches mÉdico-philosophiques sur les causes physiques de la polygamie dans les pays chauds (Paris, 1812), 38; and he is sustained by Goehlert, "Die Geschlechtsverschiedenheit der Kinder in den Ehen," ZFE., XIII, 127. See also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 689, 690; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 204, 205.

[448] Wake, op. cit., 205; Westermarck, op. cit., 482; Goehlert, loc. cit.

[449] Spencer, op. cit., I, 684, 689, 690; Wake, op. cit., 205; Catlin, North American Indians, I, 118.

[450] Spencer, op. cit., I, 689, 690.

[451] Wake, op. cit., 179-81; Spencer, op. cit., 685. So the African has as many wives as he can buy; and only the rich in ancient Mexico indulged in polygyny: Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 108; IV, 130. Among the American Indians the cost and difficulty of feeding them make several wives the privilege of the opulent. Increased labor gives the California Wintun woman increased rights; "for then she extorts monogamy": Ratzel, History of Mankind, II, 124, 494 (China and Japan). Compare Avery, "The Indo-Pacific Oceans," Am. Antiquarian, VI, 366.

[452] Spencer, op. cit., I, 683, 684. Cf. Starcke, op. cit., 261, who says: "It follows from the nature of things ... that polygamy can never have been the normal condition of a tribe, since it would have involved the existence of twice as many women as men. Polygamy must necessarily have been restricted to the noblest, richest, and bravest members of the tribe." Spencer holds that polygyny is connected especially with the "militant" stage of society, as opposed to the industrial: op. cit., 706.

[453] Spencer, op. cit., I, 685, 686.

[454] Ibid., 685-88; cf. Starcke, op. cit., 261.

[455] Owing to the hard conditions of life, female beauty fades early among savage and barbarous peoples, sometimes even among those reckoned as civilized. A fresh wife is demanded when the first grows old. In some cases the husband is forbidden by custom to cohabit with his wife until the child is weaned, though suckling may continue two, three, or four years: Westermarck, op. cit., 483-88; Ploss, Das Weib, I, 58, 59 (fading beauty).

[456] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 202 ff., thus summarizes the causes of polygyny: "First, the sterility of the first wife," as in the case of Rachel; "secondly, the length of time during which a woman suckles her child; thirdly, the sexual requirements of man while leading a hunting or pastoral mode of life; fourthly, the accidental scarcity of men; and, fifthly, the luxury or sensuality of man, or the desire for influence and power."

[457] Westermarck, op. cit., 489-91; cf. Starcke, op. cit., 261.

[458] Westermarck, op. cit., 495,496; Spencer, op. cit., I, 688.

[459] Spencer, op. cit., I, 688, 689, 690 ff., 697. Cf. on causes of polygyny, Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 112.

[460] Spencer, op. cit., I, 682. Cf. the similar view of Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 219.

[461] This evil effect Spencer himself emphasizes, though he thinks polygyny favorable to women where the habitat is unfavorable to their self-support and men are scarce: op. cit., I, 692-94. See Wake, op. cit., 219 ff., for the relatively advanced condition of women under polyandry; and compare Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 256 ff., who summarizes opinions as to the influence of polyandry; and Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 110, who emphasizes the degradation of woman among pastoral polygynists.

[462] Westermarck, op. cit., 496-504.

[463] The facts are collected by Wake, op. cit., 210 ff., 198 ff.; cf. Spencer, op. cit., I, 693.

[464] Starcke, Primitive Family, 264.

[465] Ibid., 264-66. On the influence of ancestor-worship and the sense of propriety, see Wake, op. cit., chaps. vii and xii, 227 ff., 234, 435 ff. Cf. Spencer, op. cit., I, 691, 697; and on monogamy, Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, chaps. xix, ii; Post, Familienrecht, 72 ff.

[466] See Starcke's masterly summary in chapter vii, "Marriage and its Development," who reaches the conclusion presented in the text. Westermarck, chaps. xxi, xxii, xxiv, obtains practically the same result. Compare also Wake, op. cit., chap. xii, who holds that group-marriage in the Australian and Punaluan forms is the original type of marriage. Then follow polyandry and polygyny; and these are in turn superseded by monogamy. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 389, declares that polyandry and polygyny are the rule, and in this sense more "natural" than monogamy.

[467] Westermarck, op. cit., 505, 506.

[468] Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, 477.

[469] Westermarck, op. cit., 507, 508.

[470] Ibid., 509.

[471] Starcke, op. cit., 264, 265, 255, 258, 259.

[472] For wife-capture see McLennan, Studies, I, 31 ff.; II, 57 ff., 268 ff., passim; Patriarchial Theory, chap, xiii; Post, Familienrecht, 97 ff., 137-57; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 54 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 47, 57; AnfÄnge, 209; Grundlagen, 229 ff.; 240; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 323 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 275-86; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 105 ff.; Achelis, Entwicklung der Ehe, 79 ff.; Kulischer, "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf," ZFE., X, 192 ff.; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 110-29; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe; Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche der Esten, 14 ff.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 383-90; Starcke, Primitive Family, 209 ff., passim; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 104-33; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, 117 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 42 ff., 100 ff., 95-118, 148 ff.; idem, Kulturgeschichte, II, 93 ff., 103, 129; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 402-34, 246 ff., 305, 350; Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 334-68; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 212, 213; BernhÖft, "Principien des europÄischen Familienrechts," ibid., IX, 392-406; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 126 ff.; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter, 249 ff.; Kautsky, in Kosmos, XII, 256 ff., 338 ff.; Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem, 17 ff.; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 277-86; Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., passim; Spencer, in Various Fragments, 74 ff., replying to McLennan.

[473] McLennan, Studies, I, chaps. ii-vi, passim; Patriarchal Theory, chap. xiii.

[474] "Ein zweites, bemerkenswertes Factum ist, dass es vergeblich wÄre ein Volk finden zu wollen, von welchem direkt erwiesen werden kÖnnte, es schliesse gegenwÄrtig sÄmmtliche Ehen auf dem Wege des Raubes, oder habe sie jemals nur auf diesem Wege geschlossen. Daher kann nicht mit voller Sicherheit behauptet werden, der Frauenraub sei je einzige Eheschliessungsform gewesen. Um so wahrscheinlicher ist es, dass er gewÖhnliche, vorherrschende Eheschliessungsform war, da sich nur unter dieser Voraussetzung die allgemeine Anwendung der EntfÜhrungssymbolik bei den einzelnen VÖlkern erklÄren lÄsst."—Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 79, 80.

[475] Post, Familienrecht, 137, 138. Kohler also regards capture as a general stage preceding that of wife-purchase: "Studien," ZVR., V, 336; idem, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ibid., ZVR., III, 342 ff.; and such also is the view of Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 42 ff., 44, 95-118.

[476] Such is the view of Letourneau in his able discussion of this subject: "Si pourtant l'on ne peut se dispenser d'Étudier spÉcialement le mariage par capture, c'est qu'on lui a fait jouer en sociologie un rÔle capital."—L'Évolution du mariage, 110 ff.

[477] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 650.

[478] McLennan, Studies, I, 31 ff.

[479] Ibid., 32; Letourneau, op. cit., 114; Voyages of the Adventure and Beagle, II, 205.

[480] Adam, Du parler des hommes, 2 ff.; Martius, Rechtszustande, 55; Letourneau, op. cit., 114; McLennan, op. cit., I, 33, 34; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 383; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 355; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 82. But see Crawley, Mystic Rose, 46-48, who believes the difference of language is one of the results of the fear of evil which causes sex-segregation and sexual taboo.

[481] Martius, Ethnologie, I, 106, 107; idem, Rechtszustande, 55, 62.

[482] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 188.

[483] Letourneau, op. cit., 113, 114; Westermarck, op. cit., 384; Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 324 ff.

[484] Letourneau, op. cit., 111.

[485] Dargun, op. cit., 81; Westermarck, op. cit., 385; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 343 ff.; Mathews, "Australian Aborigines," Jour. Roy. Soc., N. S. Wales, XXIII, 407; Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, II, 316; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Cent. Australia, 102-5, 554-56.

[486] See especially Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche; Buch, Die WotjÄken, 49 ff.; Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 334 ff.; and his "Frauenwerbung und Frauenraub im finnischen Heldenepos," ibid., VI, 277 ff.

[487] Dargun, op. cit., 111-40; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 308-10; Grimm, Deutsche RechtsalterthÜmer, 440; Westermarck, op. cit., 387.

[488] Westermarck, op. cit., 387, citing Olaus Magnus, Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, Book X, chap, ii, 328. Cf. also McLennan, op. cit., I, 37; and Dargun, op. cit., 95-97, who gives the passage from Olaus.

[489] Westermarck, op. cit., 387. Compare Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia, 23, 24.

[490] Dargun, op. cit., 93, 94; Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, 18; Kulischer, "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf," ZFE., X, 197; DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, 73, 77.

[491] Dargun, op. cit., 92.

[492] Ibid., 100-102; Rossbach, Die rÖmische Ehe, 214, 215, 328 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 124; Schroeder, op. cit., 16.

[493] Westermarck, op. cit., 386, citing Zmigrodski, Die Mutter bei den VÖlkern des arischen Stammes, 250. For the ancient Greeks see McLennan, op. cit., I, 44-46; Dargun, op. cit., 99; Schroeder, op. cit., 15, 16; Rossbach, op. cit., 213. According to Hruza, EhebegrÜndung, 5; idem, Polygamie und Pellikat, 79, 94, 95, capture of women for wives existed only in isolated cases among the ancient Hellenes.

[494] McLennan, op. cit., I, 35, citing Campbell's Indian Journal (1864), 400, and Latham's Descriptive Ethnology, II, 215.

[495] Burnell and Hopkins, Ordinances of Manu, III, vss. 33, 26, pp. 48, 49, 189-91. Cf. McLennan, op. cit., I, 42, 43; Dargun, op. cit., 93; Westermarck, op. cit., 386; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 115; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 126 ff.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 344 ff.; Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 76, 77, 80; Schroeder, op. cit., 15; Jolly, Rechtliche Stellung der Frauen bei den Ältern Indern, 19; idem, Hindu Law of Partition, 73 ff.

[496] Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 72-74; cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 115, 116; Kohler, "Das vorislamitische Recht der Araber," ZVR., VIII, 240, 241, 247.

[497] Deut. 21: 10-14. Cf. McLennan, op. cit., I, 43, 44, who calls attention to Selden's treatise on the rules regulating such marriages: De jure naturali et gentium juxta disciplinam Ebraeorum, lib. v, cap. xiii, fol. 617.

[498] McLennan, op. cit., I, 46, 47; Letourneau, op. cit., 115; cf. Judg., chaps. 20, 21.

[499] Numb., chap. 31; cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 115, 116; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 183.

[500] Letourneau, op. cit., 116.

[501] Ibid., 110. Cf. the similar conclusion of BernhÖft, "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 392, 393, 394; and Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 105 ff.

[502] Letourneau, op. cit., 116, 117 ff.

[503] Dargun's classification of peoples, among whom occurs so-called marriage by capture in its various forms, will be found useful (Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 78 ff., 92, 138, 139). They are divided into two major classes:

I. Peoples among whom wife-capture is an essential part of marriage. This class comprehends three grades according to the consent of the guardian (Gewalthaber) of the woman:

1. In the first grade fall peoples among whom wife-capture is customary without any regard to the guardian: East Indians, Slavs, Germans, and various non-Aryan peoples.

2. In the second grade fall peoples among whom it is the custom, after the capture is effected, to compound with the guardian by paying a penalty for the abduction or a price for the woman: including Slavs, Lithuanians, modern Greeks of the Ionian Isles, the Ossetes of the Caucasus, the Germans, and certain non-Aryan peoples.

3. In the third grade are peoples among whom the abduction of the bride, no longer accompanied by actual violence, is a legal requirement, though preceded by consent of the guardian. Besides non-Aryan examples, here are found the Romans, ancient Greeks, Slavs, possibly the Germans.

II. Peoples among whom wife-capture exists as a survival in merely symbolical form and without legal significance. Examples among nearly all peoples in every stage of advancement.

Cf. the similar classification of Post, Familienrecht, 139, 140.

[504] On the form of capture, see Dargun, op. cit., 86-92, 102 ff., 111 ff.; Hellwald, op. cit., 286-305; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 105 ff.; Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, 14 ff.; Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 334 ff.; and for examples, Kohler's papers in ZVR., VII, 371 (New Guinea); VI, 333, 339, 399 (Roumania); IX, 325 (Bengal); XI, 57 (Azteks), 436 (Kamerun); Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 38; Letourneau, op. cit., 117-29; McLennan, op. cit., I, 9-21; Westermarck, op. cit., 382-90; Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 54 ff.; Familienrecht, 137-57; Starcke, Primitive Family, 212 ff., 262; and illustrations in Schmidt, Hochzeiten in ThÜringen, 33, 36, 40; Wood, Wedding Day, 35, 46, 59, 68, 118 ff., 121-44, passim; and DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, passim.

[505] Hayes, The Open Polar Sea, 432; quoted by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 118, 119. Cf. also, Letourneau, op. cit., 117.

[506] Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava District," in XI. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 188. "I knew of one instance," he adds, "when a girl was tied to a snow house for a period of two weeks, and not allowed to go out." Forcible abduction is referred to by Murdoch, "Point Barrow Expedition," ibid., IX, 412, 413. The practice also exists at Smith Sound: Bessels, in Naturalist, XVIII, Part IX; Murdoch, op. cit., 411.

[507] Murdoch, op. cit., 411, citing Egede's Greenland.

[508] Beckwith, "Customs of the Dakotahs," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1886, Part I, 256 (abduction with purchase). Among the Siouan Indians, according to McGee, there is no marriage by capture; but captive women are sometimes espoused and girls are occasionally abducted: XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 178.

[509] Carver, Travels, 374; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 118; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 85. A similar custom exists among the Khands of Orissa: Lubbock, op. cit., 114; McLennan, Studies, I, 13-15; Post, Familienrecht, 144.

[510] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 88, who names many other peoples among whom the like custom prevails. Cf. Lubbock, op. cit., 123, 113 ff.; Burckhardt, Notes on the Beduins and Wahabys, I, 263, 108, 234. Cf. Kohler, "Das vorislamitische Recht der Araber," ZVR., VIII, 247, 248.

[511] Letourneau, op. cit., 118, 119; cf. Lubbock, op. cit., 117, 118. In Kamchatka, according to MÜller, Description de toutes les nations de l'empire de Russie, II, 89, "attraper une fille est leur expression pour dire marier."—Lubbock, 118.

[512] Bancroft, Native Races, I, 732, 733. For further examples of "ceremonial" capture or abduction, see Peal, "On the 'Morong,'" Jour. Anth. Inst., XXII, 255; Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, IV, 27 (Tscherkessen).

[513] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 88, 89, 108 ff.; Lubbock, op. cit., 118-20.

[514] Bancroft, op. cit., I, 389.

[515] Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 242. Compare McGee, "Siouan Indians," ibid., 178, who says elopements are sometimes sanctioned.

[516] Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 260, 261.

[517] Xavier Hommaire de Hell, Travels in the Steppes of the Caspian Sea (London, 1847), 259; cited by McLennan, Studies, I, 15. Cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 119.

[518] Clarke, Travels, I, 433; McLennan, op. cit., I, 15, 16. Cf. Koehne, "Das Recht der KalmÜcken," ZVR., IX, 462; Dargun, op. cit., 89; Lubbock, op. cit., 116, 117.

With the Kalmuck case may be compared the following, communicated by Dawson: "One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in Dakota, he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting for a young girl to leave the mission house. He learned that they were her suitors, and that they intended to run a race with her after they dismounted. Whoever could catch her would marry her; but she would take care not to let the wrong one catch her. La FlÈche and Two Crows maintain that this is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are sure that the girl (a widow) must have been a 'mickeda,' or 'dissolute woman.'"—Dawson, "Omaha Sociology," in III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 260.

[519] Bonwick, Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, 65, 66.

[520] McLennan, op. cit., I, 38 ff., maintains the prevalence of capture de facto, especially in the form of violent abduction; and he is followed by Lubbock, op. cit., 111-13. According to Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 343 ff., women are sometimes (1) stolen from kindred groups; (2) seized in war between related clans; or (3) captured from alien tribes, elopement being of more frequent, and marriage by exchange or gift of less frequent, occurrence. But it should be remembered that elopement and purchase often go together. Mr. Curr, The Australian Race, I, 108, states that women are very seldom captured from other tribes, the practice being discouraged for fear of stirring up incessant attacks. Cf. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 384, 385; and Kohler, "Das Recht der Australneger," ZVR., VII, 350 ff.

Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Cent. Australia, 104, 105, 554-60, name four methods of obtaining wives among these aborigines: (1) charming by means of magic; (2) capture, being of "much rarer occurrence;" (3) elopement, a form "intermediate" between the method of charming and that of capture, often leading to bloody fights; (4) the custom "in accordance with which every woman in the tribe is made Tualcha mura [prospective mother-in-law] with some man. This relation is entered into while the male and female are in tender years; so that the boy is thus betrothed to the prospective, unborn daughter of his Tualcha mura. This is the usual method of obtaining a wife in the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes.

[521] Fison and Howitt, op. cit., 200.

[522] Ibid., 348-55. Cf. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 34.

[523] Dionysius, II, 30; Plutarch, Lives, I, 133, 134 (Lycurgus); Herodotus, Book VI, 65; Rawlinson, III, 377; MÜller, Doric Races, II, 278; Smith, Dict. of Ant., II, 130-38; Dargun, op. cit., 99, 100; McLennan, op. cit., I, 44 ff., 12 ff.; Lubbock, op. cit., 81.

[524] "Feriis autem vim cuiquam fleri piaculare est, ideo tunc vitantur nuptiae, in quibus vis fieri virginibus videtur."—Macrobius, Sat., 1, 15; cf. Dargun, op. cit., 100.

[525] The domum deductio was the second act in the patrician marriage ceremony of confarreatio, and in this case it appears to have been a necessary form. But it was probably also observed, as a nuptial custom, in connection with plebeian free marriages as well as in the coemptio: Rossbach, Die rÖmische Ehe, 92 ff., 116, 145, 155, 328 ff.; idem, Hochzeits- und EhedenkmÄler, 39-118. Cf. Marquardt, Privat-Leben, I, 38; Smith, Dict. of Ant., II, 142; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 55 ff.; Dargun, op. cit., 100 ff.

[526] "Rapi simulatur virgo exgremio matris aut si ea non est, ex proxima necessitudine, cum ad virum trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit."—Festus, De verb. sig., s. v. Rapi.

[527] Catullus, Carmina, LXII, 20-24; Martin's translation, 89. See also Catullus, LVI and LXI, for other allusions to Roman wedding customs; and compare Ovid, Metamorphoses, IV, 75-78; Virgil, Eclogues, VIII, 30, and Servius, Commentaria, ad hoc loc. In general, Rossbach, op. cit., 328 ff., 359; Marquardt, op. cit., I, 37-55; FriedlÄnder, Sittengeschichte, I, 463-66; BouchÉ-Leclercq, Institutions romaines, 468 ff.; Becker, Gallus, 160, 161, 153-81; Plutarch, Lives, I, 69-73 (Romulus); Smith, op. cit., II, 138 ff., 142 ff.; Letourneau, op. cit., 124, 125; Westermarck, op. cit., 386; Dargun, op. cit., 100 ff.; McLennan, op. cit., I, 13.

[528] Dargun, op. cit., 101; Fustel de Coulanges, op. cit., 56; Rossbach, op. cit., 359.

[529] Dargun, op. cit., 88; Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, 88 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 85, 86, 122, 123; Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 60; McLennan, op. cit., I, 19. Bancroft gives an interesting description of the custom among the California Indians: "On the appointed day the girl, decked in all her finery, and accompanied by her family and relations, was carried in the arms of one of her kinsfolk toward the house of her lover.... The party was met half-way by a deputation from the bridegroom, one of whom now took the young woman in his arms and carried her to the house of her husband."—Native Races, I, 411.

[530] Lubbock, op. cit., 86; Davis, The Chinese, I, 285; Letourneau, op. cit., 144, 145; Post, op. cit., 57.

Dargun, op. cit., 88, 91, says, besides the custom just mentioned, there is but one other survival of wife-capture among the Chinese—the forbidding of friendly intercourse between the newly wedded husband and the mother-in-law. Jameson, China Review, X, 95, thinks that in China there is no trace of capture; but Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 405, 406, gives an example of the alleged symbol of rape among the Chinese. Cf. Neumann, Asiatische Studien, I, 112; and Westermarck, Human Marriage, 387.

Araki, Japanisches Eheschliessungsrecht, 9, 10, denies the former existence in Japan of purchase or capture of wives.

[531] Dargun, op. cit., 102, who refers to the legend of Launcelot and the song of Laudine and Iwein: Gervinus, Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, 5th ed., I, 447, 449. For the same practice in German songs and epics see Dargun, op. cit., 119.

[532] McLennan, op. cit., I, 68; Dargun, op. cit., 102.

[533] Lord Kames, History of Man (Edinburgh, 1807), I, 449: McLennan, op. cit., I, 18; Lubbock, op. cit., 125; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 103.

[534] Dargun, op. cit., 102, 103.

[535] Piers, Description of Westmeath, quoted by Lubbock, 26, 27; see also Dargun, op. cit., 103.

[536] Lubbock, op. cit., 115, 116.

[537] Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 58; Lubbock, op. cit., 114-16; McLennan, op. cit., I, 13-15. For symbols of rape in India see Kohler, in ZVR., VIII, 91, 114 (Dekkan); IX, 325 (Bengal); X, 74-77 (Bombay).

[538] For the Slavs see Dargun, op. cit., 103 ff.; and for the Germans, ibid., 111-40; DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, 22 ff., 65 ff., 113 ff., passim.

[539] This custom, in some form, prevails throughout Europe: Dargun, op. cit., 107 ff., 135 ff. On all these practices compare Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, 57 ff.

[540] "In Schweden wird die Braut an manchen Orten vom BrÄutigam und seinen Gehilfen tief im Heu versteckt gefunden."—Dargun, op. cit., 132; DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, 9.

[541] Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 389; cf. Dargun, op. cit., 130.

[542] Dargun, op. cit., 130, 131; cf. Schroeder, op. cit., 72-78.

[543] In the Brautlauf "eine Beziehung auf den Frauenraub ist anzunehmen, ebenso wie beim analogen Ausdruck 'Brautjagd' in Lothringen, beim altnordischen 'qvÂnfang, konfang, verfang,' d. h. Frauenfang fÜr Ehe und beim gothischen 'quÊn liugan' das Weib verhÜllen, verschleiern, binden fÜr Heiraten, sowie beim gleichbedeutenden mittelhochdeutschen: 'der briute binden.'" Dargun, op. cit., 130; cf. Schmidt, Hochzeiten in ThÜringen, 40; DÜringsfeld, op. cit., 155 ff.

[544] Dargun, op. cit., 130, 131. Weinhold, op. cit., I, 384 ff., gives many examples of similar wedding customs, and Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 126-46, discusses the Brautlauf and like practices, citing the sources in detail. Cf. Grimm, RechtsalterthÜmer, 419; idem, WÖrterbuch, II, 336 ff.

[545] McLennan, op. cit., I, 10, criticises MÜller, Doric Races, Book IV, chap, iv, sec. 2, who accounts for the sign of rape in the Spartan ceremony on the ground of coyness. See also Rossbach, Die rÖmische Ehe, 328, who holds the same view; and Rawlinson's notes, Herodotus, Book VI, 65; Finck, Primitive Love, 123 ff., who rejects Spencer's theory.

[546] Of course, Spencer's reply to McLennan, already mentioned, is most important; and his argument has not been overthrown: Principles of Sociology, I, 652-56. Cf. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 388, who favors Spencer's view; and Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 107, 108, who accepts coyness as a partial explanation, though he believes that the symbol of capture may also be due in some cases to the honor of having wives taken in war, while frequently it may represent in a realistic way the release of the woman from paternal authority and her subjection to the husband's power. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 287 ff., rejects Spencer's explanation, regarding the forms of ceremonial rape as survivals of real capture, marking the transition to wife-purchase and the paternal system; and Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 86 ff., 92 ff., holds a similar position.

[547] Starcke, Primitive Family, 218, 262. He refers especially to the joint or communal family—the "alpha and the omega" of the community. But his explanation can hardly be accepted as sufficient in all cases.

[548] Cf. Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 117, 128, who holds that the ceremonial of capture especially symbolizes the subjection of woman "achetÉe ou cÉdÉe par les parents; il sanctionnait les droits, presque toujours excessifs, que l'Époux acquÉrait sur l'ÉpousÉe."

[549] Ibid., 117. Compare the suggestions of Abercromby, that "marriage with capture—by which he understands capture of a bride, associated with some other form of marriage, such as that by purchase—may be regarded rather as a result of the innate universal desire to display courage, than as a survival of a still older practice of taking women captive in time of war."—Westermarck, op. cit., 388, citing Abercromby's "Marriage Customs of the Mordvins," Folk Lore, I, 454. Cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 128.

[550] Mystic Rose, 368, 370. In harmony with his theory of sexual taboo, he declares that it is "not the tribe from which the bride is abducted, nor, primarily, her family and kindred, but her sex."

[551] This is in effect conceded by Spencer. While rightly rejecting the theory of systematic foreign wife-capture, as a general phase in the development of marriage, he holds that the symbol of rape may sometimes result from struggles for women within the tribe, or from the resistance of the father and male relatives of the bride.

[552] "Der Raub begrÜndet die Ehe nur insofern, als er zugleich jenes Zusammenleben herbeifÜhrt; er ist Eheschliessungsform in demselben Sinne, wie er noch nach heutigem Recht als Besitzerwerbsform bezeichnet werden kann." It is only a matter of Kulturgeschichte and has no juridical significance.—BernhÖft, "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 393.

[553] This is contrary to the common opinion, as expressed, for instance, by Dargun, op. cit., 84, but it appears to be sustained both by reason and the facts. For an example of the restraint of wife-capture through dread of the feud, see Curr, The Australian Race, I, 108. Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 40, shows that the harshness of the husband is mitigated by fear of the vengeance of the wife's relatives; and the same fact is noted by Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 206. Cf. Kohler, "Das Recht der Australneger," ZVR., VII, 349; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 280 ff., 288, 289, 298; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 42; and his Kulturgeschichte, II, 86, 87, for the restraining effects of the blood-feud.

[554] This fact is overlooked by McLennan, who, though maintaining that exogamy originates in wife-capture, still believes that the reduction of capture to a system is due to the influence of exogamy. Westermarck, op. cit., 389, makes the same oversight; though, of course, the horror of close intermarriage, in case of inability to purchase, might lead to the occasional breach of custom in the form of wife-stealing.

[555] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 45, 234, 289, 315, 320, 327, 328, 291; cf. Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 388 ff.

[556] Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 63 ff.; Familienrecht, 175; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 329 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 56 ff.

[557] Post, Familienrecht, 92, 93, 96, 97. Such also is the opinion of Wake, op. cit., 390 ff.

[558] Heusler, Institutionen, II, 280; and Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 42, 44 ff., 95-118, agree with McLennan in regarding purchase, at first as an alternative for capture, as a general form of marriage through which transition is made to the paternal system of kinship and the modern family; Kulischer, in ZFE., X, 193, 218, and Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 336; "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ibid., VI, 333 ff., take a like position.

[559] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 655. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 287 ff., takes a similar position.

[560] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 400, 389, in opposition to Peschel, The Races of Man, 209 ff., who "contends that barter existed in those ages in which we find the earliest signs of our race."

[561] Kohler, "Das Negerrecht," ZVR., XI. 432 ff., 436; "Studien," ibid., V, 350; Westermarck, op. cit., 384; Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 38.

[562] For additional examples of the coexistence of real or pretended capture with purchase or its allied forms, see especially Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 334-68; idem, "Indische Gewohnheitsrechte," ibid., VIII, 264 (Orissa); idem, "Ueber das Recht der Papuas," ibid., VII, 378, 379 (actual purchase and capture de facto); also Post, Familienrecht, 138 ff., 142 ff., 147 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 383, 384, 386-88, 399, 401; McLennan, Studies, I, 38, 39; Letourneau, op. cit., 120, 126, 144.

[563] Westermarck, op. cit., 383.

[564] Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 276, 285, 343 ff., 347, 348, 352-56; Kohler, "Das Recht der Australneger," ZVR., VII, 351, 352; Curr, The Australian Race, I, 107; Post, Familienrecht, 205, 206; Westermarck, op. cit., 390; McLennan, op. cit., I, 40. By the Tualcha mura custom, above referred to, a daughter is promised before she is born: Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Cent. Australia, 554-60.

[565] McLennan, op. cit., I, 41, 42, as evidence of wife-capture, gives the following stanzas, taken from Grey's Travels, II, 313:

"Wherefore came you, Weerang,
In my beauty's pride,
Stealing cautiously,
Like the tawny boreang,
On an unwilling bride?
'Twas thus you stole me
From one who loved me tenderly.
A better man he was than thee,
Who having forced me thus to wed,
Now so oft deserts my bed.
Yang, yang, yang, yoh.
"Oh, where is he who won
My youthful heart;
Who oft used to bless
And called me loved one?
You, Wearang, tore apart
From his fond caress
Her whom you desert and shun;
Out upon the faithless one!
Oh, may the Boyl-yas bite and tear
Her, whom you take your bed to share.
Yang, yang, yang, yoh."

[566] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 85-87, thinks we have in these forms a transition from actual to formal wife-capture. Possibly they may represent in particular instances transition from capture to purchase. Cf. Post, Familienrecht, 142 ff., 147 ff. for numerous examples; and Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 337 ff.

[567] Compare BernhÖft, "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 394, 395, who believes that in Europe rape was never a "legal form" of marriage. It was merely a "preliminary act." Among primitive men no difference is made between fact and law; and only in this sense can wife-capture be regarded as the foundation of a marriage; ibid., 392, 393.

[568] Inhabitants of the Malay island of Djilolo. Cf. Riedesel, "Galela und Tobeloresen," ZFE., XVII (1885).

[569] Post, op. cit., 148.

[570] Ibid., 151, 152.

[571] Ibid., 148, 149. For other examples of leaving a token see ibid., 149, 150.

[572] Ibid., 138, 154 ff. An excellent illustration is afforded by Kalmuck custom: Koehne, "Das Recht der KalmÜcken," ZVR., IX, 462.

[573] Among the Nez-PercÉs Indians, for example, runaway matches are not unknown, but "the woman is in such cases considered a prostitute, and the bride's parents may seize upon the man's property."—Bancroft, Native Races, I, 277.

[574] The view presented in the text should be compared with BernhÖft's judgment. Granting that capture was crowded out by purchase, he does not think, with Dargun, that it was effected through abduction by prior or subsequent payment of the composition or price; but rather that it gradually disappeared in consequence of the severe penalties imposed for breach of the law and other disadvantages; so that "in Folge dessen der schon frÜher durchaus Übliche Kauf zur alleinigen Eheschliessungsform wurde."—"Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 401. Cf. the theory of Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem, 17-22, who thinks rape follows purchase, at least in the form of gifts, but that it is of comparatively little importance; and Mucke, Horde und Familie, 111 ff., 139 ff., who reaches the same result in a different way. See also Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht. 120-22, 127, where the "illegal" nature of capture is admitted.

[575] Kulischer, "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf," ZFE., X, 219; cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 390.

[576] In general on wife-purchase and its survivals see Post, Familienrecht, 173-220; idem, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 63-88; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 329 ff.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 390-416; Starcke, Primitive Family, 146, 232, 39, passim; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 130-50; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 655, 754, 755; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 306 ff., 323 ff.; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 111 ff., 169 ff.; Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte, 19 ff., 31 ff.; Bancroft, Native Races, as below cited; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 213, 218, 245, 246; idem, "Ehe und Eherecht der griechischen Heroenzeit," ibid., XI, 327 ff.; BernhÖft, "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ibid., IX, 400; Kohler, "Studien," ibid., V, 334-68; idem, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ibid., III, 345 ff.; idem, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ibid., VI, 333 ff.; and his other monographs, ibid., VI, 167 (Burma), 365 and 405 (China); VII, 351 ff. (Australia), 371, 372, 378 (Papuas), 382 (India), 395 (Armenia); VIII, 85 (Gypsies), 86 (Eskimos), 87, 113 (Dekkan), 266 (Orissa), 241 ff. (Islam); IX, 326, 327 (Bengal), 334 (Chittagong), 334 (Burma); XI, 57 (Azteks), 167 (India), 419-21, 432 ff. (Kamerun); Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 37, 38; Post, "Kodifikation des Rechts der Amaxosa," ibid., XI, 232 ff.; Henrici, "Das Recht der Epheneger," ibid., XI, 134; Koehne, "Das Recht der KalmÜcken," ibid., IX, 461 ff.; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 42 ff., 95-118; Unger, Die Ehe, 11, 17, 33, 46, 47, 77; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 115, 116, 122 ff.; Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 272 ff., 451; Jolly, Ueber die rechtl. Stellung der Frauen, 16 ff.; Kautsky, Kosmos, XII, 329 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 122-28, 149-54; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 277-86; Tillinghast, "The Negro in Africa and America," Pub. Am. Ec. Ass. (New York, 1902), III, chap. v; Ellis, Ewe-Speaking Peoples, 153 ff., 199 ff.

[577] This occurs, occasionally, where it is the custom for the husband to pass into the wife's family at marriage: Post, Familienrecht, 174; cf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 788; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 382, 416.

[578] Westermarck, op. cit., 390; Marsden, History of Sumatra, 259.

[579] Westermarck, op. cit., 390. Compare Curr, The Australian Race, I, 107; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 276, 285, 343. On exchange see Kohler, in ZVR., III, 345 (India); VIII, 242 (Islam), 112 (India).

[580] Lichtschein, Die Ehe nach mosaisch-talmud. Auffassung, 10, 11.

[581] Westermarck, op. cit., 390, 391. He enumerates the tribes in each continent among whom the custom is found. The subject is also discussed by Post, Familienrecht, 197, 217-20; idem, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 75; Letourneau, op. cit., 135-37; BernhÖft, "Ehe und Eherecht der griech. Heroenzeit," ZVR., XI, 321 ff. For examples see Kohler, in ZVR., V, 356, 357 (Malay tribes); VI, 333, 334, 338 n. 49, 167; VIII, 113; IX, 334; XI, 420.

[582] Bancroft, Native Races, I, 662.

[583] Letourneau, op. cit., 136.

[584] The "youths serve the parents of the dames two or three years before they are given them for wives; and they do not give them except to those who serve them best, the men in love doing the planting, fishing, and hunting for their fathers-in-law who wish them to, and fetch them firewood from the forest; and when the fathers-in-law give over to them the dames, they go and lodge with the fathers-in-law with their wives," leaving their own kindred: Souza, Tratado Descriptivo do Brazil (1570-87): Revist. Inst. Hist., XIV, 311 ff.; cf. also Kohler, in ZVR., V, 352.

[585] During this courting season, among the small tribes on the Amazon, the lover enjoys the so-called "bosom-right;" and this custom, which appears to be identical in character with that of "bundling" and the "proof-night," appears elsewhere in America and in other parts of the world: Martius, Rechtszustande, 56; ibid., Ethnographie, I, 108; cf. Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 321, 322.

[586] Among the Siouan peoples "the mother-in-law never speaks to her son-in-law, unless on his return from war he bring her the scalp and gun of a slain foe, in which event she is at liberty from that moment to converse with him."—Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 241, 242. Read especially Dorsey's very interesting account of this custom in his "Omaha Sociology," ibid., III, 262, 263; and compare Beckwith, "Customs of the Dakotahs," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1886, Part I, 256, 257; and Long, Expedition, I, 253, 254.

It exists likewise in Australia: Mathew, "Aust. Aborigines," Jour. R. S. N. S. Wales, 408, 409; Dawson, Aust. Aborigines, 29; among the Kafirs and Bushmans: Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 114, 445; in China: Smith, Village Life in China, chap. xxiii; in general, Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 289, 290; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 93; and Crawley, Mystic Rose, 391-414, passim.

[587] McGee, "Siouan Indians," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 202; and especially his "Seri Indians," ibid., XVII, Part I, 279-87; cf. Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 125, who says the marriage ceremonies often mean ability to support a family. The Point Barrow Eskimo takes his wife for "reasons of interest." He wants her for household duties; and conversely she desires a good hunter. The mother usually chooses for her son the prospective bride, who is expected to serve a probation as "kivgak" (servant) in the future mother-in-law's kitchen; but sometimes the man goes to the woman's house to become a member: Murdoch, IX. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 401.

[588] Bancroft, Native Races, I, 134.

[589] So in New Guinea: Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 371. In some cases the "man goes over to the woman's family or tribe to live there forever; but Dr. Starcke suggests that this custom has a different origin from the other, being an expression of the strong clan sentiment, and not a question of gain."—Westermarck, Human Marriage, 391; Starcke, Primitive Family, 39. For McLennan's view of so-called "Beena" marriage, see above, p. 16.

[590] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 754, 755. On the modification of the servitude of the wife through the service-contract see Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 137; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 134 (Kenai).

[591] Westermarck, op. cit., 391, 392.

[592] On the bride-price in various countries see Post, Familienrecht, 181-201; Westermarck, op. cit., 392-94; Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 273 ff.; Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 338 ff.; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 191, 199 ff., 239 ff., 215, 218, 235; Buch, Die WotjÄken, 49 ff.

[593] Post, op. cit., 181, 183.

[594] Ibid., 181.

[595] Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 275 ff. But see especially Turner, Slavisches Familienrecht, 22, 24, who declares that the law of Black George was purely sumptuary, not dealing at all with the price of the bride, but with mere presents from the man's friends. The mistake, he says, originates in a wrong translation by Talvy, Serbische Volkslieder, II, Einleit., 2. Turner in general denies the former existence of wife-purchase among the Slavs, rejecting SchlÖzer's translation of Nestor, I, chap. 12, 124 ff., which passage is an important source usually cited in favor of former purchase. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 26 ff., however, follows the usual interpretation of Nestor and the law of Black George, giving examples of alleged wife-purchase and its survivals. Cf. Post, op. cit., 182, 183; and Westermarck's chapter on "Marriage and Celibacy," especially, 145.

[596] Westermarck, op. cit., 392; Post, op. cit., 180 ff., 188.

[597] Ibid., 193-99; Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 338, 350, 351; Westermarck, op. cit., 394; Kohler, in ZVR., VII, 371.

[598] Boaz, "Kwakiutl Indians," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1895, Nat. Mus., 358, 359.

[599] Beckwith, "Customs of the Dakotahs," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1886, Part I, 255-57. Compare Riggs, "Dakota Grammar," Cont. to N. A. Eth., IX, 205, 206. "Dowries" are exchanged among the Coast Indians: Niblack, Rep. Smith. Inst., 1888, Nat. Mus., 367, 368. Bundles of presents are used by the Abipones: Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 75, 76.

[600] Bancroft, op. cit., I, 276, 277. According to Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 183, the Indians of northern California are "so essentially wife purchasers that the children of a wife who has cost her husband nothing are looked upon as bastards and treated with contempt."

[601] Bancroft, op. cit., I, 349, 350. The old men have a similar monopoly among the Zulus: Kohler, in ZVR., V, 350.

[602] Powers, Tribes of California, 22. A string of dentalium is worth $40 or $50, ibid., 21.

[603] Ibid., 247.

[604] Westermarck, op. cit., 292, 293; Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, IV, 214; Letherman, "Sketch of the Navajo Tribe of Indians," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1855, 294.

On wife-purchase, exchange of presents, and wedding ceremonial among American aborigines see further Martius, Rechtszustande, 57, 58; idem, Ethnographie, I, 108-10; Eells, "Indians of Wash. Ter.," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, 665 (price of woman $100 to $400); McGee, "Siouan Indians," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 178; Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," ibid., XV, 242; Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava District," ibid., XI, 188; MacCauley, "Seminole Indians of Florida," ibid., V, 495, 496 (ceremonies); Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 342, 352 ff.; Post, Familienrecht, 183; Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, II, 48.

[605] Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 137 ff.; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 350 ff.; idem, "Das Negerrecht," ibid., XI, 419 ff., 433, 434, 435-41; Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ibid., X, 37, 38; Henrici, "Das Recht der Epheneger", ibid., XI, 134; Post, ibid., XI, 232 (Amaxosa); idem, Familienrecht, 183, 184; Buchner, Kamerun, 31 ff.; especially Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 112 ff. (Kafirs), 141-44 (Zulus), 192-94 (Bechuanas), 365 (Namaquas), 444, 445 (Bushmans); and Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien, 146 ff., 240, 241, 319 ff., 387; Ellis, Ewe-Speaking Peoples, 153 ff., 199 ff.

[606] Westermarck, op. cit., 393. Compare Fritsch, op. cit., 112, 113, who says the "price varies from some six or seven oxen to thirty or more, if the daughter of a respectable chief is concerned." The price is usually paid in instalments; and, according to Fritsch, among the Kafirs the only thing which distinguishes a woman from cattle is the fact that her lord and master may not wantonly kill her or do her severe bodily hurt; for then the chief would demand the composition or blood-money.

[607] In such case the father may return the woman to the husband with a part of the cattle; and thus the higgling will proceed till an agreement is reached: Fritsch, op. cit., 143, 144; cf. Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 434 (Zulus), 370 (Bechuanas).

[608] Westermarck, op. cit., 393; Ratzel, op. cit., III, 16; Wilson and Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I, 187. Purchase or exchange of gifts exists widely among the peoples on the northern borders of Abyssinia: Munzinger, Ostaf. Studien, 146 ff., 240, 241, 319 ff., 387. Cf. also Post, op. cit., 183, 184; Letourneau, op. cit., 137 ff.; Wake, op. cit., 213-15; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 108-17 (many examples).

[609] Waitz, op. cit., II, 118, 119; Kohler, "Das Negerrecht," ZVR., XI, 422-24. In case of the death of a husband who has made part payment for his wife, the son or other heir pays the balance due and takes the woman: ibid., 423, 424. For cases of wife-pawning among the Siamese see Bastian, RechtsverhÄltnisse, 407 ff.

[610] See particularly Kohler, in ZVR., V, 334 ff., who gives much interesting matter relating to these peoples; also Post, op. cit., 184 ff.; Letourneau, op. cit., 143 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 393, 395; Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, passim; Buch, Die WotjÄken, loc. cit.

[611] Post, op. cit., 185, 186. Among the Kirgese of Semipalatinsk cattle are the unit of exchange in which other property is reckoned: ibid., 186. Post gives many interesting details as to prices of women among the Asiatic and European peoples.

[612] Post, ibid., 190 ff., gives examples. "Bei den Osseten im Kaukasus zahlt man fÜr Wittwen die HÄlfte des Brautpreises der Jungfrau, bei den Arabern am Sinai die HÄlfte oder ein Drittel."—Ibid., 191. Cf. also Westermarck, op. cit., 392.

[613] Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 144. Women who have shown themselves fruitful sometimes bring more than girls: Post, op. cit., 190, 191; Die AnfÄnge des Staats- und Rechtsleben, 41 ff.; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 340, 341.

[614] Letourneau, op. cit., 143, 144. Cf. Koehne, "Das Recht der KalmÜcken," ZVR., IX, 461 ff., who shows that the Kalmuck wife is in a relatively worthy position.

[615] Westermarck, op. cit., 394, 395; Jamieson, China Review, X, 78. But compare MÖllendorff, Das chinesische Familienrecht, 21, 23, passim; and Smith, Village Life in China, chap. xxiii. According to Huc, Chinese Empire, II, 225 ff., the price is paid in two instalments, one part at the signing of the contract, another a few days before the wedding. Gifts are also made by the bridegroom's parents; while the bride's parents provide her with a trousseau. Cf. Kohler, "Aus dem chinesischen Civilrecht," ZVR., VI, 365 ff., 405, 406; Letourneau, op. cit., 144, 145; Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, III, 493-508; Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, VI, 102-24.

[616] Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 77 ff. He quotes the following lines from the KÂmil, 270 ff.:

"Never let sister praise brother of hers: never let daughter bewail a father's death;
"For they have brought her where she is no longer a free woman, and they have banished her to the farthest ends of the earth."

[617] Smith, op. cit., 78, 79. Cf. on the Arabs, Letourneau, op. cit., 117; Westermarck, op. cit., 395; Post, op. cit., 191-93, passim; especially Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 357 ff., and the literature there cited; idem, "Ueber das vorislamitische Recht," ibid., VIII, 241, 248, 259; and Tornauw, "Das Erbrecht nach den Verordnungen des Islams," ibid., V, 129-37; Friedrichs, "Das Eherecht des Islam," ibid., VII, 259-61, 243, 252, 272.

[618] Smith, op. cit., 79.

[619] Deut. 27:29; cf. Lichtschein, Die Ehe nach mosaisch-talmudischer Auffassung, 10.

[620] Ruth 4:10; Hosea 3:2. Cf. Smith, op. cit., 79; Westermarck, op. cit., 395; and in general on Hebrew matrimonial customs see Bader, La femme biblique, 1-225, 114, 115 (mÓhar).

[621] Wake, op. cit., 237; Weill, La femme juive (1874), 11, 12, 117 ff.

[622] Lichtschein, Die Ehe, 11, 12; Mielziner, Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce, 77 ff. This author's surmise that the symbolical marriage with money was adopted under influence of the Roman coemptio is, of course, not well founded: ibid., 78 n. 2.

[623] Westermarck, op. cit., 395. Even in the days of Abraham the purchase price is beginning to be transformed into a dower: "And the servant brought forth jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment and gave them to Rebekah; he gave also to her brother and to her mother precious things."—Gen. 24:53. Cf. Westermarck, 408, and the authorities there cited.

[624] Kohler, in ZVR., V, 361. Cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 147, who says that so much do they regard wives as property that in case of remarriage the second husband has to indemnify the family of the first for the bride-price.

[625] Kohler, loc. cit., 361, 362. Even in recent times the chieftains in middle Albania were accustomed to steal their wives from Turkish families and to compel them to receive Christian baptism: ibid., 362.

[626] The "bride-wooer" appears in many places: Schroeder, HochzeitsbrÄuche, 32-45, 200 ff.; Kohler, "Indische Gewohnheitsrechte," ZVR., VIII, 90.

[627] Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 309-11, 314. Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 125-75, gives a masterly discussion of marriage among the early Aryans, with particular reference to the Hindus. With this should be compared the able paper of Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 342-442, who differs on some important points; and Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 381 ff. The "rich presents" referred to consisted, in case of actual purchase, of one hundred cows; and Leist, op. cit., 128, notes the coincidence of this number with one hundred beeves mentioned by Homer, Iliad, xi, l. 244.

[628] See Apastamba, II, 6, 13, 12.

[629] But Manu is not always consistent regarding the legality of the actual bride-money; see Ordinances, IX, 93: Burnell and Hopkins, 260 n. 7; and cf. Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 345 n. 8.

[630] Burnell and Hopkins, Ordinances of Manu, Lect. III, 20, 21, 24, 31, 41 ff., 47-50. "This form is also practiced at the present day by people claiming to be Brahmans, e. g., the Caiva Brahmans, called 'Gurukkal,' in southern India, who seldom can get wives for less than a thousand rupees. It often happens that low-caste girls are palmed off on them."—Ibid., 49 n. 2. Cf. Jolly, Hindu Law of Partition, 73-76, for a discussion of the marriage forms; idem, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung der Frauen, 15-18.

[631] One of the eight marriage forms mentioned by Manu with approval: The "gift in due form of a maiden is called the Arsha rite, when a pair or two of cattle have been legally received from the bridegroom."—Burnell and Hopkins, op. cit., III, 29, 48, 49. Cf. Jolly, op. cit., 16; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 130-33, for the consequences of disapproval of capture; and for the transformation of the purchase-price into the Çulka institution or dower, ibid., 501 ff.

[632] Westermarck, op. cit., 396; Dubois, A Description of the Character, Manners, and Customs of the People of India (Madras, 1862), 102; cf. Burnell and Hopkins, op. cit., 49 n. 2.

[633] Aristotle, Politics, II, viii. Compare Hruza, EhebegrÜndung, 8 ff.

[634] ?d?a ?pe?e?s?a: Iliad, xvi, l. 178; Odyssey, xix, l. 529. Iliad, xi, ll. 244 f., mentions one hundred oxen as the price. Cf. Leist, op. cit., 128; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 381, 382.

[635] "Alphesiboia": Iliad, xviii, l. 593; cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 396; and Schrader, op. cit., 381.

[636] Poste, Gaius, I, 113, 88, and the editor's notes, 89 ff.

[637] It is so regarded by Sohm, Institutes of Roman Law, 361 n. 3; by Westermarck, op. cit., 397; Schrader, op. cit., 382. Rossbach, Die rÖmische Ehe, 65 ff., 93, 145, 245 ff., holds that there was one original form from which both coemptio and confarreatio were derived, and that it combined purchase with religious elements. Karlowa, Die Formen der rÖm. Ehe, 1 ff., 45., criticises Rossbach and holds that it remains to be proved that coemptio is a survival of real purchase, it being more likely a particular use of mancipatio arising perhaps under Servius Tullius; but Leist, op. cit., 128 ff., rejects this view and favors the theory of survival. Lange, RÖmische AlterthÜmer, I, 105, 106; and BernhÖft, RÖmische KÖnigszeit, 186, are in practical agreement with Karlowa. Cf. Poste, Gaius, 89 ff.; Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, 441-43, who rejects the theory of survival; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 149, 150; Monlezun, Femme mariÉe, 28-30.

[638] See Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 74, who compares usus and coemptio. Cf. Poste, Gaius, I, § 111, p. 88; Letourneau, op. cit., 150.

[639] Herodotus, v, 6: Rawlinson, III, 180.

[640] Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 272, 275; Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 26 ff. It existed among the Russians, Bohemians, and Pomeranians: Westermarck, op. cit., 397 n. 6, and the authorities there cited; but Turner, Slavisches Familienrecht, 16 ff., 22, denies the former existence of purchase.

[641] Herodotus, i, 196: Rawlinson, I, 262, 263.

[642] Kohler, "Der MÄdchenmarkt auf dem Gainaberg," ZVR., VI, 398-400. The bride-price was represented by the presents tendered by the wooer. "Einst brachten die Eltern ihre heirathsfÄhigen TÖchter (fetele) sammt der Mitgift auf den Berg, wo die MÄnner, die petitori, um sie warben; die MÄdchen sassen dabei auf ihrer Mitgift oder standen hinter derselben. Der Kauflustige bot Geschenke und wurde mit den Eltern einig; der Frauenkauf war bereits ins donatorische Stadium getreten." Kohler finds, in certain customs connected with the market, relics of promiscuity and wife-capture.

[643] "Der Vater erhielt das volle Coibche bei der ersten Ehe der Tochter, bei der zweiten ²/₃, bei der dritten ¹/₂, und so fort bis zu ¹/₂₁; der Rest scheint der Tochter zugefallen zu sein; eine weitere verhÄltnissmÄssige Gabe, welche ebenfalls nach Anzahl der Ehen sich verkleinerte, kam dem Haupte der Familie zu."—Kohler, in ZVR., V, 363; O'Curry, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish; Sullivan, Int., I, clxxiii ff.; Ancient Laws of Ireland, III, 315.

[644] Kohler, in ZVR., V, 363, 364; Ancient Laws of Ireland, III, 401, 405, 541-45. In the early laws of Wales the cowyll corresponds to the Irish coibche, but it is already transformed into a dotal portion: Kohler, op. cit., 365, 366.

[645] Post, Familienrecht, 158; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 377, 378, where will be found examples of peoples among whom free betrothal exists.

[646] Westermarck, Human Marriage, chaps. vii-xiii, inclusive.

[647] Darwin, Descent of Man, chap. viii, 222 ff.; Espinas, Des sociÉtÉs animales, 323 ff. Cf. Groos, Die Spiele der Thiere, 129 ff.

[648] Westermarck, op. cit., 157; Sachs, Text-Book of Botany, 897; Darwin, op. cit., chap. viii; Kulischer, Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl, in ZFE., VIII, 140 ff., who regards the dance as originally a form of wooing. Such is also the view of Espinas, op. cit., 305 ff.; and Groos, op. cit., 257 ff., 263 ff.

[649] Westermarck, op. cit., 159, 253; Darwin, op. cit., chap. xiii; Wallace, Darwinism, 282 ff.

[650] Martius, Rechtszustande, 589; idem, Ethnographie, I, 111; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 101; Darwin, op. cit., chap. xix, 561 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 101 ff.; and especially Westermarck, op. cit., 159-63, who gives many examples.

[651] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xiii, 367; chap. viii, 214 (prolonged courtship of animals). Cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 159.

[652] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xxi, 614.

[653] Ibid., chap. viii, 211; cf. ibid., 496, 554.

[654] Westermarck, op. cit., 241.

[655] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xvi, 496.

[656] Wallace, Darwinism, 268-300; also his Tropical Nature, 221-48.

[657] Accepting Tylor's results in Coloration of Animals and Plants (London, 1886).

[658] Westermarck, op. cit., 252, 249. Wallace has also noted the use of colors as a means of recognition: Darwinism, 217 ff.; and admits that the sexual colors may become pleasing to the females, though they may be devoid of an Æsthetic sense. This alleged inconsistency is criticised by Poulton, Colours of Animals, 286.

[659] Westermarck, op. cit., 240-52, especially 241, 244, 251, 252.

For a comparison of the different theories of sexual selection see Geddes and Thompson, Evolution of Sex, 3-30, who think the truth lies between the views of Darwin and Wallace; Poulton, op. cit., 284-335, who sustains Darwin's view; and Finck, Primitive Love, 229 ff., who attempts "to demolish the theory of sexual selection in reference to the lower races of man as Wallace demolished it in reference to animals." Cf. Espinas, Des sociÉtÉs animales, 290 ff.; Brooks, Law of Heredity (1883), 166-241; Groos, Die Spiele der Thiere, 230 ff., 267 ff., who takes a medial position between Darwin and Wallace; Weismann, Studies in the Theory of Descent (London, 1882), I, 161 ff.; Eimer, Die Entstehung der Arten (1888); and Geddes, articles "Reproduction," "Sex," "Variation and Selection," in Encycl. Brit.

[660] Westermarck, op. cit., 165; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 71, 72. Cf. Darwin, op. cit., I, chap. xix, 573 ff., 556-85, for a general discussion of the "secondary sexual characters of man."

[661] Westermarck, op. cit., 168-82, holds that tattooing is primarily a means of sexual attraction. The same is true of circumcision, 201-6; and of clothing, 186-212. The facts "appear to prove that the feeling of shame, far from being the original cause of man's covering his body, is, on the contrary, a result of this custom." When not due to climate, it "owes its origin, at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women to make themselves mutually attractive," 211. But see Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 60-96, who ascribes clothing, not to shame, but the love of ornament; and Finck, Primitive Love, 247 ff., who entirely rejects Westermarck's view, alleging, as a matter of fact, that tattooing "has had from the earliest recorded times more than a dozen practical purposes, and that its use as a stimulant of the passion of the opposite sex probably never occurred to a savage until it was suggested to him by a philosophizing visitor." On circumcision see Kohler, in ZVR., XI, 429, 430; VI, 417-19, reviewing Wilken, De besnijdenis bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel (1885); Ploss, Das Kind, I, 342 ff., 367 ff.; Hellwald, op. cit., 362; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, II, 317, who believes circumcision originated as a form of expiation. Crawley, Mystic Rose, 135 ff., regards tattooing, circumcision, and other mutilations, not as ornaments, but as "practically" amulets or charms to secure the safety of organs and functions.

[662] This conclusion of Westermarck is disputed by Finck, op. cit., 261 ff.

[663] Westermarck, op. cit., 173 ff., 182 ff. Cf. Darwin, op. cit., 577 ff., 597 ff., who thinks women among savages are fonder of ornament than men; but the context shows that he does not refer to our "progenitors."

[664] Westermarck, op. cit., 253. Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 596 ff., holds this view, in the case of the "secondary sexual characters," for our "progenitors."

[665] Spencer, op. cit., I, 747; cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 273, 277, 278.

[666] That standards of beauty depend upon racial difference is urged by Westermarck, chap. xii, especially 273 ff., against Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 595-99, who holds that racial differences are due to different standards of beauty. On female beauty and ideals of beauty among all races see Ploss's full and interesting discussion: Das Weib, I, 59-124.

[667] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 597.

[668] Ibid., chap. xx, 597-99.

[669] Post, Familienrecht, 166-71, 163, 157 ff.

[670] In such cases the right of betrothal belongs either to the parents, to the families, or to particular relatives, as, for instance, to the mother, eldest brother, or maternal uncle of the bride: Post, Familienrecht, 162-64, 166, 167; idem, AnfÄnge des Staats- und Rechtslebens, 32, 33. See Westermarck, op. cit., 213-15, notes, for examples. In West-Australia the consent of the whole tribe is necessary to a girl's marriage: Westermarck, 215; Kohler, in ZVR., III, 357 ff.; VI, 398.

[671] According to Post, Familienrecht, 205, the purpose is always Familienverbindungen anzuknÜpfen; and usually the betrothed bride is held strictly to a life of chastity, even among peoples where such is not the custom for girls: Post, op. cit., 212, 213; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 149, 150. Of this, good examples are found in the South Sea: Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 356; see also Starcke, Primitive Family, 212, 256, 257; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 78-80; Post, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 80; Ursprung, 57; AnfÄnge des Staats- und Rechtslebens, 35; Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 365-71; Westermarck, op. cit., 213, 214. On early betrothals see further Kohler, in ZVR., V, 342, (Aleuts); VI, 166 (Burma); VII, 352 (Australia), 372 (New Guinea); X, 99-103, 116 (Bombay); XI, 164 (India); Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Cent. Australia, 558.

[672] Post, Familienrecht, 213. Of course, in case of breach, the parents or other contracting parties are subject to fine, damage, or restitution, in a variety of ways: ibid., 214; Westermarck, op. cit., 224.

[673] Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 362, 363, gives many examples. Cf. idem, Familienrecht, 167.

[674] This is the rule among Jackuts, the Sarts of Turkestan, and the southern Slavs: Post, op. cit., 167, 168; Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 320.

[675] Post, op. cit., 168, 169.

[676] Such is the case among the Menangkabaw Malays of Sumatra; and, according to Burmese law, the woman who has once been married has no guardian: Post, op. cit., 169.

[677] Post, op. cit., 169.

[678] For many examples in America, Africa, Asia, and the island groups, see Westermarck, op. cit., 215-21; Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 597-99.

[679] Post, op. cit., 158; VÁmbÉry, Das TÜrkenvolk (1885), 229, 230.

[680] Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 748, 750. Elsewhere he says: "The only limit to the brutality women are subjected to by men of the lowest races is the inability to live and propagate under greater;" but, he adds, savage women are just as selfish and just as cruel as men, they only lack the power. A captured or purchased woman is an "absolute possession."—Ibid., I, 746-49.

[681] Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 150, 130 ff. Kohler, in ZVR., V, 338 ff.; VI, 342, 343; VIII, 242; XI, 416, 423, appears to take the same position. Cf. also his "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 357 ff.; and Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 99 ff.; Post, Familienrecht, 201-5; Friedrichs, in ZVR., VIII, 377, notes; BernhÖft, in ZVR., IV, 234; idem, Staat und Recht der rÖm. KÖnigszeit, 196 ff.

[682] Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 180, 183, 198 ff., holds, against Kames, that even in the case of polygyny the evil effects of purchase may be exaggerated, though they are often bad.

[683] Westermarck, op. cit., 223-35, gives a detailed discussion of the paternal power as to the liberty of the son. Very often, though not so generally as the daughter, he is denied freedom of choice in marriage.

[684] Ibid., 222. Starcke, Primitive Family, 256, 257, emphasizes the importance of female labor in early marriage; and this fact is well established by Grosse in the book already analyzed.

[685] On the place of the wooer in wife-purchase see Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 130 ff. What Spencer says of marriage by service is true in a high degree of marriage by purchase in general: Spencer, op. cit., I, 754, 755.

[686] On the radical difference between elopement and capture see Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 354, 343, 348-51; and compare Ploss, Das Weib, I, 53, 54; Westermarck, op. cit., 223.

[687] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 597, 598.

Among the Point Barrow Eskimo marriages are formed for "reasons of interest." Sometimes a wife is taken against her will. Yet "women appear to stand on a footing of perfect equality with the men both in the family and in the community." The "wife is the constant and trusted companion of the man in everything except the hunt, and her opinion is sought in every bargain or other important undertaking."—Murdoch, in IX. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 410, 413, 414. Cf. Egede, Greenland, 144.

[688] Westermarck, op. cit., 216, 9. Captain Musters, At Home with the Patagonians (1872), affirms that the finest trait of the Patagonian "Tehuelches character is 'their love for their wives and children; matrimonial disputes are rare, and wife-beating unknown; and the intense grief with which the loss of a wife is mourned is certainly not 'civilized,' for the widower will destroy all his stock and burn all his possessions,' and possibly become careless of his life." A similar affection is shown among the Eskimo, who are also polygynous: Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 184, 185.

Free courtship exists among the Omahas: Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 259, 260; and in general there is sometimes individual choice among the Siouan peoples: idem, "Siouan Sociology," ibid., XV, 178.

[689] Dobrizhoffer, Account, II, 207; cf. Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 598; and Ploss, Das Weib, I, 53, 54; Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 75.

[690] Darwin, op. cit., chap. xx, 598; Westermarck, op. cit., 216.

[691] Westermarck, op. cit., 216, and authorities there cited.

[692] Ploss, op. cit., I, 53.

[693] Among the Kaniagmuts, Thlinkets, Nutkas, and the South American GuanÁs: Westermarck, op. cit., 215, 216. Divorce is free among the South American Charuas: Darwin, op. cit., 598. For evidence of courtship and consent among the California Indians see Bancroft, Native Races, I, 398, 411, 412. Spencer, op. cit., I, 722, 723, 754, 755, discusses the favorable position of women among the American aborigines and elsewhere, due in part to "likeness of occupations between the sexes." For further illustrations of freedom of choice or of liberty in the family see Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane, II, 385, 389; Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 101, 103; Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 125, 128.

[694] Riggs, "Dakota Grammar," Cont. N. A. Eth., IX, 206, gives an example. Cf. also the cases mentioned by Westermarck, op. cit., 215.

[695] Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 112, 113; with whom Wake, op. cit., 213, 215, agrees.

[696] Westermarck, op. cit., 220; Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas, 194; cf. also Ploss, Das Weib, I, 54; Darwin, op. cit., 598. The despotic power of the husband is modified in practice through influence of the wife's friends: Rehme, in ZVR., X, 39, 40, 41, 42; Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 434.

[697] Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 192, 444, 445.

[698] Darwin, op. cit., 599. Freedom of choice in varying degrees, often with wife-purchase, prevails among the Ashantees, Loangos, Sognos, Shulis, MÁdis, Marutses, Hottentots, and Gold Coast negroes: Westermarck, op. cit., 220, 221; Ploss, op. cit., I, 54. Cf. Wake, op. cit., 214, 215; Munzinger, Ostaf. Studien, 146, 207, 324; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 116, 117.

[699] For these examples see Westermarck, op. cit., 218, notes.

[700] Westermarck, op. cit., 218. According to Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 385, actual wife-capture still exists in the New Britain islands. "Es kommt vor, dass die Frau dem ersten Mann weggenommen wird und dass die Leiche des getÖdteten ersten Mannes das Hochzeitsmahl bildet."—Powell, "Unter den Cannibalen," Globus (1884), 328.

[701] Kohler, "Das Recht der Birmannen," ZVR., VI, 166, 168.

[702] Westermarck, op. cit., 219.

[703] See Westermarck, op. cit., 218-20, and the many examples there mentioned, with citation of the sources; and compare Post, Familienrecht, 166, 168, 169, passim; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 354 ff.; Wake, op. cit., 215, 216; PrjÉvalski, Mongolie et pays des Tangoutes (1880), 47, 207; Huc, Travels in Tartary, I, 52, 185. For female choice in Australia: Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 234, 242, 326, 327 (Kurnai); 276, 280, 289, 348-54 (elopement). The Kalmuck wife is a free woman: Koehne, "Das Recht der KalmÜcken," ZVR., IX, 463; and Wake gives interesting proofs of the coexistence of real affection with polygyny and purchase: op. cit., 218.

[704] So among the Kafirs: Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London, 1857), 49: Westermarck, op. cit., 402; and among other tribes: ibid., 402, note.

[705] Compare the remark of Wake, op. cit., 199, who, in speaking of purchase in its relations to polygyny, says: "It may be doubted whether the ideas which govern such a transaction (wife-purchase) are very different from those which guide persons under similar circumstances in monogamatic societies. When the savage buys a girl to be his wife, it is for the purpose of having, if not a companion, a helpmate, and a mother of his children, and her father parts with her for those objects."

[706] Accordingly, it is sometimes regarded as a disgrace to marry without payment of the bride-price; and the girl takes pride in the amount she brings to her father. For examples see Wake, op. cit., 183, 191; Bancroft, Native Races, I, 277, 349, 350; Powers, Tribes of California, 22, 56.

[707] Kohler, "Die Gewohnheitsrechte des Pendschabs," ZVR., VII, 227. Cf. Tupper, Punjab Customary Law, III, 9, who gives the decision referred to; and Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 46, 47.

[708] We have here the case of an "appointed daughter." The son of a "brotherless maiden" was sometimes reserved to be the heir of her father, not of her husband. How could a man marry such a brotherless girl and secure himself in the possession of his child, to continue his own hearth-worship? This might be effected by payment of the "official" price of one hundred cows and one wagon (Wagen), and this was so even in the later period when the law-books frowned upon wife-purchase: Leist, op. cit., 110 n. 10, 127 n. 3, 130, 131, and the references to the ancient law-books there given.

[709] Westermarck, op. cit., 397.

[710] Compare Sarasin, Die Weddas von Ceylon, I, 460, 461. Sometimes girdles (Lendenschnuren) are exchanged by bride and groom. Free courtship exists; and this primitive people presents a notable example of the pairing-family. The English author DeButts naÏvely remarks, "The savage Veddahs live in pairs like the beasts of the forest": Sarasin, op. cit., I, 549.

[711] Such is the case among the Ainos of Yesso and the Brazilian Puris, Coroados, and Coropos: Westermarck, op. cit., 397, 398. Among the Polynesians the present seems to be designed to gain the good-will of the wife's parents, but when the wife's family is the inferior in rank, the husband, though rendering the wooing-gift, receives a dower with his bride: Wake, op. cit., 390. On the "wooing-gift" see Post, Familienrecht, 173, 175; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 342 ff.; Kohler, in ZVR., V, 356; Koehne, ibid., IX, 461 (Kalmucks); Hildebrand, Ueber das Problem, 17 ff., who, as already noted, regards gift as preceding purchase; and Crawley, Mystic Rose, 386 ff., who holds that "the so-called bride-price was originally of the same class as the kalduke, a pledge, a part of one's self, given to another and received from him."

[712] Among the Seri the woman has much liberty of choice: "certainly she holds the power of veto, ostensible if not actual." During the preliminary courtship she occupies a position of great dignity. "When all parties concerned are eventually satisfied a probationary marriage is arranged, and the groom leaves his clan and attaches himself to that of his bride. Two essential conditions—one of material character and the other moral—are involved in this probationary union; in the first place the groom must become the provider for, and the protector of, the entire family of the bride." For a year he thus shows his "skill in turtle-fishing, strength in chase, subtlety in warfare, and all other physical qualities of competent manhood.... During the same period the groom shares the jacal and sleeping robe provided for the prospective matron by her kinswomen, not as a privileged spouse, but merely as a protecting companion; and throughout this probationary term he is compelled to maintain continence—i. e., he must display the most indubitable proofs of moral force." To this kind of service the character of wife-purchase is denied: McGee, "The Seri Indians," XVII. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., Part I, 279 ff.

[713] For these and other examples see Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 342, 351, 353; Post, Familienrecht, 176-79; idem, Ursprung des Rechts, 65; idem, AnfÄnge des Staats- und Rechtslebens, 55; Bancroft, Native Races, I.

[714] Among the Todas, on betrothal, "dowers" consisting of buffaloes are exchanged. If the husband discards his wife, her father demands a return of her dower; if the wife abandons the husband, his father may take back his gift. In case the marriage be canceled because the husband has not fulfilled his part of the contract he may be "fined a buffalo or two": Marshall, A Phrenologist amongst the Todas, 210-13, 217-19. Compare Wake, op. cit., 451.

[715] See the passage quoted from Boaz, p. 191, above. The "ceremonies" may sometimes be intended to prove the man's ability to support a family: Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 125.

[716] Wake, op. cit., 390; Lafitau, Moeurs des sauvages amÉriquains, I, 565, 568. Cf. Morgan, Ancient Society, 454, on the presents to the wife's relatives among the Syndiasmians (American Indians).

[717] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 22 ff.; KÖnigswarter, Histoire de l'organisation de la famille, 123; and Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 320, hold this view. But the point is disputed and will be recurred to in another chapter.

[718] In general, on the decay of wife-purchase, see Westermarck, op. cit., 402-16, who gives the fullest and most detailed account; Post, Familienrecht, 173-81, who discusses the stages of decline.

[719] Thus in Lovrec, Dalmatia, where the bride-price is no longer customary, when the BrautfÜhrer, on the day before the nuptials, comes to the bride's home for the Brautkiste containing her trousseau, he finds a child sitting upon it, who must be bought off through payment of a piece of gold: Post, op. cit., 177. Sometimes the symbolical purchase coexists for a time with real purchase: ibid., 177; idem, Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 73; idem, Grundlagen des Rechts, 235.

[720] Westermarck, op. cit., 409 ff. For many examples of exchange of gifts see Kohler, "Studien," ZVR., V, 340, 341, 347-49, 351, 353, 365; Post, op. cit., 177-79.

[721] Westermarck, op. cit., 409, 410, giving examples.

[722] The marriage contract had already reached this last stage among the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians. They had a remarkably high ideal of family life. The facts disclosed by the records are wholly inconsistent with Herodotus's story regarding the sacred prostitution of the unmarried women. At the nuptials it was customary to state that the bride was "pure" or "without stain." Polygyny existed only as the rare luxury of the rich. As a rule, the formation of a second marriage was equivalent to a divorce from the first. Two principles, declares Sayce, the maternal and the paternal, "were struggling for recognition." Perhaps "they were due to a duality of race; perhaps they were merely a result of the circumstances under which the Babylonians lived. At times it would seem as if we must pronounce the Babylonian family to have been patriarchal in character; at other times the wife and mother occupies an independent and even commanding position. It may be noted that whereas in the old Sumerian hymns the woman takes precedence of the man, Semitic translation invariably reverses the order: the one has 'female and male,' the other 'male and female.'"—Babylonians and Assyrians, 13. The practical result was that the sexes were nearly equal in marriage. The individual and not the family was the social unit; and the individuality of the woman was fully recognized. She controlled her own property. She could buy and sell, borrow and lend, sue and be sued, and inherit equally with her brother. She might become a priestess, the head of a city, or the queen of the state. The wife was her husband's equal in the business world. The possession of property "brought with it the enjoyment of considerable authority." She "could act apart from her husband, could enter into partnership, could trade with her money, and conduct law-suits in her own name."—Idem, Social Life among the Assyrians and Babylonians, 50, 51. The bride's dower was paid by her father to the bridegroom; but it was her property. Sometimes the husband enjoyed the use of it for life; sometimes the wife disposed of it as her private capital. It was always a means of securing her economic independence, and thus of promoting the happiness of her married life. "In this way she was protected from tyrannical conduct upon his part, as well as from the fear of divorce on insufficient grounds. If a divorce took place the husband was required to hand over to the wife all the property she had brought with her as dowry, and she then either returned to her father's home or set up an independent establishment of her own." The divorced woman might marry again if she chose. "Marriage was partly a religious and partly a civil function. The contracting parties frequently invoked the gods, and signed the contract in the presence of the priest. At the same time it was a contract, and in order to be legally valid it had to be drawn up in legal form and attested by a number of witnesses. Like all other legal documents it was carefully dated and registered."—Idem, ibid., 46, 47, 49, 50. Cf. for the forms of contract and ceremony his Babylonians and Assyrians, 13-43; also the interesting account of Simcox, Primitive Civilizations, I, 360-79; her discussion of the similarly advanced domestic relations of the ancient Egyptians, ibid., I, 198-225; Kohler, "Ueber zwei babylonische Rechtsurkunden aus der Zeit Nabonids," ZVR., V; and Haupt, Die sumerischen Familiengesetze.

[723] In "our days, a woman without a marriage portion, unless she has some great natural attractions, runs the risk of being a spinster forever. This state of things naturally grows up in a society where monogamy is prescribed by law, where the adult women outnumber the adult men, where many men never marry, and where married women too often lead an indolent life."—Westermarck, op. cit., 416.

[724] For the proof, see, for instance, the numerous writings of Riedel, Wilken, Bastian, Friedrichs, BernhÖft, Post, and Kohler.

[725] Post, Familienrecht, 75-79, 249-65; idem, AnfÄnge, 20, 21; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 320 ff., 434 ff.; idem, Grundlagen des Rechts, 267 ff.

[726] Post, Familienrecht, 250-58, enumerates six classes of peoples according to the freedom of divorce: (1) the marriage relation loose and dissoluble at the pleasure of either party; (2) marriage indissoluble; (3) divorce only by mutual consent; (4) divorce the right of the husband only; (5) divorce the right of the wife; (6) divorce only on definite grounds, these grounds either being the same for either spouse or different for the man and the woman respectively. In the text examples of the fifth group are given in connection with the cases of divorce at the pleasure of either party; for where the wife has the right to put away or leave the husband when she likes, the husband, unless in very exceptional cases (Post, Grundlagen, 271), appears to have the same privilege with respect to the wife; hence Post's first and fifth groups are practically the same.

In general on the first phase, see Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 433-38; idem, Grundlagen, 267 ff.; idem, Familienrecht, 249-51; Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 284 ff., 289, 290; BernhÖft, "Das Gesetz von Gortyn," ZVR., VI, 430 ff., 434; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 518 ff.

[727] Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 436, 437. The husband seems also to have absolute right of divorce: Letourneau, op. cit., 285.

[728] Post, op. cit., I, 437.

[729] Among the Mundingos the wife has an action against the husband for abuse; in Soulimana she may leave him, if the bride-presents are restored; while among the Krus in such cases her relatives must repay double the purchase price; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 119, 120. Among the Charruas, where polygyny exists, the wife abandons the husband if an unmarried man will take her: Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, II, 75.

[730] Post, Familienrecht, 251.

[731] ibid.

[732] This is the conclusion of Kohler, "Aus der Praxis des buddhistischen Rechts in Birma," ZVR., VI, 389-91, following the interesting decisions in Jardine, Circulars (Civil and Criminal) of the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of British Burma, 1883 (Rangoon, 1884). Cf. also Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 172; Post, Familienrecht, 251; and Westermarck, op. cit., 528.

[733] Among the early Arabians the woman as well as the man had entire freedom of divorce. The nikÂh al-mot'a, or temporary contract-marriage, amounted merely to a restriction of the woman's power of divorce during the short term of agreement: Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 59 ff., 65 ff.; Kremer, Kulturgeschichte des Orients, I. 538; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 18, 9 ff.: ap. Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XIV, sec. iv, 4, Yonge's trans. (London, 1887), 11. By the later Arabian law, after the rise of wife-capture and wife-purchase, divorce became the sole privilege of the husband; and the same is true under the still later law. Cf. in general, Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, chaps. xxii, xxiii; Kohler, "Ueber das vorislamitische Recht der Araber," ZVR., VIII, 244, 248, 257; Friedrichs, "Das Eherecht des Islam," ibid., VII, 263-69.

[734] Rehme, "Ueber das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 38, 39; cf. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 436. Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen SÜd-Afrikas, 113, says that in cases of very cruel treatment the wife may abandon the husband and return to her family; to get her back the husband has to make an after-payment.

[735] In two cases wives left their husbands for bad treatment. Occasionally the man repudiates his wife; and sometimes there are several changes or exchanges before a permanent choice is made. When, however, a union is once settled, it is not easily dissolved: Murdoch, in IX. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 411, 412. Similar freedom for both sexes prevails among the Eskimo about Bering Strait: Nelson, ibid., XVIII, Part I, 292.

[736] Dorsey, "Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 261,262. For further examples of easy divorce among the Indians see Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava District," ibid., XI, 270 (Nenenot); Report Smith. Inst., 1885, 71 (Pawnees marry and unmarry at pleasure); Anchieta, "InformaÇÃo," Revist. Trim. Hist., VIII, 254-62 (the woman leaves the man at pleasure in Brazil).

[737] The old Indie law does not recognize a proper divorce, though the husband may "supersede" his wife; but sometimes by the existing custom of Indian peoples it is allowed: Kohler, in ZVR., III, 384, 386 ff.; VII, 236; XI, 169. Cf. Friedrichs, ibid., X, 251; Westermarck, op. cit., 525; Letourneau, op. cit., 301, 302.

[738] Sarasin, Die Weddas von Ceylon, I, 459.

[739] Post, Familienrecht, 251, 252, following the researches of Wilken and Riedel. This rule applies, apparently, only to the Papuas of Geelvinkbai in New Guinea; elsewhere in that island the man may put away the woman at pleasure: Kohler, "Ueber das Recht der Papuas auf Neu-Guinea," in ZVR., VII, 373. In general cf. Westermarck, op. cit., 517.

[740] Post, op. cit., 252. In some instances, however, mutual agreement is only one of several grounds on which dissolution of the marriage is allowed. "So ist z. B. auf Mukuhiva, auf den Marianen, bei den Koluschen eine Trennung der Ehe durch gegenseitige Uebereinkunft gestattet. Ebenso in Birma."—Post, loc. cit., 252, 253.

[741] Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 33-36. Divorce by mutual consent is lawful in Polynesia, but it rarely occurs if there are children: Avery, "The Indo-Pacific Oceans," Am. Ant., VI, 366; the same is true of some American peoples: Waitz, Anthropologie, III, 328.

[742] Munzinger, Ostaf. Studien, 241.

[743] For these cases see Westermarck, op. cit., 520-23; Post, Familienrecht, 253, 254; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 433-36; idem, Grundlagen, 268, 269; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 251, 252; Kohler, "Studien," ibid., V, 340, 341 (Mongols and Tunguse); idem, "Ueber das Recht der Koreaner," ibid., VI, 403; and Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 286 ff., 289 ff.

[744] McLennan, Studies, I, 141, 142, note; Post, Familienrecht, 253. But this is not the general rule, as below shown.

[745] Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 433 ff.; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 109, 115 (only the woman legally capable of adultery), 120; Munzinger, Ostaf. Studien, 320 (Beni Amer).

[746] Post, Familienrecht, 253.

[747] Westermarck, op. cit., 520, 521.

[748] Powers, Tribes of Cal., 56.

[749] Ibid., 178.

[750] After the wife is "thrown away" the husband becomes a "young man" again, and seeks new partners: Beckwith, "Customs of the Dakotahs," Rep. Smith. Inst., 1886, Part I, 256. Cf. also on the man's absolute right of divorce, Dorsey, "Siouan Sociology," XV. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 225.

[751] Dobrizhoffer, Account, II, 210-12, 96, 138; cf. GuimarÃes, "Memoria," Revist. Trim. Hist., VI, 307.

[752] Bonwick, Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, 73, 74. The Tasmanian woman, he adds, even when divorced "was by no means free, as the tribe exercised jurisdiction" in her "affairs and the disposal of her person. She soon came under bondage again to another man, though perhaps to a younger than her first affianced one; as the young fellows were in most instances supplied with their first partners from the overflowing establishments of their seniors, or by the grant of a cast-off bit of property."

[753] Westermarck, op. cit., 520, 521, citing Deut. 24:1; Meier and SchÖmann, Der attische Process, 511; McKenzie, Studies in Roman Law, 123 ff.; Grimm, RechtsalterthÜmer, 454. On the Hebrews see also Letourneau, op. cit., 302, 303; Glasson, Le mariage civil et le divorce, 145 ff.

[754] Post, Familienrecht, 253, 254; Riedel, in ZFE., XVII, 78.

[755] "In den Gallareichen kann der Mann die Frau verstossen, weil sie ihm langweilig geworden oder zu den hÄuslichen GeschÄften nicht tauglich ist. Will er dagegen keine Scheidung, sondern nur Trennung, so ergiebt sich die Frau der Prostitution und kann vom Gatten fÜr sich und ihre illegitimen Kinder Wohnung und die nÖthigen Nahrungsmittel beanspruchen."—Post, Familienrecht, 253, 254. In New Caledonia, likewise, the wife may be put away because she bores her husband: Letourneau, op. cit., 285.

[756] The wife is entitled to a divorce in this way when the husband (1) leaves her without support; (2) accuses her falsely of unfaithfulness; (3) refuses to acknowledge the child which she has borne him; (4) when he abandons the faith; or (5) fails in "marital duty": Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 409. But in practice little use is made of this form, the woman preferring instead to declare before the judge that she is in a condition of matrimonial "insurrection," by which means the husband is usually led to "repudiate" her: idem, loc. cit.

[757] The procedure by oath is allowed when the husband is persuaded, but cannot prove, that the wife is pregnant by another man; and the action must precede the accouchement. The wife may take a similar oath that the husband's belief is unfounded: Hellwald, op. cit., 409.

[758] But other phrases, such as "Cover thee with thy veil," or "Seek another man," may be employed: Hellwald, op. cit., 409. Compare the three formulÆ used in Algiers: Letourneau, op. cit., 297.

[759] Hellwald, op. cit., 410, 411; following especially Vincenti, Die Ehe im IslÂm, 22, 23. After the third divorce or declaration there is still a way in which the man can get his wife back when she, in due legal form, has married another man, and has been repudiated by him. This procedure is usually collusive by means of a "straw husband": Hellwald, loc. cit., citing Efendi, TÜrkische Skizzen, II, 15. In general see Unger, Die Ehe, 48-50; Letourneau, op. cit., 289-99, on the triple declaration among Mohammedan peoples of Africa.

[760] These cases are discussed by Post, Familienrecht, 253-55; idem, Grundlagen, 269; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 439-41; Letourneau, op. cit., 286 ff.; Westermarck, op. cit., 523, 524; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 251.

[761] On these so-called "Zeitehen" and "Ehen auf Proben," in addition to the references, chap. ii, p. 49, note 2, see Post, Familienrecht, 75-79; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 321-23; Starcke, Primitive Family, 258-60; Westermarck, op. cit., 523, 524, who apparently includes these cases under the head of divorce for sterility. "Proof-marriages" are said even now to be customary in Yorkshire: Bunsen, in ZFE., XIX, 376; Post, op. cit., 77; and a good example is afforded by the Scotch "hand-fasting" prevalent in the eighteenth century: "Two chiefs agreed that the heir of the one should live with the daughter of the other as her husband for a year and a day; if at the end of that time the woman had become a mother, or, at any rate, if she was pregnant, the marriage was regarded as valid, even if unblest by a priest;" otherwise the connection was dissolved: Starcke, op. cit., 260; Skene, The Highlanders of Scotland (London, 1837), 166. Cf. Tegg, The Knot Tied, 222, 223; Brand, Popular Antiquities, II, 87, 88; Bullinger, The Christen State of Matrimonye (1541), 48, 49; Wood, The Wedding Day, 113, 184, 185; Stiles, Bundling, 17, 19. For examples of temporary unions among the American Indians see Westermarck, op. cit., 518, 519. Such marriages are found among the Winnebagoes: Thwaites, in Wis. Hist. Coll., XII, 427.

[762] Westermarck, op. cit., 524: ap. Kolben, The Present State of the Cape of Good-Hope (London, 1731), I, 157. However, this rule may in practice have little meaning: see Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 435, who also cites Kolben.

[763] Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 33.

[764] For the impediments to matrimony, all of which are diriment, see MÖllendorff, Das chin. Familienrecht, 9-20.

[765] MÖllendorff, Das chin. Familienrecht, 32. In China a man is legally incapable of adultery. If the husband slay either the man or the woman taken in flagrante delicto, he must do so on the instant; "though it is also allowable for the husband to kill the adulterer outside the house, if it be in chase. But if the husband first ties up the adulterer, and then kills him, he will be guilty of a transportable offence.... If the husband kills the wife afterwards, he will be liable to three years' transportation and 100 blows."—Alabaster, Chinese Criminal Law, 187, 188. If the paramour kills the husband, the wife is strangled, whether she knew of the crime or not, provided the husband has not consented to the adultery. Grace is shown the woman only "when the murder was sudden and unpremeditated;" but then only in case that she "fly to the rescue, and give the alarm, and do her best to bring the murderer to justice by denouncing him to the authorities."—Alabaster, op. cit., 194. The price of the guilty wife sold as a concubine falls to the state: MÖllendorff, 32.

[766] The agreement, however, must be in good faith. Should the wife plan the divorce so as to form a punishable relation with another man, it is void, and the husband may retain the woman or sell her to another as in the case of unfaithfulness: Kohler, "Aus dem chin. Civilrecht," ZVR., VI, 376.

[767] MÖllendorff, op. cit., 32; Hellwald, op. cit., 380, 381; Alabaster, op. cit., 182 ff.; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 225 ff.; Katscher, Bilder aus dem chin. Leben, 90 ff., passim.

[768] If he puts away his wife without just cause, he is to receive eighty blows with the bamboo and take her back: Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 232; Kohler, loc. cit., 375; Westermarck, op. cit., 523; Letourneau, op. cit., 300, 301; Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, I, 106, 107.

According to Tscheng-ki-Tong, China und die Chinesen, 55, barrenness is the only serious ground of divorce in China, and even of this little use is made, particularly by the aristocracy; but this view is not sustained by other evidence, divorce being frequent among the lower classes: Hellwald, op. cit., 380, 381.

[769] Kohler, loc. cit. On the other hand, the interpretation of these rules may often be "too elastic" in favor of the man. In one of the old Chinese books, according to Westermarck, op. cit., 524, 525, "when a woman has any quality that is not good, it is but just and reasonable to turn her out of doors.... Among the ancients a wife was turned away if she allowed the house to be full of smoke, or if she frightened the dog with her disagreeable noise": citing Navarette, An Account of the Empire of China (London, 1704), 73.

[770] According to Alabaster, op. cit., 190, "it would seem that the husband can claim no marital rights, if he has been for five years in exile, without writing to his family, and his wife has in the meantime married again, although the law is not clear."

[771] Kohler, loc. cit., 375, 376. The woman has also the right of divorce when the husband is a leper or becomes such after marriage; when he is impotent; and either party may claim the right when deceived by a false allegation in the marriage contract: MÖllendorff, op. cit., 32, 33; Alabaster, op. cit., 182.

See further on Chinese divorce and marriage, Legge, Life and Teachings of Confucius, 106, passim; Huc, Chinese Empire, II, 218-20, 262, 263; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 229-35.

[772] Kohler, "Studien aus dem japanischen Recht," ZVR., X, 449. Cf. Wake, op. cit., 233, note; Westermarck, op. cit., 525; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 383-86; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 228-31.

[773] Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 60; Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, V, 35. Among the Aztec Otomis the parties could separate after the first night; but, possibly, this is a case of proof-marriage; and in Michoacan the same rule prevailed, if they swore that they had not "seen one another": Kohler, loc. cit., 61. The divorce laws of the Chins or Khyengs, in farther India, are particularly interesting; and in some respects they are similar in principle to those of the Chinese and Aztecs: Kohler, "Das Recht der Chins," ZVR., VI, 186 ff., 191 ff.

[774] Cf. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 722, 723; Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 229, for suggestive remarks in this connection. Westermarck, op. cit., 526-29, discusses this topic with characteristic minuteness, giving in a note a list of peoples, with authorities, among whom the wife has the right of divorce absolutely or on conditions.

[775] So in Tahiti, the Sandwich Islands, the Marianne and Caroline groups, the Indian Archipelago, in Africa, and elsewhere; see the examples of free divorce at the option of either party and the authorities already mentioned above. Cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 287.

[776] Bancroft, Native Races, I, 277.

[777] Ibid., 412; Morgan, Ancient Society, 454 (Iroquois); Letourneau, op. cit., 288.

[778] Westermarck, op. cit., 527: ap. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, IV, 223 ff.

[779] Westermarck, op. cit., 527: ap. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, IV, 214. But it appears to be a point of honor for the abandoned husband to avenge himself by killing someone: Bancroft, op. cit., I, 512; Letourneau, op. cit., 288.

[780] Westermarck, op. cit., 527.

[781] Bancroft, op. cit., II, 672; Letourneau, op. cit., 288.

[782] So among the Santals (Dakotas): Letourneau, loc. cit.

[783] For this class of peoples see Post, Familienrecht, 250, 254-58; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 436-39; Westermarck, op. cit., 526-29.

[784] Westermarck, op. cit., 527, 528: ap. Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, 295.

[785] Westermarck, op. cit., 528: ap. Macdonald, Africana, I, 140.

[786] Westermarck, op. cit., 528, 529; Glasson, Le mariage civil et le divorce, 152 ff.; Unger, Die Ehe, 60; Plutarch's Lives (London, 1890), Solon, 68. Primitively the Grecian wife had little liberty in this regard; even later it was always difficult to enforce her right of divorce; and repudiation was regarded as a disgrace: Lecky, History of European Morals, II, 287, 289; Letourneau, op. cit., 304.

[787] Westermarck, op. cit., 528, 529; Waitz, Anthropologie, II, 389; Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 436. But in case of the Kafirs, the chief decides whether the woman has just cause: Post, op. cit., 438.

[788] "Wird die Frau misshandelt oder vernachlÄssigt, so kann sie die LÖsung der Ehe verlangen; dies ist allgemeines Negerrecht."—Kohler, "Ueber das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun," ZVR., XI, 441, 442. See also Henrici, "Das Recht der Epheneger," ibid., 135; Bastian, RechtsverhÄltnisse, 179 (Gold Coast).

[789] Westermarck, op. cit., 528, 529: ap. AmÍr' AlÍ, Personal Law of the Mahommedans (London, 1880), chaps. xii ff.

"According to the Talmudic Law, the wife is authorized to demand a divorce if the husband refuses to perform his conjugal duty, if he continues to lead a disorderly life after marriage, if he proves impotent during ten years, if he suffers from an insupportable disease, or if he leaves the country forever."—Westermarck, 528; Glasson, op. cit., 149 ff. Consult also Amram, The Jewish Law of Divorce, 63-77, who gives an interesting discussion of the woman's power of divorce; and, besides the causes just named, mentions also "refusal to support," "apostasy," "wife-beating," when the wife is not at fault, and "false charge of ante-nuptial incontinence." Cf. Letourneau, op. cit., 303.

[790] For examples see Post, Familienrecht, 258; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 452.

[791] Ibid., I, 452.

[792] Here the man divorces his wife by cutting in two a piece of "Rindenstoff, von dem er eine HÄlfte behÄlt und eine HÄlfte dem Vater der Frau zuschickt."—Post, loc. cit.

[793] MÖllendorff, Das chin. Familienrecht, 33; Post, op. cit., I, 452.

[794] Post, Familienrecht, 259.

[795] Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 453.

[796] In the Indian Archipelago a priest is necessary, for instance, on the islands of Gorong and Seranglao; among the Buginese; as also with the Makassars, where he receives 3 gulden for his trouble: Post, Familienrecht, 259, 260.

[797] So in case of divorce among the Omahas, where, as Dorsey believes, "father-right has succeeded mother-right," the woman cannot take the children with her if the man is unwilling; although in practice they "are sometimes taken by their mother, and sometimes by her mother or their father's mother."—"Omaha Sociology," III. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 225, 262.

In China a divorce completely dissolves the marriage; the woman returns to her family, if it will receive her; the children remain with the father; and the purchase price is returned to him, unless his conduct has caused the divorce. When her family declines to receive the woman she becomes sui juris: MÖllendorff, Das chin. Familienrecht, 34.

[798] See chap. i, 21 ff., above.

[799] Post, Familienrecht, 260-62; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 447, 448; idem, Grundlagen, 276, 277.

[800] So in the Malay Rawas, where kinship is cognatic. Here, in case of an odd number, the undivided child is left temporarily with the mother, but the father has the right on the payment of the equivalent of 8 reichsthaler to claim the child when it no longer needs the mother's care: Post, Familienrecht, 261, 262.

[801] Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 297.

[802] When the divorce is by common consent: Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 172; Post, Familienrecht, 262. For African examples see Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 449.

[803] Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane, II, 387.

[804] Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, 295, 296.

[805] Ibid., 295. Sometimes all the children go to the father or to the house-community, the mother receiving back the dotal gift: ibid., 296, 297.

[806] Post, Grundlagen, 277; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 448 ff.; idem, Familienrecht, 262, 263.

[807] Thus in Morocco the husband who puts away his wife must keep the children; Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 449.

[808] Ibid., I, 448. Cf. Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 286.

[809] Post, Grundlagen, 276.

[810] So in Lika. In Stara Pazva the woman receives back her dotal portion; and in Stro[vs]inci common gains are divided: Krauss, op. cit., 295, 296; Post, Familienrecht, 316.

[811] In the archipelago of Seranglao and Gorong the lands and houses which each party had before the marriage are retained by each, and the winnings are divided, the man receiving two-thirds and the woman one-third: Post, loc. cit.

[812] Henrici, "Das Recht der Epheneger," ZVR., XI, 135 (alimony). For many examples of these rules see Post, Familienrecht, 316-20; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 441-47. Thus in Morocco, should the husband put away his wife without cause, he must give her in presence of the judge a present (etwas Beliebiges) in value to suit himself; and a similar present is adequate for either party divorcing the other among the Moorish Braknas. In the East African city of Harar the husband responsible for the separation loses the purchase price, pays the woman a sum equal to it in value, and besides is obliged to support her outside of his dwelling during a term to be fixed by the cadi: Post, Familienrecht, 320; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 443, 445. In the South Slavonian Bocca, Crnagora, and Herzegovina the husband who puts away his wife because she is affected by a disease is usually required to give her a lifelong support; and ordinarily, when he is accountable for the separation, he must pay a fine of from 50 to 100 thaler: Krauss, op. cit., 567. For various illustrations see Letourneau, op. cit., 289 ff.

[813] Thus, among the Moors of Morocco, who almost all practice monogamy, the man who rejects his wife is not permitted to marry again within four months: Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 450.

[814] Cf. the suggestion of Post, loc. cit.

[815] See the examples enumerated in Post, Familienrecht, 264; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 453; among them are the people of Tonga, Tahiti, and Unyoro; also Dawan (West Timor) when the divorce is through the fault of the husband.

[816] Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 450.

[817] Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie, VI, 129; Post, Familienrecht, 263.

[818] Thus in the African Sarae the divorced woman must wait two months before remarriage: Munzinger, Ostaf. Studien, 387; among the Beni Amer, three months; while the Marea woman is obliged to refrain for a year: ibid., 241, 321.

[819] See especially on Arabian divorce, Smith, Kinship and Marriage, 91 ff., who emphasizes the effect of wife-purchase. Compare Post, Familienrecht, 263. Among the Kabyles of Algiers for mistreatment the woman has the right of "insurrection;" she may return to her father's house; but without the consent of her husband she cannot remarry: Letourneau, L'Évolution du mariage, 295. Cf. Hanoteau et Letourneux, Kabylie, II, 159, 164, 177 ff. The custom of insurrection appears to be general in Islam: Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 409.

[820] Smith, op. cit., 93.

[821] Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, IV, 151; Post, Familienrecht, 263, 264.

[822] See the interesting proofs for various African tribes in Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 454-57.

[823] Ibid., 455. Sometimes, as among the equatorial tribes of West Africa, the widow shows a repugnance to second marriage: returning to her family, she never marries again: ibid., 456.

[824] Post, Familienrecht, 265; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 453, 454.

[825] Thus in Dawan (West Timor), when peace is made between the divorced couple, the party who caused the separation must pay the parents of the other five swine and five pieces of linen. A year's interval must elapse with the African Peulhs of Futa-Jallon. In Unyoro (Africa) the reunion is celebrated by slaughtering a beef; and among the Berbers of Dongola the divorced man gives the woman two pieces of cotton stuff: Post, Familienrecht, 265; idem, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, I, 453.

[826] Kohler, "Das Recht der Azteken," ZVR., XI, 61; Cf. also Klemm, Kulturgeschichte, V, 35; Post, Familienrecht, 265.

[827] Starcke, Primitive Family, 258, 259.

[828] For examples see Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 251, 252.

[829] Divorce is rare among the Muskogi and Natchez (Florida-Dakota), the Caribs, the aborigines of Paraguay and Nicaragua, and the Eskimo: Friedrichs, loc. cit.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 524. Cf. Powers, Tribes of Cal., 239 (Wintun); Dorsey, Siouan Sociology, 243 (rare in the better class).

[830] For China see Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 380, 381; Tscheng-ki-Tong, China und die Chinesen, 55; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 232; Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, I, 106, 107; Medhurst, in Trans. Royal As. Soc., China Branch, IV, 27: Westermarck, op. cit., 525. For Japan see Wake, op. cit., 233; Westermarck, op. cit., 525; and for the Aztecs, Bancroft, Native Races, II, 263-65; Waitz, Anthropologie, IV, 132.

[831] Cf. the remarks of Wake, op. cit., 218; and compare Ratzel, Hist. of Mankind, II, 434 (Zulus); and Sarasin, Die Weddas von Ceylon, I, 458, 468, 469.

[832] Westermarck, op. cit., 531.

[833] Westermarck, op. cit., 19, gives examples.

[834] Westermarck, op. cit., 531, and the authorities cited in the notes. The same influence was a check upon divorce in Athens: Letourneau, op. cit., 304.

[835] On the conservative influence of wife-purchase see Westermarck, op. cit., 532, 535, 536; and for curious and instructive illustrations of the effects of purchase read especially the detailed account of the law of divorce among the Kabyles of Algiers in Letourneau, op. cit., 292-96. The man has the sole right of divorce. As a condition of setting the woman free he may demand the lefdi, or price of redemption, and fix such other terms as he pleases; as that the lefdi shall be double or triple, if she marry such or such a man. The sum may thus be so large as to amount to a prohibition of marriage. On the other hand, a liberal price may be an inducement to free the woman. Among some of these tribes the amount of the lefdi is fixed by law, usually at a sum higher than the thÂmanth, or purchase price of a virgin or a widow, so as by working upon the cupidity of the husband to induce him to pronounce the triple formula and thus suffer the woman to contract a new marriage. The children under all circumstances follow the father.

[836] Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 229, 230.

[837] Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I, 72, 73, and the sources there cited. The former existence of wife-capture among the Germans is also held by Siegel, Rechtsgeschichte, 450; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 280; Schulenburg, Die Spuren des Brautraubes, 10 ff.: BernhÖft, Frauenleben, 8 ff.; Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, 97 ff., 107 ff.; Sehling Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 29; Opet, Die erbrechtliche Stellung der Weiber, 16 ff.; Colberg, Ueber das Ehehinderniss der EntfÜhrung (Leipzig, 1869), 25.

[838] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 111-25, critically examines these passages. The fact that a marriage effected by rape or abduction is often treated as valid, even when the purchase price is not paid, is especially urged as evidence of the survival of customary wife-capture. Thus in Æthelberht, 82, 83; Ælf., 8; Æthelred, VI, 26, 39: Schmid, Gesetze, 9, 75, 231, 301, a penalty is exacted in such cases, though the marriage appears to be valid. But is it not simpler to explain this on grounds still familiar to all? The suggestion of the text seems to be sustained by the materials collected by Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 308-15. Cf. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 12-31.

[839] Beweddunge is the Anglo-Saxon term, and it is so used in the old English formulary of the tenth century: Schmid, Gesetze, Anhang, VI, 390. It means the act of "contracting" or "pledging," associated with the verb beweddian, "to contract": Schmid, 535, 536. It has the same origin as the modern "wed," "wedding," etc. On the beweddung see Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 450 ff.

[840] In early German law the "real contract" is the only contract recognized. There is no contract by mere convention, no "consensual" contract. Originally two-sided fulfilment was required. Thus, according to Sohm, Eheschliessung, 24 ff., in case of betrothal, payment of the price and tradition of the bride went hand in hand. Later one-sided performance, or even a formal act, was deemed sufficient, and through it the title was actually transferred; the purchaser thus acquiring the "negative" as opposed to the "positive" rights of property—the power to use and enjoy. Cf. Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 6, 7; Loening, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts, II, 577-79; Young, in Essays, 167; Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit, 77; Friedberg, Verlobung und Trauung, 7, 8; Stobbe, Reuerecht und Vertragschluss nach Älterem deutschem Recht (Leipzig, 1876).

[841] Anglo-Saxon weotuma: Ælfred, Ecc. Laws, 12, 29: Schmid, Gesetze, 58, 62. Schroeder uses the term Muntschatz, which, however, is only found in Friesic law: Sohm, Eheschliessung, 33, note. Some form of weotuma appears in many dialects: Old German widemo, giving rise to Witthum; Longobardian meta; Burgundian wittemon; Friesic wetma (wethma, weetma); Alamannian widem: Schroeder GÜterrecht, I, 46, 47, 24; Schmid, op. cit., 675; Grimm, RechtsalterthÜmer, 422-24; Young, in Essays, 165; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 320, note, 336, passim; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 291, note, 161. Cf. Eckhardt, "Das Witthum," in Zeitsch. fÜr deutsches Recht, X, 437 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 315, 316; Smith, La famille chez les Burgondes, 5 ff.

[842] On the tutelage of woman in early Germanic law see Grimm, RechtsalterthÜmer, 447 ff., 465; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 22, 50 ff.; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 193 ff.; II, 27; Gide, Étude sur la cond. privÉe de la femme, 280 ff., 339; Rive, Vormundschaft, I, 218 ff.; Kraut, Vormundschaft, I, 171-86; Leber, Des coutumes, 22 ff.; Reinsch, Stellung und Leben der deutschen Frau, 4 ff.; Habicht, Altd. Verlobung, 8 ff., 68; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 17 ff., passim; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 1 ff.; idem, Rechtsgeschichte, 64 ff., passim; Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I,75,89 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 23 ff.; Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 321 ff.; Waitz, in Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Akademie, 1886, 375 ff.; Buckstaff, in Annals of Am. Acad., IV, 233 ff.; Stobbe, "Die Aufhebung der vÄterlichen Gewalt nach dem Recht des Mittelalters;" in BeitrÄge, 1-24, reviewing and criticising Kraut; Zoepfl, (R.), De tutela mulierum germanic. (Heidelberg, 1828); Emminghaus, De praecipuis germ. fem. (Jena, 1756); and Zoepfl (H.), Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 1-4. Young, "Anglo-Saxon Family Law," Essays, 148 ff., denies that patria potestas existed in German law; and a similar view is taken by Adams, Political Essays, 31 ff.; but Heusler, Institutionen, II, 275, takes the opposite view. Cf. Smith, La famille chez les Burgondes, 13 ff. Ficker, Untersuchungen zur Rechtsgeschichte, III, 401 ff., insists that the sex-tutelage (Geschlechtsvormundschaft) did not exist under Frank law.

[843] That the betrothal is a contract relative to the mund is stoutly maintained by Dahn, Das Weib in altgerm. Recht und Leben, 4 ff., who absolutely rejects wife-purchase, declaring such an idea to be "abominable and impossible" ("abscheulich und unmÖglich"). This theory is also held by Kraut, Vormundschaft I, 171; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 27 ff., 38, 79; yet Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 68, 291 ff., regards the German marriage as in form a purchase of the bride. Rive, Vormundschaft, I, 258 ff., passim, denies that the betrothal has any relation to the mund, and rejects entirely the view that the sale-marriage ever existed among the Germans. Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 8 ff., 12, admits that originally the mund was a "property right" and the wife a "thing," though in the earliest written sources she appears as Rechtssubject. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 22, regards the Witthum as the price of the mund; but in his Trauung und Verlobung, 15, 16, he drops this view and declares the betrothal to be a contract to "give the bride in marriage," or, more directly, a "Kauf der Jungfrau." Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 17, 18, appears to hold that it was the mund which was conveyed; but elsewhere he seems to favor the opposite view for the early period. See his Verlobung und Trauung, 7 ff.; Lehrbuch, 339; and Zur Geschichte, 362 ff. Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 362, declare that "whatever guesses we may make about a remoter age, the 'bride-sale,' of which Tacitus had heard, was evidently no sale of a chattel. It was very different from the sale of a slave girl; it was a sale of the mund, the protectorship over the woman." Gide, Étude sur la cond. privÉe de la femme, 196-215, 335 ff.; and Henry Adams, Historical Essays, 31, are decidedly of the same opinion. Buckstaff, in Annals of Am. Acad., IV, 234, doubts whether the German woman was ever looked upon as a chattel; and Opet, "Die erbrechtliche Stellung der Weiber in der Zeit des Volksrechts," in Gierke's Untersuchungen, XXV, takes a very favorable view of woman's right of inheritance.

On the other hand, the betrothal is regarded as originally an actual sale of the bride by Glasson, Hist. du droit et des inst. de l'Angleterre, I, 116, 117; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 223, 234; Siegel, Rechtsgeschichte, 450-52; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 320; Heusler, Institutionen279 ff.; Loening, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts, II, 578; Hofmann, Ueber den Verlobungs- und Trauring, 849, 850; Leber, Des coutumes, 22 ff.; Lamprecht, Deutsche Geschichte, I, 104, 105; Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 32, 33; Grimm, RechtsalterthÜmer, 420 ff.; Davoud-Oghlou, LÉgislation des anciens Germains, I, xl-xli; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie (apparently), 315-18; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 24 ff.; and especially Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I, 74 ff. Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit, 7 ff., 78, 79, finds fainter traces of the sale-marriage among the Scandinavians than among the North Germans. Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 321 ff., holds that marriage without mund on the part of the husband is the marriage of mother-right as opposed to the later PaternitÄtsrecht. See also Kohler, in ZVR., III, 354; and Waitz, "Ueber die Bedeutung des Mundium im deutschen Recht," Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Akad., 1886, 375 ff., for a discussion of the meaning and content of mund. In general, cf. KÖnigswarter, Hist. de l'organisation de la famille, 121 ff.; Laboulaye, Condition des femmes, 112 ff.; Strack, Aus dem deutschen Familienleben, I, 17 ff.; Beauchet, Mariage dans le droit islandais, 3 ff., 12 ff.

[844] Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 9, note, 68, insists that there is no practical difference between the sale of the Vormundschaft, or protection, and the sale of the bride. See Ficker, Untersuchungen zur Rechtsgeschichte, III, 393-419, who rejects the view that marriage has the same origin and character among all the German peoples.

[845] Æthelb., 77: Schmid, Gesetze, 8, 9. Liebermann, 7, translates: "Wenn jemand eine Jungfrau zur Ehe kauft." Another provision of this code reads: "If a free man lies with a free man's wife, let him buy her with her wergeld, and procure with his own property another woman and bring her home to him (the wronged husband)": Æthelred, 31: Schmid, 4, 5. Cf. Liebermann's ed., 5. See Roeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, 15 ff., 24 ff.

[846] Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I, 74: "Wife-purchase is yet known to the earlier East Frisian sources, and it was still practiced in Denmark in the fifteenth century. "Und wie im Mittelalter die Redensart eine Frau zu kaufen vielfach verbreitet war, so bezeichnet in Holland der Volksmund noch jetzt die Braut als 'verkocht' (verkauft)."

[847] "Dotem non uxor marito, sed uxori maritus offert. Intersunt parentes ac propinqui; probant munera, non ad delicias muliebres quaesita, nec quibus nova nupta comatur, sed boves et frenatum equum et scutum cum framea gladioque. In haec munera uxor accipitur, atque invicem ipsa armorum aliquid viro affert. Hoc maximum vinculum, haec arcana sacra, hos conjugales deos arbitrantur."—Tacitus, Germania, c. 18.

[848] Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 24 ff., 82, 83, has shown that this is probable; and such is the view of Grimm, Rechtsalt., 423, 424. Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 4, believes Tacitus, "vermengt unverkennbar die verschiedenen Gaben, welche nach den Volksrechten des folgenden Zeitraumes unter der Bezeichnung als pretium und Morgengabe hervortreten, wovon die eine dem Vater oder Vormund der Frau, und die andere dieser selbst gebÜhrte;" and the arms given by the bride to the bridegroom he identifies with the later well-known ceremony of "girding" the youth on reaching majority. Cf. on this passage also Heusler, Institutionen, II, 277; Thudicum, Der altdeutsche Staat, 148, 186; Laboulaye, Cond. des femmes, 113; Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 452; Gide, Étude sur la cond. privÉe de la femme, 205 ff.; Ficker, Untersuchungen zur Rechtsgeschichte, III, 416-19, 394, believes Tacitus here describes correctly the Vidumsehe, the marriage in which the Vidum or price came to the woman herself.

[849] Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 50; idem, Rechtsgeschichte, 292; Sohm, Trauung und Verlobung, 15; Laboulaye, op. cit., 113.

[850] Æthelb., 77; Thorpe, Ancient Laws, 22, 23, and n. 3; Schmid, Gesetze, 8, 9. Liebermann, 7, renders the first part of this passage: "Wenn jemand eine Jungfrau [zur Ehe] kauft, sei sie durch [Braut] Kaufgeld [giltig] erkauft, falls das [RechtsgeschÄft] untrÜgerisch ist." Cf. Poeniten. Theod., XVI, 29; Thorpe, II, 11, or Poeniten. Theod., II, xii, § 34, in Wasserschleben's Bussordnungen, 216; with Confess. Ecgb., § 20: Thorpe, II, 147; or the same in Wasserschleben, 309. See also Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 51 n. 9.

[851] Æthelb., 82, 83; Thorpe, I, 24, 25; Liebermann, 8; cf. Schroeder, op. cit., 51 n. 10.

[852] Opet, Die erbrechtliche Stellung der Weiber in der Zeit der Volksrechte, 82 ff. This monograph may be compared with that of Amira, Erbenfolge und Verwandtschaftsgliederung nach dem altniederdeutschen Rechte, 83, 84. Roeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, 15 ff., takes a conservative position. In general on old English marriage see Phillips, Geschichte des angelsÄchs. Rechts, 129-33; Davoud-Oghlou, II, 355-60; Young, in Essays, 163 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 33 ff.; Lingard, Anglo-Saxon Church (2d ed.), I, 6 ff.; Traill, Social England, I, 215, 216; Gide, Étude sur la cond. privÉe de la femme, 237, 196 ff.; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 362 ff.; Buckstaff, in Annals, IV, 233; Ludlow, in Dict. of Christ. Ant., I, 203, 143. There is also a good discussion by Glasson, Hist. du droit et des inst. de l'Angleterre, I, 104-33; an account of the Anglo-Saxon bride in Grupen, De uxore theotisca, 221-55; interesting details in Thrupp, The Anglo-Saxon Home, 19-76; Wright, Hist. of Doms. Manners and Sentiments, 53-56; Turner, Hist. of Manners and Landed Property of Anglo-Saxons, 108, 113-15; and Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 32-45, who gives an interesting discussion regarding the Anglo-Saxon woman, as a chattel subject to sale, even in the historical period. "To these ancient arrangements for the transference of women from their fathers to their matrimonial suitors, and for protecting the property in them against nefarious aggressors," he declares, "must be referred the barbarous spirit in which the law still persists in regarding a certain class of atrocious outrages on morality as mere infringements of private right. We reflect with astonishment on the conduct of our distant progenitors, who legalized traffic in womankind, but we persevere, so far as law is concerned, in dealing with the seducer as though his offence were nothing graver than a violation of personal privileges, for which a payment of money to one of the injured persons is the appropriate penalty" (I, 42, 43).

[853] An exhaustive study of these laws is, of course, not attempted. They are thoroughly exploited in the works of Sohm, Brunner, Schroeder, Friedberg, Dargun, and others.

[854] "Legati offerentes solidum et denarium, ut mos erat Francorum, eam partibus Chlodovei sponsant: placitum ad praesens petentes, ut ipsam ad conjugium traderet Chlodoveo."—Fredegarius, Greg. Turon. hist. epit., c. xviii: in Guadet and Taranne's ed., IV, 172, 173; or in Giesebrecht's trans., II, 273-75. Compare Sohm, Eheschliessung, 32 n. 21; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 55 n. 3, and authorities cited; Meril, Des formes, 30; Leber, Des Coutumes, 24; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 323; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 19 n. 7. The price of a maid is not fixed in the lex salica; but in c. 44 the price of a widow is given (Behrend, 58); and elsewhere the woman's mund is fixed at 62¹/₂ solidi. Ficker, Untersuchungen zur Rechtsgeschichte, III, 400, 401, regards the arrha, not as a survival of the bride-price, but as a symbol of mutual troth.

[855] Sohm, op. cit., 29 n. 15; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 19. Cf., however, Weinhold, op. cit., I, 323, who says that wife-purchase has disappeared from the Bavarian and Alamannian laws. See Pertz and Brunner's ed., Mon. germ. hist.: legum, III, 183-496 (Leges baiuwariorum), 1-182 (Leges alamannorum).

[856] Puella empta appears in the Pactus alamannorum, 3, 29. Cf. Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 17 ff.; Weinhold, op. cit., I, 323; Friedberg, op. cit., 19.

[857] "Lito regis liceat uxorem emere, ubicunqui voluerit. Sed non liceat ullam foeminam vendere."—Lex saxonum, tit. 18: Walter, Corpus juris germ., I, 389. Tit. 6 fixes the price at 300 solidi: Walter, I, 386.

[858] Lex wisigoth., lib. iii, tit. i, 2: Walter, Corpus juris germ., I, 466; Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Ant., I, 203. The bride-money is here called pretium, elsewhere the betrothal is styled mercatio: Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I, 74 n. 23. The whole of liber iii, Walter, I, 465-91, relates to marriage and allied matters.

[859] Lex burgundionum, tits. 12, 34, 51, 52, 66, 69: Walter, I, 311, 320, 329, 330, 335, 336; for the Lombards, Edictum Rotharis, c. 178 ff.: Walter, I, 710 ff., especially c. 182, which contains the form of betrothal. Compare this with the later ritual given by Canciani, II, 476, summarized by Weinhold, I, 341; Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Ant., I, 203. See also Liutprandi leges, lib. ii, c. 7 ff., 88, 93, 99, 102, 106, 112, 115, 119, etc.: Walter, I, 759 ff.

[860] Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit, 1 ff., 78, 79; Weinhold, Altdeutsches Leben, 240. Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 287, denies that there are any sure traces of wife-purchase in northern law.

[861] Schroeder, op. cit., 292; Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, 75; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 321 ff.; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 23, 24, who thinks the fixing of a legal price of great importance, the purchase of a maid being thus distinguished from that of a thing. The bride-money is thus the nominal price of an unschÄtzbares object; it admits no bargaining; but the explanation of Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 12, 13, given in the text, is simpler and more probable. Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 11 ff., in connection with each code, gives a mass of details relative to the violation of the mund by illegal marriage and the amount of the composition in each case. Cf. Laboulaye, Cond. des femmes, 113; Young, in Essays, 166; and Æthelberht, 31; Thorpe, I, 11, where the wergeld is mentioned.

[862] Latin arrha, arra, or arrhabo; Greek ??????; Lombard launichild, launegild, perhaps the same as the German Lohngeld. It means "earnest money," and was used by the Romans in connection with bargains; also in general with other real contracts. Cf. Smith, Dict. Greek and Roman Ant., I, 193; Bingham, Orig. Ecc., VII, 311; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 290, 295; idem, GÜterrecht, I, 39, 55 ff.; Heusler, Institutionen, I, 80 ff.; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 28; Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 8 ff., 12-14; Davoud-Oghlou, II, 59 n. 3; Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Ant., I, 142-44. "Subarrare" is used in the ritual of the Greek church for disposing in marriage: see the ritual in Burn, Parish Registers, 141, 142.

[863] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 28-32, maintains this view against Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 39, 40, 55, and others, who regard the arrha as a symbolical payment—a Scheinpreis or symbolischer Muntschatz. Cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 19; "Zur Gesch. der Eheschliessung," ZKR., I, 364 ff.

[864] Sohm, op. cit., 33.

[865] Ibid.

[866] Ibid., 34. But Friedberg, Verlobung und Trauung, 8-10, insists on the long survival of the sale-contract.

[867] Ine, 31: Liebermann, Gesetze, 103. The phrase "and sio (seo) gyft (gift) forth ne cume" was rendered by Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 51 n. 8, followed by Schmid, Gesetze, 34, 35, note, "if the purchase price be not paid"—a manifest error. Cf. Thorpe, Ancient Laws, I, 123.

[868] Ælfred, 18: Liebermann, Gesetze, 58-61. Cf. Thorpe, op. cit., I,73; Schmid, op. cit., 81, 83; Young, in Essays, 170.

[869] Ælfred, Ecc. Laws, 12: Thorpe, op. cit., I, 47. But Ælfred, op. cit., 29, seems to show that the older practice of payment to the father also existed: Thorpe, I, 52.

[870] The German wette and Anglo-Saxon wed are from the same root as beweddung.

[871] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 30, 31, 317, note.

[872] Ibid., 34, 35; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 293, 294.

[873] On the oath and Handschlag, see Sohm, op. cit., 47-50; on hand-fasting, Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 39 ff.

[874] On the morning-gift and dower see Heusler, Institutionen, II, 374-79; Thrupp, The Anglo-Saxon Home, 60; Gundling, De emptione uxorum, dote et morgengaba (Helmstedt, 1821); Gengler, Die Morgengaba (Bamberg, 1843); Eckhardt, "Das Witthum," Zeitschrift fÜr deutsches Recht, X, 437 ff.; Grupen, De uxore theotisca, 49-140; Brunner, "Die frankisch-romanische Dos," Berliner Sitzungsber., XXIV, 545 ff.; Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 455-57; Friedberg, "Zur Geschichte," ZKR., I, 365, 366; Spirgatis, Verlobung und VermÄhlung, 14; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 84-94 Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 19-21.

[875] Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 84-89.

[876] Ibid., 89-94.

[877] Glanville, Lib. VI, cap. 1; Phillips, Englische Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte, II, 381. Compare Schroeder, op. cit., I, 89; II, 24-67, passim; Young, in Essays, 174; Laboulaye, Cond. des femmes, 117 ff., 124 ff.; Grimm, Rechtsalt., 441; and especially the monograph of Ashworth, Das Witthum (Dower) im eng. Recht, 9 ff., 18 ff.

[878] The meaning of "foster-laen" is uncertain. Schmid wrongly identifies it with the gyft of Ine, 31, and thinks it is the purchase price of the bride, that is, the weotuma: Gesetze, 34, 35, note. Thorpe regards it also as the purchase price paid to the family of the bride: Anc. Laws, I, 254, note. Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 51 n. 13, believes it to be a provision for maintenance of the children. But Sohm renders it Weinkauf, "drink-money," and this is probably right. It is a form or application of the arrha, which is not now paid down, but, the contract being formal, is promised to the guardian. The arrha had customarily been spent in treating the guests: Eheschliessung, 30, 31, 317, note.

[879] "The language of this law seems to indicate that the legal endowment of the woman was one-third of the chattels, as in Ine, c. 57. By contract, however, before marriage, the husband might increase this to one-half."—Thorpe, I, 255, note.

[880] The bohr was the surety for fulfilment of the pledges.

[881] Thorpe, Anc. Laws, I, 255, 257, who classes this formulary with the laws of Eadmund. Schmid leaves the date undetermined, but thinks it may with as much probability be ascribed to Eadmund or Æthelstan as any other king: Gesetze, lxv, find Anhang, VI, 391, 393. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, II, 367; and Dieckhoff, Kirchliche Trauung, 68 ff., who gives the text of this ritual.

[882] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 155, 100 n. 60, 317. Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 53, 54, 96, reverses the meaning of these passages; and holds that the phrase "in case she choose his will" refers to the weotuma; and the phrase "if she live longer than he," to the morning-gift. But see Pollock and Maitland, II, 363, who render the last clause by "dower," and the first by "morning-gift."

[883] Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte, I, 74.

[884] This is the view of Sohm, Trauung und Verlobung, 38-57; Eheschliessung, 89, 90, 100, 59 ff.; as opposed to Friedberg, Verlobung and Trauung, 21 ff.; Eheschliessung, 21, 22, who thinks that the Trauung and Verlobung usually coincided. Cf. Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 293; and Dieckhoff, Kirchliche Trauung, 67, who agrees with Sohm.

[885] For very interesting details relating to the German Trauung see Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, II, 362-413. The old English betrothal ceremonies are best described by Roeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, 15 ff.

[886] Haas, in Weber's Indische Studien, V, 327-29, 391-99. Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 133-71, gives a full discussion. Cf. above, chap. iv, pp. 171 ff.

[887] For the North Germans, Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit, 80-88; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 243-52; and in general, idem, Deutsche Frauen, 368 ff., 406 ff., 399. The third part of the ceremony is the Bettbeschreitung, or bedding of the newly married pair. Normally this takes place in the bridegroom's house, as according to northern custom: Lehmann, 85-87; but sometimes it appears to have taken place in the bride's home before the home-bringing: Weinhold, I, 399 ff. Cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 22, 45, 64.

[888] The nuptials of widows, according to Salic law, were an exception. These were, nominally, solemnized in the mallum, or open court; but in practice this requirement may not always have been observed. The exception seems to be an outgrowth of the original restriction on second marriage: Tacitus, Germania, c. 19; Lex salica, 44, de reipus: Behrend, 57, 58. Cf. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 62-64 nn. 16, 17, 18; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 56. Friedberg, op. cit., 21; "Zur Geschichte," ZKR., I, 366, led astray by the statement of Grimm, Rechtsalt., 433, that Gemahl, "husband," is derived from mallum, thinks the nuptials were usually celebrated in open court. On the derivation see Sohm, op. cit., 62. In general on the marriage of widows see also Habicht, Altd. Verlobung, 16-23; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, II, 40 ff.; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 293, 296; Rive, Vormundschaft, I, 241; Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 3, 10, 11; Weinhold, "Reipus und Achasius," in Haupt's Zeitschrift, VII, 539 ff.; MÜllenhoff, "Glossary," in Waitz, Das alte Recht.

[889] Sohm, op. cit., 59-74.

[890] Grimm, op. cit., 142, 155, 156; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 372. On the gifta cf. Schmid, Gesetze, 630; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 21; Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 243 ff.

[891] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 363. Thus Friedberg, op. cit., 21, 22, regards "Verlobung, Trauung, und Beilager" as acts each of which is an element in the "joining in marriage"—all three "eheschliessende VorgÄnge." Cf. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 88, 89; Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, III, 5; Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 455-57; Klein, Das EheverlÖbniss, 130 ff., who reviews the whole subject, citing authorities; and Hanauer, Coutumes matrimoniales, 255 ff.

[892] The views as to the legal "content" of the betrothal are summarized by Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 30. Rive, Vormundschaft, I, 243, holds that betrothal was not essential to a legal marriage; while Pardessus, Loi salique (Paris, 1843), regards it as legally requisite for a marriage, which, however, actually began only with the tradition of the bride.

[893] Sohm, Trauung und Verlobung, 139-47, passim; idem, Eheschliessung, 75-106.

[894] This is illustrated by the survival of names originally connected with the betrothal, but now with marriage itself: the English wed, wedding, wedded wife, etc.; the German Gemahl and GemÄhlin; the French Époux and Épouse, etc. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 78 n. 6, 56 nn. 74 and 75; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 82, 83. But Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 65-67, believes this argument not conclusive.

[895] Poen. Theod., XVI: Thorpe, II, 11: "reddatur ei pecunia quam pro ipsa dedit, et tertia pars addatur;" also in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 201; and Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen, 216. The reading in Conf. Ecgb. is, "reddatur ei pecunia, quam pro illa dederat, et praeteria tertia pars hereditatis."—Thorpe, II, 149; Wasserschleben, 309. Cf. Ælf., 18: Thorpe, I, 73; Young, in Essays, 169.

[896] Ine, 31: Thorpe, I, 123. Compare Young, loc. cit., 168, 169.

[897] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 75-106; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 1-37, passim; Young, loc. cit., 167-69.

[898] His Eheschliessung (1875) called forth the Verlobung und Trauung (1876) of Friedberg; also a critique by Meyer, in the Jenaer Lit. Ztg., Jan., 1876, 501 ff. Sohm defends his position in Trauung und Verlobung (1876), 15 ff.; in his Zur Trauungsfrage, 11 ff.; and in the Strassburger Festgabe fÜr ThÖl, 84, 98 n. 27. The views of Sohm and others are examined by Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung (1879), who concludes (75) that "Die Verlobung ist nicht Beginn der Ehe, aber die rechtliche Grundlage und nothwendige Voraussetzung derselben." The Trauung is "fulfilment of the betrothal" and "constitutes the beginning of the marriage." Lehmann, Verlobung und Hochzeit (1882), examines the problem from the standpoint of northern law, and reaches the analogous result (124, 125) that the "betrothal is a primary and independent, the nuptials (Hochzeit) a secondary and dependent, act for joining in marriage (Eheschliessungsact); the betrothal is the real Eheschliessungsact, the nuptials an Ehevollziehungsact." Sohm's view is adopted by Spirgatis, Verlobung und VermÄhlung, 4 f.; it is attacked by Scheurl, Kirchliches Eheschliessungsrecht, 35 ff.; it is regarded as extreme (Übertrieben), though in spirit right, by Schubert, Die evangelische Trauung, 15 n. 2; Loening, Gesch. d. deut. Kirchenrechts, II, 581, 600 n. 1; both betrothal and tradition are essential to a German marriage according to Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 30; while Heusler holds that neither betrothal nor tradition, but the copula carnalis, is the essential point: Institutionen, II, 284. Cf. Klein, Das EheverlÖbniss, 130-34; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 296, 297, and authorities there cited; and Dieckhoff, Kirchliche Trauung, 66, 67, note, 97, who favors and summarizes Sohm's view.

[899] Pollock and Maitland, II, 368. Cf. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 23 ff.

Besides the normal or full marriage of free men and women, just described, the law-books recognize concubinage, so-called "marriages" between the unfree, and unions between the free and the unfree. The church, by giving them a sacramental sanction, constantly strove to raise these irregular connections to the rank of genuine wedlock. See especially Koehne, "Die Geschlechtsverbindungen der Unfreien," in Gierke's Untersuchungen, XXII, 1-23; and the literature on the subject mentioned in the Bibliographical Note at the head of this chapter.

[900] That free marriage sometimes occurred is, of course, a conjecture. But see Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 24 ff.; and Kohler, in ZVR., VI, 321, for the alleged survival of marriage ohne Mundium, which they assume to be a survival of Mutterrecht. This assumption, of course, is doubtful. Cf. Unger, Die Ehe, 105, 106. See chap. iv, above.

[901] "So long as marriage was a strictly civil [lay] ceremony, as well as a purely civil engagement, the bride's father or guardian performed the rite. It was he who took her by the neck and shoulders, and gave her to the bridegroom. He gave the symbolic shoe. In the Danish matrimonial rite of a subsequent period the father's part was even more impressive. In language, never in later times permitted to our English clergy, he declared himself the actual maker of the marriage, when, on hand-fasting the bride and groom, he said to the latter, 'I join this woman to you in honour to be your wife, with a right to half of your bed and keys, and to a third of your goods acquired or to be acquired, according to the law of the land and St. Eric. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.'"—Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 53. Cf. on the Danish "hand-fasting" Brand, Popular Antiquities, II, 87, 88; Bullinger, Christen State of Matrimonye, 43.

[902] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 50; cf. Lehmann, 13.

[903] "Processvormundschaft": Sohm, op. cit., 52.

[904] Tacitus, Germania, cc. 18, 19.

[905] These codes sometimes fixed a term within which a widow may not marry, but a second marriage is treated as entirely legal: Lex salica, c. 44: Behrend, 57-59; Lex saxonum, tit. vii, 3, 6: Walter, Corp. juris germ., I, 387; Lex wisigothorum, lib. iii, tit. 2, c. 1, tit. 4, c. 2, 7: Walter, I, 470, 471, 477, 478; Lex burgund., tit. 24, c. 1, tit. 52: Walter, I, 316, 330; Edictum Rotharis, cc. 178, 182, 188: Walter, I, 710, 711, 714; Æthelberht, 76; Æthelred, V, 21; Canute, 73, 74: Schmid, Gesetze, 8, 224, 310, 312. Cf. Habicht, Altd. Verlobung, 16 ff.; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 63, who differ as to the interpretation of the much-disputed c. 44, lex sal. de reipus; Grimm, Rechtsalt., 452; Schroeder, GÜterrecht, I, 56, 57.

[906] Habicht, Altdeutsche Verlobung, 26, 27. The Saxon and Lombard laws allow the widow to appeal to her own family in case her legal tutor—that is, her deceased husband's family—will not consent: Habicht, 17, 18. On the freedom of the English widow see Roeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, 26 ff.

[907] Canute, II, 75: "and let no one compel either woman or maiden to him whom she herself mislikes, nor for money sell her; unless he is willing to give anything voluntarily."—Thorpe, I, 417. For the similar provisions of Gothic and Lombard law see Habicht, 23 ff.

[908] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 54. Sohm's theory of self-betrothal and self-Trauung is criticised by Friedberg, Verlobung und Trauung, 9, 11 ff. In general see Spirgatis, Verlobung und VermÄhlung, 6 ff.; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 286; and with Sohm's Eheschliessung, as below cited, compare his Zur Trauungsfrage, 12 ff.

[909] The ring is mentioned as arrha in Dig., xiv, tit. iii, 5, § 15; xix, tit. i, 11, § 6: Corpus juris civ., I, 189, 244. Arra appears in connection with sponsalia, Dig., xxiii, tit. ii, 38: Corpus juris civ., I, 297. Cf. Smith, Dict. Greek and Roman Ant., I, 193; Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Ant., I, 142 ff.; Babington, ibid., II, 1807-9; Meyrick, ibid., 1105. Originally, we are told, the Roman lover presented his betrothed a plain ring of iron, in later days of gold, but did not receive one in exchange: FriedlÄnder, Sittengeschichte, I, 456; Kulischer, in ZFE., X, 210. On the annulus pronubus and its acceptance by the Germans see Junius, De annulo romanorum; MÜller, De annulo pronubo; Hofmann, Verlobungs- und Trauring, 829 ff.; Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 451; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 343; Bingham, Orig. Ecc., VII, 311, 313-16, 337, 339; Howlett, in Andrews's Curious Church Customs, 105, 107-9; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 26 n. 3; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 54, 55.

In the marriage ceremony of the Greek church two rings are used, one of silver and one of gold; see ritual for espousals in the eastern church in Burn, Parish Registers, 141, 142; and in Bingham, The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 214 ff., 219; and cf. Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirche, 691; and Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1105. The betrothal ring appears among the Slavs: Post, Familienrecht, 236. In mediÆval England "a rush ring was supposed to possess some peculiar charm. Richard Poore, bishop of Salisbury, in his Constitutions, anni 1217, forbids the putting of rush rings, or any the like matter, on women's fingers, in order to the debauching them more readily," and he insists that some people thought that "what was thus done in jest was a real marriage": Burn, op. cit., 143. Cf. Douce, Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 315-19; Wood, The Wedding Day, 232, 233, 241. On the various uses and symbolism of the ring among the Teutonic peoples read the lecture of Hodgetts, Older England, 125-57; and a valuable general treatise on the ring is Jones's Finger Ring Lore (London, 1890). Tegg, The Knot Tied, 309-37, has two chapters on the marriage ring; throughout Wood's The Wedding Day in all Ages and Countries much information on the subject will be found; and there is an interesting passage in Swinburne, Of Spousals, 207-9, quoted below, with other references, chap. vii, sec. 1.

The kiss at betrothal appears to have been borrowed by the Christians from older pagan custom, and it was first given legal importance by Constantine. If the kiss were given, he provided that, in case one of the parties died before the nuptials, the other party was entitled to inherit half the espousal donations: Cod. Theod., lib. iii, tit. 5, leg. 5; Cod. Just., lib. v, tit. 3, leg. 16: Corpus juris civ., II, 194. Tertullian, On the Veiling of Virgins, chap. 11: Ante-Nicene Faths., IV, 34, mentions the betrothal kiss as a heathen custom. Cf. Venables, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 905, 906; Bingham, Orig. Ecc., VII, 316; V, 75; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 343, 344. In England the priest joined in the ceremony of kissing at the nuptials. "In the Articles of Visitation in the diocese of London in 1554 is the following, 'Item, whether there be any that refuseth to kysse the Prieste at the solempnization of matrimony, or use any such lyke ceremonies heretofore used & observed in the Churche'": Burn, op. cit., 143; cf. Douce, Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 112, 403; Wood, The Wedding Day, Index.

[910] See especially the careful monograph of Hofmann, Ueber den Verlobungs- und Trauring (Vienna, 1870); and compare Friedberg, "Zur Geschichte der Eheschliessung," ZKR., I, 370 n. 34, 372 n. 41; Spirgatis, Verlobung und VermÄhlung, 16, 17; Thrupp, The Anglo-Saxon Home, 48 n. 50. Dogmatic writers, of course, see in the ring an alleged Christian symbolism: cf. Brissonius, De ritu nuptiarum, 3 ff.; Klee, Die Ehe, 127-29; GÖschl, Darstellung der kirchlich-christlichen Ehegesetze, 183 ff.; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 28, 29.

[911] Adams, "Primitive Rights of Women," Hist. Essays, 35.

[912] Kulischer, "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf," ZFE., X, 208-10.

[913] The proof consists in the interpretation of the supposed symbolism. Thus the German lover, in early times, placed upon the bride's finger a ring made of a twig plucked from a tree upon his own land, the bride thus being "symbolically bound to the new locality": Unger, Die Ehe, 106. The thread or band is interpreted as the bond of the captive; and Kulischer gives the following illustration from northern custom:

"Komm, komm Maria lieb, und reich mir deine Hand,
Hier hast du das Ringelein und um den Arm das Band,"

runs a Swedish rhyme. In an Upland dance, the maiden sings:

"Und willst mich schliessen an's Herz dein,
Sollst mir zuvor geben ein Ringelein."

To which the young man replies:

"Hier hast du Ring und Verlobungsband,
Du sollst mich nicht betrÜgen."

Sometimes these symbols are brought into connection with the sword—also, it is assumed, a survival of violence. Thus in an Anglo-Saxon picture of the eighth century the bridegroom reaches to the bride the ring upon a sword or staff: Kulischer, 209; cf. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 241, 242.

[914] Weinhold, op. cit., 343; Schroeder, Rechtsgeschichte, 700, note; Siegel, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 453, who ascribes the practice to the imitation of the court manners. Even now in the English ceremonial only the bride receives a ring, consistently with its origin in the arrha. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 38, notes.

[915] Friedberg, op. cit., 42, 43; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 54; cf. Roeder, Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, 30 ff.

[916] That is, forms of the arrha.

[917] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 56; cf. Max MÜller, Essays, II, 251.

[918] Friedberg, op. cit., 25.

[919] Sohm, op. cit., 67 ff.

[920] Ibid., 67, and the Italian ritual of the eleventh century in Anhang, II, 318, 319.

[921] Friedberg, op. cit., 25 ff., 93 ff., 62.

[922] Sohm, op. cit., 71 ff., 166 n. 31. The FÜrsprecher or orator here mentioned, in accordance with the view of Sohm, must not be confused with the forespreca of the old English formulary above quoted; the latter was the guardian himself or a representative—a Processvormund: Sohm, 72.

[923] Sohm, op. cit., 67.

[924] Sohm, ibid., 166 n. 31, concedes this.

[925] A Zusammensprechen: Sohm, op. cit., 73.

[926] Ibid.

[927] A Zusammengeben: ibid.

[928] Ibid., 100 ff.

[929] See the ritual in Bingham, The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 163, 164; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 10 ff.; Moore, How to Be Married, 27 ff.

"This first part of the office was anciently termed the espousals, which took place some time before the actual celebration of marriage. The espousals consisted in a mutual promise of marriage which was made by the man and woman before the bishop or presbyter and several witnesses; after which articles of agreement of marriage (called tabulae matrimoniales), which are mentioned by Augustine, were signed by both persons. After this the man delivered to the woman the ring and other gifts, an action which was called subarrhation. In the later ages the espousals have always been performed at the same time as the office of matrimony, both in the western and eastern churches; and it has long been customary for the ring to be delivered to the woman after the contract has been made, which has always been in the actual office of matrimony."—Palmer, Origines liturgicae (1839); quoted also by Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 68, who in his chapter on "Espousals" (op. cit., I, 60-87) gives much information relating to ancient betrothal customs. Cf. Brand, Popular Antiquities, II, 87-98 (betrothal customs).

[930] Liturgies of Edward VI., 128, 129; Liturgies of Elizabeth, 218, 219.

[931] See the "Ordo ad facienda sponsalia," in the Manuale et processionale ad usum insignis ecclesiae eboracensis: Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 26, 27. The double ceremony also appears in the Sarum or Salisbury manual: Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, 56, 57: Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 18, 19; in the ritual of Hereford; that of the twelfth century contained in a Pontifical of the library of Magdalen College, Oxford; in that of the missal of Hanley Castle, Worcestershire, dating from the thirteenth century; and in that of the fifteenth century in the Harleian MS., No. 2860, British Museum; that of a Welsh manual of the same century, in the library of the dean and chapter of Hereford; while it is plainly discernible in the ritual of the twelfth century contained in the Ely Pontifical of Cambridge University library; and that of the Pontifical of Anianus, bishop of Bangor, 1268-1304: all printed in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 116, 155-69. Cf. the rituals printed by Dieckhoff, Kirchliche Trauung, 73, 77, 89 ff.; and the Roman marriage service in Bingham, 177, 178, where the dualism appears; but in the ritual of Paul V. it is not retained, unless the subsequent giving of the ring may be regarded as the second part. The priest says: "M. vis accipere N. hic praesentem in tuam legitimam uxorem?" or "tuum legitimum maritum?" and on receiving the answer, "Volo," proceeds: "Ego conjungo vos in matrimonio": Rituali romanum Pauli Quinti (Rome, 1816), 199 f. See the discussion of the contents of the early rituals in chap, vii, below.

[932] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 101 ff. The text of this extremely interesting marriage ritual is printed in Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 26, 27; and in Sohm, Anhang, III, 319, 320. For a description of these early rituals see Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 340-48.

[933] Sohm, op. cit., 105 n. 70. On the ring in English rituals see Friedberg, op. cit., 38, note, 46, 47.

[934] Ibid., 30.

[935] Tacitus, Germania, 18: "intersunt parentes ac propinque." It was customary in the Middle Ages for the assembled friends to form a circle—Ring—about the betrothed couple during the ceremony. Publicity was made a legal requirement by Pippin: Walter, Corpus juris, II, 42. Friedberg, op. cit., 24 n. 4, gives also references to mediÆval poems. He regards the practice of inviting a large number of friends as originating in the desire to secure publicity. Particular cities passed laws requiring the presence of witnesses; for example, Prague.

[936] Except the publication of banns hereafter mentioned.

[937] Lingard, Hist. of Anglo-Saxon Church, II, 5-7; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 7; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 107, and chap. iv; Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 14, 15.

[938] Sohm, op. cit., 108 ff. That the church adopted the Roman marriage forms is the generally accepted view: see Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 24 ff.; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 4 ff.; Scheurl, Entwicklung des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 8 ff.; idem, "Consensus facit nuptias," ZKR., XXII, 269 ff.; Biener, "BeitrÄge," ibid., XX, 119, 120; Richter-Dove-Kahl, Lehrbuch, 1029, 1030; Loening, Gesch. des deutsch. Kirchenrechts, II, 569 ff.; Dieckhoff, Kirchliche Trauung, 12 ff.; Moy, Eherecht der Christen, 94 ff., 215 ff., 372 ff.

On the other hand, Freisen, in Archiv fÜr kath. Kirchenrecht, LIII, 369 ff., holds that the early Christians followed mainly Jewish custom. Cf. idem, Geschichte des canon. Eherechts, 120 ff.

[939] Dig., xxiii, tit. i, 1: "Sponsalia sunt mentio et repromissio nuptiarum futurarum."—Corpus juris civ., I, 294. Cf. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 109, 110; Klein, Das EheverlÖbniss, 122 ff.

[940] By the older Roman law the betrothal was in form a contract by stipulatio, and there was an action for damage in case of nonfulfilment: Gellius, Noctes atticae, iv, 4; Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, II, 139, 140. The later law gave no such action: Dig., xxiii, tit. i, 10: Corpus juris civ., I, 291; Codex, V, 5; though to enter into two betrothals at once was held to constitute infamia, the same as two marriages: Dig., iii, tit. ii, 1: Corpus juris civ., I, 36. Cf. Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., I, 203; Klein, Das EheverlÖbniss, 22 ff., 125, 126; Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 11, 12; Scheurl, Entwicklung, 9-11; Loening, Geschichte des deutsch. Kirchenrechts, II, 569, 570, who shows that after the third century the betrothal became more important in Roman law; Sehling, Unterscheidung, 20, 21, notes; Rein, Das rÖm. Privatrecht, 188, 189; Brissonius, De ritu nuptiarum (Paris, 1654), 1 ff.; Beauchet, Étude, 11 ff.; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 11, notes.

[941] But Sohm, Eheschliessung, 110, who was preceded by GlÜck, GÜterrecht, 1, 97 ff., contends, against the common interpretation of the maxim consensus facit nuptias, that a merely "formless" consensus not followed by actual wedded life is not sufficient to constitute a Roman marriage. That would be practically a consensus sponsalitius or Roman betrothal. On the other hand, Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 7 ff., 138 ff., 157 ff., insists that by the Roman law a formless nuptial contract, whether followed by cohabitation or not, constitutes a binding marriage. Such also is the view of Dieckhoff, Kirch. Trauung, 15; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 4 ff., 11; and Scheurl, Entwicklung, 11. But Scheurl, "Consensus facit nuptias," ZKR., XXII, 269 ff., agrees with Sohm, in effect, though not avowedly. For, while he says that marriage by confarreatio, for example, would be a valid marriage, even if the parties never lived together, yet the Roman law, he points out, does not reveal the evils of clandestine unions, because the formless nuptial promise implied the common wedded life. Cf. also Bierling, "Kleine BeitrÄge," ZKR., XVI, 288 ff., who criticises Scheurl; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 101 ff.; and Rein, Das rÖm. Privatrecht (1836), 188, 189.

[942] "For even on earth children do not rightfully and lawfully wed without their father's consent."—Tertullian, To His Wife, Book II, c. viii: Ante-Nicene Fathers, IV, 48. According to Ulpian, in Dig., 1, tit. xvii, 1. 30, "Nuptias non concubitus, sed consensus facit." But Paulus, ibid., xxiii, tit. ii, 1. 2, shows that the consensus "must be at once that of the parties themselves, and of those in whose potestas they are." See the excellent article of Ludlow, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., I, 433-36.

[943] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 107-52; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 58-109. In opposition to Sohm's view, Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 138 ff., 165 ff., contends that the sponsalia (betrothal and nuptial promises) of the mediÆval canon law are derived from the law of Rome. Such also is the position of Zoepfl, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (4th ed.), III, §§ 81 ff.; Schulte, Handbuch des kath. Eherechts (1855), 37, 278; Walter, Kirchenrecht (14th ed.), § 298; and Loening, Gesch. des deutsch. Kirchenrechts, II, 601, following Sohm in the main. Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 37, takes a medial position: "die Kirche bildete ihr eigenes Recht in Anlehnung an das deutsche Recht aus." Scheurl, Entwicklung, 93, 94, 95 ff., passim; idem, Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 14, 15, reviews and criticises Sohm on various points. Friedberg, Verlobung und Trauung, 25, contrary to the position taken in Eheschliessung, 6, 202, accepts Sohm's view, but with reservations. See also his Lehrbuch, 339 ff.

[944] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 107, 108. Cf. idem, Ob. Civilehe, 25; and Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 5 ff., who agrees with Sohm. The conservative view of the religious character of early Christian marriage is represented by Klein, EheverlÖbniss, 95 ff.; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 20 ff., passim.

[945] The custom of benediction may have been influenced by Jewish practice. The Hebrew benediction was given "not necessarily by a priest, but by the eldest friend or relative present": Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1107, who gives the benediction in abridged form. Cf. Selden, Uxor ebraica, II, 12.

On the teachings of the Christian fathers as to the form of marriage see Martene, De ritibus, II, lib. I, c. ix, 120-44; Selden, Uxor ebraica, 179-84, 665-69, passim; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 4 ff.; Loening, Gesch. des deutsch. Kirchenrechts, II, 573 ff.; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 20 ff.; Friedberg, Lehrbuch, 337 ff.; Phillips, Lehrbuch, 612 ff.; Biener, "BeitrÄge," ZKR., XX, 119-27.

[946] Ignatius, Epistle to Polycarp, IV: Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 95.

[947] Tertullian, On Monogamy, xi: Ante-Nicene Fathers, IV, 67.

[948] Tertullian, On Modesty, v: Ante-Nicene Fathers, IV, 77. Cf. Meyrick, art. "Marriage," in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1106, who thinks, aside from the religious motive, members might thus avoid the violation of laws of the state with which they were unacquainted.

[949] Ludlow, on "Benediction," in Dict. Christ. Antiq., I, 193; cf. the reading in Ante-Nicene Fathers, IV, 48.

[950] Ludlow, loc. cit.

[951] Ambrose, Book IX, ep. 70; Ludlow, loc. cit.

[952] Ludlow, ibid.; Selden, Uxor ebraica, Lib. II, cc. xxiv, xxv.

[953] Ludlow, op. cit., I, 194.

[954] In both East and West, between the sixth and seventh centuries: Ludlow, ibid.

[955] Tertullian, On Idolatry, xvi: Ante-Nicene Fathers, III, 71. Cf. Ludlow, on "Betrothal," op. cit., I, 203.

[956] Tertullian, loc. cit.; idem, On the Veiling of Virgins, xi: Ante-Nicene Fathers, III, 71; IV, 34. On the ring see Dict. Christ. Antiq., I, 248, 249, 202; II, 1105, 1807, 1808; for the kiss see ibid., II, 905, 906. By the Theodosian Code, lib. v, tit. 3, leg. 16, one-half of the bridegroom's gifts, after his death, were delivered to his betrothed in case the betrothal were sealed by a kiss; otherwise all was given to his relatives: ibid., II, 1110. In England, and elsewhere, the kiss was a characteristic of public spousals; and when these were recognized by the church the kiss was sanctified by the priest: Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 65-67; Brand, Pop. Antiq., II, 139-41. Cf. also MÉril, Des formes et des usages, 37, 38; Spirgatis, Verlobung und VermÄhlung, 16, 17. The veil was originally used at the betrothal, from the time of which ceremony onward in early days it was worn habitually by the betrothed as well as by the married woman: Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1108, 1109.

[957] Ludlow, on "Arrhae," in Dict. Christ. Antiq., I, 142-44: Meyrick, ibid., II, 1105.

[958] For the crowning in the eastern church see Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 135, 156, 692 ff.; cf. Martene, De ritibus, I, 125. The crown was made of flowers, often of olive or myrtle, and sometimes of silver or gold. The custom appears in the West, but it became at length so important in the East that the "whole marriage was called the crowning, as in the West it was called the veiling": Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1108, 1109; cf. ibid., I, 511. The pomp is, of course, the Greek pompa: Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City (Boston, 1896), 55 ff., corresponding to the Roman traductio and the German Brautlauf.

[959] Pope Nicholas (A. D. 860), in his replies to the Bulgarians, who had asked his counsel concerning marriage rites, says concerning the nuptials: "First of all they are placed in the church with oblations, which they have to make to God by the hands of the priest, and so at last they receive the benediction and the heavenly veil." On this letter see Selden, Uxor ebraica, Lib. II, c. xxv, 179; Martene, De ritibus, I, 124, 125; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 47 ff.; Beauchet, Étude, 34. From this letter and the statements of the Fathers concerning the benediction, already mentioned, Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1106, 1107, concludes, "There is no reasonable doubt that the place in which Christians were ordinarily married was a church, so soon as it became safe and customary for them to meet in churches for religious purposes, and that the way in which they were ordinarily married was by a religious ceremony," though especially in the East (Chrysostom, Hom. xlviii, in Gen., c. 24) the religious ceremony often took place in houses. But so far as western Christendom is concerned, the sources show that marriage in church was of slow growth. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 48, 49, doubts whether the Anglo-Saxons always celebrated marriage in their homes.

[960] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 153 ff., insists that the priestly benediction, unless here and there by local custom, was connected with the nuptials (Trauung) and not with the betrothal, which he regards as the essential element in marriage. But Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 20 ff., 30 ff., 47 ff., 65 ff., claims that from the earliest period among the Christians it was customary for the priest to bless the betrothal; and that at least from the fourth century the same is true of the nuptials. In his Zur Trauungsfrage, 17, note, Sohm seems to accept Dieckhoff's view, while denying anything but religious meaning to the benediction in either case.

Siricius, Epist. ad Himer., § 4, mentions a "benediction of the priest at betrothal, of so solemn a nature as to make it sacrilege in the betrothed woman to marry another man;" but this epistle may be spurious: Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Antiq., II, 1106. Cf. Scheurl, Entwicklung, 24, 25; Sehling, Unterscheidung, 25, notes, 110; Loening, op. cit., II, 573; and, for the eastern church, Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 126, 135, 156, 672, 289 ff., passim.

[961] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 157. This stage of the bride-mass is disclosed by the oldest sacramentaria, of about the fifth century; and the same ritual was in use in the Frankish church in the ninth century.

[962] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 78-93, where numerous proofs from the mediÆval poets and other sources are given; but sometimes marriage in church appears. Cf. Sohm, op. cit., 159 n. 16.

[963] In all the early rituals the benediction is not allowed in case of a second marriage, at any rate unless the first marriage of one or both of the parties had not been blessed by the priest; and long paragraphs of the service are devoted to explaining the alleged reasons for this, and to the still harder task of showing how a second marriage can be a sacrament and yet less holy than a first marriage. This dilemma led to curious compromises, as in the service used at the marriage of King Ethelwulf with Judith, his father's widow, in the year 856; see the service in Pertz, Monumenta, leg., I, 420; and Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 73, 74. On this topic compare the York, Sarum, and Hereford rituals in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 35-37, Appendix, 23, 24, 117, 118; and the Sarum (Salisbury) ritual in Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, 71-74; also Rituale romanum Pauli Quinti, 198; Martene, De ritibus, II, 121, 122; Excerp. Ecgberti, 91: in Thorpe, II, 110; Aelfric's Canons, 9; ibid., II, 347; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 36; Schmid, Gesetze, 562; Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 319. Selden, Uxor ebraica, II, c. 30, maintains that the practice of celebrating nuptials before a priest was not general among primitive Christians. This is declared an error by Bingham, Origines, VII, 328 ff., who, like Dieckhoff and most ecclesiastical writers, holds that the custom was general and obligatory.

[964] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 107 ff., 153 ff.; idem, Zur Trauungsfrage, 10 ff.; idem, Obligat. Civilehe, 25 ff. In substantial agreement with Sohm are Loening, Gesch. des deutsch. Kirchenrechts, II, 569-606: Friedberg, "Zur Geschichte," ZKR., I, 374 ff.; Biener, "BeitrÄge," ibid., XX, 119-47; Scheurl, Entwicklung, 110 ff. Cf. Beauchet, Étude, 30 ff.; Spirgatis, Verlobung und Trauung, 4 ff.; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 14 ff.; Kliefoth, Liturgische Abhandlungen (2d ed., 1869), I, 136 ff.

[965] Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 29 ff., 45, 46 ff., 65 ff.; idem, Civilehe und kirch. Trauung, 14 ff. Much earlier, Moy, Eherecht der Christen, 216, 217, had taken the same view.

[966] Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 35 ff.: sacramentaria of Popes Leo, Gelasius, and Gregory I. These, he thinks, show not merely a "divine benediction of the marriage already concluded, but essentially a divine joining in marriage." These services are also contained in Daniel, Codex liturgicus, I, 257 ff.; and that of Gelasius in Martene, De ritibus, II, 127.

[967] Charles the Great in the Capitulary of 802, c. 35, Walter, Corpus juris germ., II, 167, prescribes the benediction of the nuptials by a priest; but this is thought to have had little effect. The benediction is also required by several false capitularies: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 58, 59. On this decree of 802 see also Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 19; Beauchet, Étude, 30, 31.

[968] Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 157 ff. In the Ordo of Archbishop Egbert, for instance, a blessing is invoked upon the parties, the bridal chamber, and the marriage bed; and the other Ordines there printed are of the same general character.

[969] It need not surprise us that these phases of evolution chronologically overlap each other; for social development is seldom uniform.

[970] Haustrauung: Sohm, Eheschliessung, 158.

[971] Also ad valvas ecclesiae, in facie ecclesiae, in conspectu ecclesiae, ad fores ecclesiae, etc.

[972] "By performing the civil rite outside the walls of the church they declared the fundamental nature of the matrimonial contract, and asserted the doctrine of the common law of the land respecting its meaning and purpose."—Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 53. This view is of course rejected by Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 76, note, 79 ff., who regards the ecclesiastical transaction as a real ecclesiastical celebration necessary to the marriage in the eyes of the church. Cf. Bierling, "Kleine BeitrÄge," ZKR., XVI, 288 ff., who criticises Dieckhoff (Civilehe und kirch. Trauung), and agrees with Sohm (Zur Trauungsfrage, 10) that the ecclesiastical transaction must not be confused with ecclesiastical marriage.

[973] Glanville, Tractatus, lib. vi, c. 1: Phillips, II, 381. "The term dower is used in two senses. Dower in the sense in which it is commonly used means that which any free man at the time of his being affianced (tempore desponsationis) gives to his bride at the church door": Glanville, vi, c. 1, as translated by John Beames (London, 1812). Cf. also Selden, Fleta, lib. v, c. 23, pp. 340, 341; Bracton, De legibus, lib. ii, c. 39 (fol. 92), Vol. II, 48; Horne, The Mirror of Justices (ed. Whittaker, London, 1895), 11; Fitzherbert, New Natura Brevium (Dublin, 1793), 352 (150); Hengham, Summa parva, c. ii: "Brevia de dote ad ostium ecclesiae;" Selden, Uxor ebraica, 198, or in Opera, III, 680.

That the gifta, or celebration as a temporal act, should take place before the church door is thoroughly in harmony with the early view that there purification or preparation should be made for the rites or service within the sanctuary. The atrium sometimes seems to be regarded as the medial ground between the world on the one hand and the sacred temple of God on the other; see, for example, Old Eng. Homilies, I, 72, 73: children are to be baptized in holy church, "and their godfathers and godmothers are to answer for them at the church-door, and enter into pledges (covenants) at the font-stone, that they should be believing (faithful) men." This passage is referred to in MÄtzner, Altenglisch. Sprachproben (Berlin, 1878), II, 578, at "chirchedure." Gregory, in his Pastoral Care, 104, 105, referring to the brazen basins before the Temple supported by twelve oxen, says the bishops when they "descend to wash the sins of their neighbors, when they confess, they support, as it were, the basin before the church-door." According to the Capitula et fragmenta Theodori, Thorpe, Ancient Laws (folio), 313, "Si in atrio ecclesiae quislibet injuriaverit aliquem presbyterum, vel ibidem aliquod sacrilegium perpetraverit, altari et Domino componatur." With this compare Æthelred, Laws, VII, 13: Thorpe, Ancient Laws (folio), 142; Grimm, WÖrterbuch, s. v. "Kirchthor;" Murray, New Eng. Dict., Part V, 406, at "church-door;" Ormulum, I, 43, ll. 1326, 1327; Chaucer, Prolog., 460: "Housbondes at chirche dore she hadde fyve." See also WarnkÖnig and Stein, FranzÖsische Verfassungsgeschichte, II, 257; Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen, I, 377, 378; Whitgift, Works, II, 461-64; Brand, Pop. Ant., II, 133-35; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 46-59; Spirgatis, Verlobung und Trauung, 20, 21; Schubert, Die evangel. Trauung, 20.

[974] LÉon Gautier, La chevalerie, 424 n. 3: ap. Martene, De ritibus, who says: "Nuptiae communiter solent celebrari ad valvas ecclesiae;" and places before us abundant proof in the sixteen ordines which he publishes, ibid., II, 127-44. Gautier cites also Étienne de Bourbon, ed. of Lecoy de la Marche, 366: "Cum duceretur ... ad parrochiam ... et esset sub porticu ecclesiae ut sponsa sua ei consentiret et matrimonium ratificaretur per verba de praesenti, ut moris est, et sic in ecclesia matrimonium solempnizaretur in misse celebratione et aliis." The same writer makes a thorough examination of the "Pontifical ou rituel de lire" (published by Martene, II, coll. 356-59, who assigns it to the twelfth century), comparing it with other rituals, with illustrations and proofs from many sources. In chaps. ix to xi inclusive, entitled "Le mariage du chevalier" (op. cit., 341-450), Gautier gives a learned and most interesting discussion of mediÆval marriage rites and customs. Compare Daniel, Codex liturgicus; and the summaries in Palmer, Origines liturgicae, I, 106 ff.

[975] See Sohm, Eheschliessung, 153-63; and Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 37, 38, who reach this conclusion from an examination of the various English and continental rituals; especially the ritual of Rennes, ca. eleventh century, in Martene, II, 127; also Sohm, op. cit., 159, 160; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 77, 78.

[976] "Manual ad usum Sarum," in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 17-20; also in Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, 50-77. Compare the rituals of York, Hereford, and the others contained in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 24 ff., 115 ff., 160 ff.; also the "Rituel de lire" in LÉon Gautier, La chevalerie, 424-31, as summarized in capitals in the margin; and the ritual of Rennes in Martene, De ritibus, II, 127; or in Sohm, Eheschliessung, 159, 160: "In primis veniat sacerdos ante ostium ecclesiae indutus alba atque stola cum benedicta aqua; qua aspersa, interroget eos sapienter, utrum legaliter copulari velint, et quaerat quomodo parentes non sint, et doceat quomodo simul in lege Domini vivere debeant. Deinde faciat parentes secuti mos est dare eam, atque sponsum dotalitium dividere, cunctisque audientibus legere, ipsumque suae sponsae libenter dare.... Qua finita, intrando in ecclesiam, missam incipiat," etc.

[977] Liturgy of Edward VI. (Parker Society), 127; Liturgy of Elizabeth (Parker Society), 217. Compare Whitgift, Defence of the Answer, II, 462, where he defends the requirement of the "book," that "persons to be married shall come into the body of the church, with their friends and neighbours, there to be married," against Thomas Cartwright in his Reply to the Answer, 105, sec. 2, who ridicules the prescribed ceremonial. "Likewise for marriage," says Cartwright, "he (the priest) cometh back again into the body of the church, and for baptism unto the church-door: what comeliness, what decency, what edifying in this? Decency (I say) in running and trudging from place to place: edifying in standing in that place, and after that sort, where he can worst be heard and understanded."

[978] This is next to the oldest mention, after the Germanic conquest, of the priestly benediction; the first is the marriage of Judith to the Saxon king Æthelwulf, 856, elsewhere mentioned.

[979] Schmid, Anhang VI, 392, 393: Thorpe, I, 255, 257.

[980] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 35; compare Lingard, History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, II, 7-11, who gives the form of benediction.

[981] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 100 n. 60. This view is of course opposed by Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 69 ff.

[982] Lingard, op. cit., II, 10, note; ap. Wilkins, Conc., I, 582.

[983] Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 160, 161. See also the "Benedictio annuli, sponsi et sponsae" from the Ely Pontifical, Cambridge University library, of the twelfth century, ibid., 161, 162, in which the priest leads in blessing the ring, assigning the dower, and directing the "giving" of the woman. It is probably a part of a very early ritual.

[984] See the rituals of Rennes, ca. eleventh century, and de lire, twelfth century, already referred to.

[985] "Statuantur vir et mulier ante ostium ecclesiae coram Deo et sacerdote et populo, vir a dextris mulieris et mulier a sinistris viri": York manual, in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 24. Cf. the Sarum, Hereford, and Welsh rituals, ibid., Appendix, 17, 115, 167; also the Sarum ritual in Maskell, I, 50. All these place the man on the right of the woman; but in "one MS. Manual of Sarum Use (early XVth century)," the woman "stands on the right hand of the man": Henderson, in preface to Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, xviii, xix.

[986] Compare the similar provisions, in more archaic words, in the Salisbury manual in the British Museum: Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, 52-54, margin; and the Latin form there given in the text.

[987] The words in the brackets in the formulÆ for both parties are added in the Cambridge MS. of the York ritual.

[988] It will be noted that in the Cambridge MS. both the man and the woman promise to "worship." The same is true of the manuscript Salisbury ritual in the British Museum: Maskell, op. cit., I, 53.

[989] This provision is found in all these early rituals. Cf. LÉon Gautier, La chevalerie, 427, note.

[990] This formula is common to the early rituals. It is omitted in the modern service of the English church, but retained in the present Roman ritual: Bingham The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 180.

[991] "Et ibi dimittat annulum secundum decretum xxx. quaestione v. Feminae, ad finem: quia in medico est quaedam vena procedens usque ad cor": p. 27. Cf. Gratian's Decretum, in Richter-Friedberg, Corpus jur. can., I. The "vein extending to the heart" is likewise mentioned in the rituals of Hereford and Sarum, and in the Welsh ritual of the fifteenth century. The Sarum ritual adds: "et in sonoritate argenti designatur interna dilectio, quae semper inter eos debet esse recens": Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 20.

[992] Thus a "MS. Manual of Sarum Use" provides, "whether there is land in the doury or not": "Tunc procidat sponsa ante pedes ejus, et deosculetur pedem ejus dextrum; tunc erigat eam sponsus": Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 20, note; and Henderson, ibid., xix. On the York and Sarum rituals see Selden, Uxor ebraica, 193 ff.; and the points discussed are all illustrated in the Ordines published in Martene.

[993] This ritual also provides a form for the priestly blessing of the bridal chamber (benedictio thalami) and the nuptial couch: "Nocte vero sequenti cum sponsus et sponsa ad lectum pervenerint, accedat Sacerdos et benedicat thalamum;" the blessing concluding with the direction: "Tunc secundum morem antiquum thurificentur torus et thalamus": 39, 40. Similar forms are given in the Hereford, Sarum, and Bangor rituals: Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 25, 26, 120; Maskell, I, 76, 77 n. 47.

[994] For a good summary of the Sarum and other rituals see Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 36 ff.; and see the ceremonies of 1502 and 1554, in the "Gentlemen's Magazine Library," Manners and Customs, 57.

[995] Thus a manuscript manual of Salisbury use has this "curious addition;" the priest says: "Loo this gold and this siluer is leyd doun in signifyinge that the woman schal haue hure dower, thi goodes, zif heo abide aftur thy disces": fol. 17; ap. Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, 58 n. 14. LÉon Gautier finds in the similar French custom a "reminiscence" of the marriage per solidum et denarium of the Salic law. "When the bridegroom pronounces these words: 'De mon bien je vous doue,' he delicately places in the little purse of the bride three pretty pieces of money, three new deniers. Not being able to put into her hands the fields, woods, and manors constituting the dower, he gives her its symbol. They went so far on account of this usage as to coin special deniers, 'deniers pour espouser'": La chevalerie, 428.

[996] "I pronounce that they be man and wife together, in the name of the Father," etc.: Ritual of the English church, in Bingham, Christian Marriage Ceremony, 166. "I join you together in marriage," etc.: Roman ritual, ibid., 178. The presence of similar phrases in all our modern ceremonies, civil or religious, is a striking proof of the essential difference between the function of the magistrate or priest now and that of his mediÆval predecessor.

[997] LÉon Gautier, La chevalerie, 426 n. 1; ap. Martene, De ritibus.

[998] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 164 ff., 67 ff.; cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 94 ff.

[999] Sohm, op. cit., 164.

[1000] Ibid., 164 ff., 179 ff.

[1001] The ecclesiastical act, Handlung, was old; the ecclesiastical nuptials, geistliche Trauung, was new. This is Sohm's view, op. cit., 179 ff., 183, as opposed to Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 85.

[1002] "Tunc sacerdos det eam viro dicens verbis latinis: Et ego conjungo vos in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen": quoted in Sohm, op. cit., 165, 166, from a Rouen ritual of the fourteenth century in Martene's collection. Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 82 ff., takes a different view. The Rouen ritual, he holds, is not a typical service. The priest does not now gain an essentially new function at the nuptials. His office has always been necessary to a Christian marriage. In addition to his original power of joining in wedlock, he merely adds the function exercised by the father or guardian in the formal tradition. Moreover, Dieckhoff's position is supported by some rituals, which seem to show that development on the continent was not uniform in this regard. Cf. Scheurl, Entwicklung, 110 ff., who discusses the divergent views of Sohm and Friedberg.

The last stage of evolution has not yet been reached in the eastern church. In the presence of the priest the bride and groom betroth and give themselves in marriage. The priest merely prays and blesses: Sohm, Zur Trauungsfrage, 19 ff.; Zhishman, Das Eherecht, 128, 135, 692 n. 1, 694 n. 1. For the marriage ritual of the Greek church see Martene, De ritibus, II, 140-44.

[1003] Pointed out by Sohm, Eheschliessung, 164, 165.

[1004] Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 26.

[1005] "Who giveth this woman to be married to this man? Then shall they give their troth to each other in this manner. The minister receiving the woman at her father's or friend's hands," etc.: Bingham, The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 164.

[1006] Thus the Hereford ritual simply says, after declaration of the dower, "et pater vel propinquus mulieris accipiat eam, et tradat homini per manum dexteram" (Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, Appendix, 116). Similarly the Pontifical of Anianus, bishop of Bangor, of the thirteenth century declares, "Primo dicatur (dos) feminae, deinde detur" (ibid., 162); and this form agrees substantially with that of the Hanley Castle Missal of the same period (ibid., 163). In the ritual of the fifteenth-century Harleian MS., in the British Museum, after asking the banns, "the woman shall be given in this manner: Sacerdos utriusque manu dextera apprehensa, jungat eos similiter, sicut faciunt qui fide se obligant" (ibid., 166); but here, of course, the words "jungat eos" are not words of power, for they precede the marriage vow of the parties. According to the Welsh ritual of the fifteenth century, "the woman is given by her father or by another friend" (ibid., 167); and this form is observed in the Sarum liturgy published both by Maskell (Monumenta, I, 56), and the Surtees Society (LXIII, Appendix, 19), while in one MS. of the same service the words "deinde detur [Ecclesiae] femina a patre suo, vel ab amicis ejus" (ibid., loc. cit., 19) appear, thus in effect agreeing with the form of the York manual. An interesting variation occurs in the Pontifical of Magdalen College, Oxford, of the twelfth century, where the priest does not receive the woman from her guardian, but joins with him in giving her to the husband: "Sacerdos et patronus sponsae dent ipsam sponso per dexteram" (ibid., 160). A ritual of Arles (ca. 1300) affords evidence of a similar transition in the form of tradition: see the extract in Sohm, Eheschliessung, 165 n. 27; and compare on this subject Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 38, 62. On the English celebration cf. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 88-98.

[1007] In general, for the canons relating to the priestly benediction and the ecclesiastical celebration see Johnson, Collection of the Laws and Canons of the Church of England, I, 202; II, 19, 27, 64, 89, 91, 340, 395, 410; Pemberton's historical summary in 10 Clark and Finnelly, 616 ff.; and the summaries of Maskell, Monumenta ritualia, I, cclxiv-ix; and Makower, Const. Hist. of Church of England, 213, 214 n. 5. For the early period see the collections of Thorpe, Schmid, Haddan and Stubbs, and Wilkins. An excellent discussion of the subject is given by Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, II, 364 ff.; and a very detailed treatment in Friedberg's Eheschliessung, 33 ff., 309 ff.

[1008] Poenit. Theod., Book I, c. 14, §1: Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 187; Makower, Const. Hist. Church of Eng., 213, 214 n. 5.

[1009] Schmid, Gesetze, Anhang VI, 392, 393; Thorpe, Ancient Laws, I, 255-57; Makower, loc. cit. Cf. also the Excerptiones Ecgberti, c. 90 (or 88), Thorpe, II, 110, reproducing a canon of the Council of Carthage requiring that "the bridegroom and bride be offered by the parents, and bridefolk, to receive the priest's benediction": Johnson's Canons, I, 202, and the so-called Canones Ælfrici (A. D. 992-1001), sec. 9, in Thorpe, II, 347, declaring that "the layman may, however, with the apostle's leave take a wife a second time; if his wife falls away from him; but the canons forbid blessing thereto and have ordered such men to do penance": Makower, loc. cit.

[1010] "Praeterea statutum est, ut nullus filiam suam, vel cognatam, det alicui, absque benedictione sacerdotali. Si aliter feceret, non ut legitimum conjugium, sed ut fornicatorium, judicabitur."—Parker, De antiquitate britannicae ecclesiae (London, 1729), 173; also Wilkins, Concilia, I, 367; Makower, loc. cit.; and translated in Johnson's Canons, II, 19. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, II, 368 n. 2.

[1011] "Ut fides inter virum et mulierem, occulte et sine testibus, de conjugio data, si ab alterutro negata fuerit, irrata habeatur."—Wilkins, Concilia, I, 382; Johnson, Canons, II, 27; Makower, loc. cit.

[1012] Johnson, Canons, II, 64.

[1013] Ibid., 91.

[1014] Especially the constitution of Reynolds, 1322; that of Stratford, 1343; and that of Zouche, 1347: ibid., 340, 341, 395, 410, 411.

[1015] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 39, note, gives a list of the authors making this mistake. "This belief is stated by Blackstone, Comment., I, 439, and was in his time traditional among English lawyers. Apparently it can be traced to Dr. Goldingham, a canonist who was consulted in the case of Bunting v. Lepingwell (Moore's Reports, 169)": Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 368, 369, note; Friedberg, op. cit., 314.

[1016] Even the words of Lanfranc, strong as they are, do not invalidate an unblessed marriage. "He does not say that the union will be mere fornication; he says that it will be coniugium fornicatorium, an unlawful and fornicatory marriage. Lanfranc's words recall those of the Pseudo-Isidorian Evaristus which appear in c. 1, C. 30, q. 5"; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 368 n. 2; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 139.

[1017] For some account of the distinction between sponsalia de praesenti and de futuro, with references, see the next chapter.

[1018] This epistle sustained a marriage by private consent as against one subsequently contracted and consummated. The opposing view is thus set forth by Pemberton in The Queen v. Millis: "In 1160 Pope Alexander issued edicts in which marriages without the presence of a priest were declared good; but almost immediately afterwards came the canons already cited [those of 1175 and 1200 mentioned in the text], to guard against the abuse of the permission thus given by the pope. But from what follows it is clear that the law which admitted the canon law in other countries, as part of the law of the land, was never adopted in England. In 1253 the attempt was made to introduce the canon law of marriage recognized by the popes, against the ecclesiastical law of England and the answer was the well-known answer that the barons would not consent to have the laws of England changed": 10 Clark and Finnelly, 617. This is a strange perversion of the truth: see Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 370 n. 1.

[1019] Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 319, 320. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 123, 124, gives the text of the decree; and his second book, 101-50, contains an interesting history of the proceedings of the council on the subject of marriage. An English version of the text of the decree may be found in Waterworth, Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 196-99, who also describes the proceedings (ccxxi-xxxvi). Cf. Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts der Eheschliessung, 2 ff.; Fleiner, Die trident. Ehevorschrift, 1 ff.; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, II, 119-37; Madan, Thelyphthora, III, 238 ff. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 187-96, shows that the Tridentinum still maintains the Germanic principle of consensus as the valid marriage.

For the sources see the collections of Theiner and Richter-Schulte and the works of Sarpi and Pallavicino mentioned in Bibliographical Note VII.

[1020] On Scotch marriages see Edgar, Marriages in Olden Times, 134-203; Walton, Scotch Marriages; Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 534 ff.; Hammick, The Marriage Law, 221 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 57, 58, 426, 427, 437-59; Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 326; Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 672, 688; Robertson, Encyc. Britannica, XV, 567; Kent, Commentaries, II, 90. Cf. especially the case of Dalrymple v. Dalrymple, in 2 Haggard's Consistory Reports, 54-137.

[1021] See the cases mentioned in the Bibliographical Note at the head of this chapter. Of course, most of the decisions are cited and elaborately discussed by the counsel and judges in Queen v. Millis and Beamish v. Beamish. An important case is given in Harvard Law Review, VI, 11. Cf. Swinburne, Of Spousals, 13, 104, 193, passim; and especially Hale's Precedents and Proceedings in Criminal Laws, 1475-1640, taken from the act-books of ecclesiastical courts in the diocese of London, and containing a mass of most interesting and convincing evidence relating to the subject (see the Index at "Matrimonial Causes").

[1022] For the record of the proceedings in Ireland see Report of the Cases of Regina v. Millis, et Regina v. Carroll in the Queen's Bench in Ireland (Dublin, 1842).

[1023] Bishop, Mar., Div., and Sep., I, §§ 400, 401.

[1024] The case is given in 10 Clark and Finnelly, Reports of Cases Decided in the House of Lords, 534-907. The text of the opinion of the English judges may also be found in Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 675-94. It was ably refuted by Sir John Stoddart in his Observations on the Opinion and his Letter to Lord Brougham (both London, 1844).

[1025] In 1844, by the act of 7 and 8 Victoria, c. 81, the essential features of 6 and 7 Will. IV, c. 85, which had made the public observance of ecclesiastical or civil forms necessary to a valid marriage in England, were extended to Ireland; and this was the result of the excitement caused by the case of the Queen v. Millis of the same year.

[1026] Case of Beamish v. Beamish in 9 House of Lords Cases, 274-358. The report in this case, like that in Queen v. Millis, constitutes an extended history of English matrimonial law.

[1027] In Bright v. Hutton, 3 H. L. C., 391, 392. For his opinion in 1860 see A.-G. v. Dean and Canons of Windsor, 8 H. L. C., 391-93.

[1028] Following Pollock, First Book of Jurisprudence (London, 1896), 311-17.

In general, on these decisions and those preceding see the masterly discussion of Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 39-57, 427, 464 ff. His conclusions are supported by Sohm, Eheschliessung, 125 ff.; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 367 ff.; and by the article of Elphinstone, in Law Quarterly Review, V, 49 ff. Compare Reeves, Hist. of the Common Law, IV, 52 ff.; Bishop, Marriage, Divorce, and Separation, II, 171, 172; Kent, Commentaries, II, 87 ff., notes; Bright, Husband and Wife, II, 398. These judgments are regarded as historically just by Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 70, note; and Cook, "The Marriage Ceremony in Europe," Atlantic, LXI.

[1029] Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 3, 4, distinguishes the three phases in the growth of the canon law: "D'abord, elle s'est dÉveloppÉe À cÔtÉ du droit sÉculier, celuici restant indÉpendant et souverain dans son domaine, et n'a exercÉ qu'une action parallÈle. Dans une seconde phase, elle a supplantÉ et ÉliminÉ le droit sÉculier, elle seule rÉgissant le mariage dans l'Europe chrÉtienne. Enfin, devant un reflux puissant de la lÉgislation civile, elle a dÛ, dans le temps moderne, abandonner le terrain qu'elle avait ainsi occupÉ, pour garder seulement son autoritÉ premiÈre, et reprendre son ancienne position."

[1030] For examples see Ignatius, Epis. to Philadel., c. iv; Epis. to Polycarp, c. v, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 81, 95; Justin, First Apol., cxv, ibid., 167; Athenagoras, Plea for Christians, c. xxxiii, ibid., II, 147; Clement of Alex., ibid., 259-63, 377-79. In this last passage Clement is less coarse than usual. "Marriage, then, as a sacred image," he concludes, "must be kept pure from those things which defile it." Cf. also Tertullian, ibid., III, 293-95, 443; Origen, To His Wife, ibid., IV, 40-44. Compare Bucksisch, De apostolis uxoratis, 9 ff., who holds that, with the exception of John and Paul, all the apostles had wives. In general, on the development of the early Christian conception of marriage from its Roman and Hebrew beginnings, see Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 32 ff.; Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 93 ff.; Schulte, Der CÖlibatszwang, 5 ff.; Theiner, Die EinfÜhr. der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 5 ff.; StÄudlin, Geschichte der Vorstellungen und Lehren von der Ehe, 259 ff.; Letters on the Const. Celibacy of the Clergy, 22 ff., 51 ff.; Recherches phil. et hist. sur le cÉlibat, 67 ff. On the influence of Paul's teaching see Thwing, The Family, 47 ff.; and compare Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 33-57, who takes an unfavorable view of the influence of the church as opposed to that of Christianity; and Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff.; Huth, Marriage of Near Kin, 108 ff.

[1031] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, II, 383. Compare the excellent account of the canonical conception of marriage in Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 63-92. "Enfin, le mariage Étant conÇu comme un remÈde À la concupiscence, le droit canonique sanctionnait, avec une Énergie toute particuliÈre, l'obligation du devoir conjugal, non seulement dans le forum internum, mais encore devant le forum externum. De lÀ toute une sÉrie de rÈgles que les canonistes du moyen Âge exposaient avec une prÉcision minutieuse et une innocente impudeur, et qu'il est parfois assez difficile de rappeler, aujourd'hui que les moeurs ont changÉ et que l'on n'Écrit plus en latin."—Ibid., 84, cited also by Pollock and Maitland, II, 383. It is well, for instance, that the editors of the Ante-Nicene Fathers have concealed the "innocent immodesty" of Clement of Alexandria (The Instructor, c. x, ibid., II, 259 ff.; Stromata, Book III, ibid., II, 381 ff.) in the Latin version. The indecency of the Penitentials is so shocking as almost to justify Gibbon's severe epigram that in them "some sins are enumerated which innocence could not have suspected, and others which reason cannot believe."—Decline and Fall, chap. lviii, 1070. "I know of no more fatal sources of antichristian error," says Kemble of the Penitentials, "no more miserable records of the debasement and degradation of human intellect, no more frightful proofs of the absence of genuine religion."—Saxons, II, 403, 404. See the Poenitentiale Theodori, lib. i, c. ii: Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 178, 179; and especially Wasserschleben's excellent collection of Bussordnungen.

The monstrous indecencies of the mediÆval confessional are revealed by Bouvet, De la confession et du cÉlibat des prÊtres, 195 ff. On the other hand, a word of justification may be found in Ellis, Psychology of Sex, I, pp. viii-ix.

[1032] The Council of Trent declared marriage to be a sacrament, but did not settle the mediÆval dispute as to the relation of its different elements. A strong party held that it is necessary to distinguish between the contract and the sacrament. The church might regulate the former and not the latter, for it was established by Christ himself. This doctrine would logically have led to civil marriage, which the council was not ready to sanction. "In every sacrament a distinction is made between the minister, that is the agent who produces the sacrament, and its materia, the objective or real content." From this distinction arose an important controversy; one party regarding the priest, and the other the parties, as the minister of the sacrament. According to the former theory, which was adopted by the French church, the bare consent of the parties constituted the contract, and the marriage gained its sacramental character later through the priestly benediction. The form of valid contract as a temporal matter may therefore be determined by the state. As a direct consequence of this doctrine in the eighteenth century civil marriage arose in France: Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 26-29; idem, Eheschliessung, 546 ff., 509 ff. Cf. Salis, Publikation des trid. Rechts, 46 ff.; Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 12, 18 ff.; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 78 ff.; II, 159 ff. The modern Catholic church rejects the doctrine that there can be a distinction between the contract and sacrament, the parties being the ministers of the sacrament. Yet in effect a distinction is really made. The benediction, we are told, is not "necessary in order to the validity of the sacrament; but it is the presence of the parish priest, which is a necessary condition sine quÂ non in order to the validity of the contract."—Humphrey, Christian Marriage, 70 ff., 73 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, II, 501 ff. On this controversy see especially Richter, Lehrbuch, 1047-49; Meurer, "Die rechtl. Natur des trid. Matrimonialdecrets," ZKR., XXII; and Schulte, "Die Statthaftigkeit der Civilehe nach kath. GrundsÄtzen," ibid., XI, holding that the action of the Council of Trent regarding the marriage contract is not dogmatic in character, and that hence the state, without violating Catholic doctrine, may rightly institute a compulsory civil marriage form. Compare RoskovÁny, De matrimonio in ecc. cath., 35-42; Perrone, De matrimonio christ., I, 46-159.

[1033] Kemble, Saxons, II, 434 ff., 454, 455; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156-62; II, 235 ff., 260 ff.; Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 224; Theiner, Die EinfÜhr. der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 267-69.

[1034] In 376 "a Gallic synod excommunicated those who should refuse the ministrations of a priest on the ground of his marriage," though this need not imply that the church resisted celibacy: Kemble, Saxons, II, 441. Married priests were still allowed in the western church in 961. "The priests were enjoyned not to marry without the leave of the Pope, on which account a great disturbance took place in the diocese of Teilaw, so that it was considered best to allow matrimony to the priests."—"Brut y Twigsog.," in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, I, 286. For England there is abundant evidence of the marriage of priests, sometimes of bishops, even as late as the twelfth century: Kemble, op. cit., II, 443 ff.; Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., III, 19 (temp. Gregory); II, 178 (Scotland); Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 147, 159 ff., 197 (concubines), 271 ff.; Theiner, op. cit., II, 183 ff.; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156-62; II, 235, who thinks at first the rule of celibacy was enforced; Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 223, 224, notes; Ellis, Int. to Domesday, I, 342 (two examples, an. 1086); especially the excellent discussion of celibacy in England by Makower, Const. Hist. Eng. Church, 212-24, where the sources are cited.

[1035] Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 243, 244, notes; Cod. Dipl., xxxiii, cxlvi, ccxv, lxxx, cxxvii, lxxxii, cxxiv, clxix; Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., II, 178 (Scotland); Theiner, op. cit., I, 321-47.

[1036] After centuries of struggle and divergent practice, this was decreed by the Roman council under Nicholas II., 1059; and by the first Lateran council under Calixtus II., 1123: Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1100; Hard. Concil., tom. vi, 1052; vii, 1111. "The eastern church has never forbidden marriage before ordination to its presbyters, and has never laid upon them the burden of abstinence from their wives; and there is no doubt that the eastern discipline in this respect was the discipline of the whole of the early church." But eventually, in the East as well as the West, bishops were forbidden to have wives: Meyrick, op. cit., 1098, 1099, where the sources are cited on the whole subject of the rise of celibacy. Cf. Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 165 ff., 449 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale (ed. 1505), foll. xc-xcv; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156 ff.; Kemble, Saxons, II, 439 ff.; Schulte, Der CÖlibatszwang, 5 ff.; Recherches phil. et hist. sur le cÉlibat, 147 ff.; Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 59 ff.; Thwing, The Family, 74 ff.; Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff., 55 ff.; Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 44 ff.

[1037] Citing Augustine, Serm. ix, li, Op., tom. v, pp. 88, 345, ed. Migne. Augustine's view is that of the earlier Fathers; see the references in n. 2, p. 325, above, to which many more might be added. Cf. Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 83-87; Theiner, Die EinfÜhrung der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 23 ff. (teachings of the "heretical sects"), 81 (teachings of the "Fathers"); Recherches phil. et hist. sur le cÉlibat, 177 ff. (doctrines of the early "heretics").

[1038] In the Stromata, c. xxiii: Ante-Nicene Fathers, II, 378, Clement of Alexandria approaches the loftier view of marriage. "Philosophers" are "to take advantage of marriage for help in the whole of life, and for the best self-restraint." It is a "sacred image;" and "every foul and polluting practice" must be purged away from it.

[1039] Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1198. The early theological conception of marriage is much lower than that of the mature Roman law: "Nuptiae sunt conjunctio maris et feminae et consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani juris communicatio": Modestinus, in Digest, xxiii, tit. 2, l. 1: Corpus juris civilis, I, 295. Cf. Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 22. As if to emphasize the paradoxical nature of the prevailing dogma, the Council of Trent anathematizes those who say "that matrimony is not truly and properly one of the seven sacraments;" as well as those who say "that the marriage state is to be placed above the state of virginity, or of celibacy, and that it is not better and more blessed to remain in virginity, or in celibacy, than to be united in matrimony."—Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 194, 195. The Reformation Fathers constantly reproach their Roman antagonists with this anomaly and with having debased the state of marriage which is right for all according to the law of God and nature: see the Parker Society collection of the Works of Fathers and Early Writers of the Reformed English Church, General Index, at "Marriage," 515-17. Cf. the curious book of Madan, Thelyphthora, or a Treatise on Female Ruin (2d ed., London, 1781), who endeavors to show that sacerdotal celibacy, the theory of impediments, and the invention of the sacrament of matrimony have lowered the ideal of marriage which is an institution divinely ordained for all men. He brings together in convenient form for reference a mass of extracts from the teachings of the Fathers, the papal and conciliar decrees, the utterances of the schoolmen, and other sources.

[1040] Farrar, Seekers after God, 10 ff.

[1041] Capes, Early Empire, 223 ff., discusses the exaggeration of the satirists; and in his Age of the Antonines, 85, 86, 89, 90, 117 ff., he describes the family life of Marcus Aurelius and analyzes his meditations.

[1042] Taine, Ancient RÉgime, 1-5.

[1043] Eckenstein, Woman under Monasticism, 5, 478. This important and very interesting book throws much new light on the position of woman in the Middle Ages. The convent was a refuge from the "tyranny" of the family; and the author believes that the desire for independence was a survival of the "mother-age." The woman saint is thus a successor of the "tribal goddess" and the "heathen prophetess."

[1044] The doctrine that woman was the cause of the "original sin" arose among the early fathers of the church, and it was well established by the time of Augustine. At the Council of Macon (585) the question, "Does woman possess a soul?" was seriously discussed. "Upon one side it was argued that woman should not be called 'homo;' upon the opposite side that she should, because, first, the Scriptures declared that God created man, male and female; second, that Jesus Christ, son of a woman, is called the son of man. Christian women were therefore allowed to remain human beings in the eyes of the clergy, even though considered very weak and bad ones."—Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 56.

Nevertheless for many this problem remained for centuries a topic for theological debate. In 1595 appeared Acidalius's Disputatio nova contra mulieres, qua probatur eas homines non esse. In the same year it was republished, with an answer, by Simon Geddicus under the common title, Disputatio perjucunda, qua anonymus probare nititur mulieres homines non esse: cui opposita est Simonis Geddici sacros. theologiae doctoris defensio sexus muliebris (editio novissima, Hagae-Comitis, 1644). At the end Simon writes: "Scriptum Halae Saxonum, 10. Februarii, Anno Filii Dei nati, Hominis veri, ex Maria Virgine, homine vera, 1595."

Still later (1667) Feyerabend, De privilegiis mulierum (3d ed., Jena, 1672), 2-5, starts with the inquiry, "an mulieres sint homines?"

[1045] For details consult Theiner, Die EinfÜhrung der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 44 ff., 54-60, 167 ff., 239, 296, passim; II, 183-209; III, 96-148 (contemporary evidence for the period 1448 to the Reformation), 305 ff. (influence of the Jesuits on morals); Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 78 ff., 109 ff., 115 ff., 129, 135 ff., 161-77, 330-61, 566-80 (abuse of the confessional, especially since the Council of Trent), 631 ff.; idem, Hist. of Auricular Confession, I, 378-400 (solicitations), 240 ff., 261, 272, 426 ff.; Lecky, Hist. of European Morals, II, 120 ff., 148 ff., 316-72; Huth, Marriage of Near Kin, 108 ff.; the vigorous arraignment of the church and the canon law for their alleged degrading influence on woman by Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff., 113 ff., 152 ff.; and idem, in Hist. of Woman Suffrage, I, 753-99. For the opposite view read Christian Marriage, by Rev. William Humphrey, S. J.; Zimmermann, Der Priester-CÖlibat, 11 ff.; Gide, La femme, 169-82; and compare Thwing, The Family, 45 ff.; Letters on the Const. Celibacy of the Clergy, 266 ff., 294 ff.; and Bouvet, De la confession et du cÉlibat des prÊtres, 195-238, containing extracts from Burchard's Decretorum, showing the abominable questions put to women. For the literature relating to celibacy (to 1887) see especially RoskovÁny's Coelibatus et breviarium (13 vols., 1861-88), enumerating 6,785 books, essays, and articles on the subject, of which (according to Theiner, op. cit., III, 379) 3,285 are antagonistic.

[1046] Thoroughly to appreciate the nature of the controversy over the sacramental nature of marriage the writings of the Reformation Fathers should be studied. See General Index to the Parker Society publications; and cf. Madan's Thelyphthora, already mentioned.

[1047] The early Fathers render the Greek ?st????? by sacramentum, which is defined by St. Augustine as "the visible form of invisible grace," or "a sign of a sacred thing"; Encyc. Brit., XXI, 131. Cf. also Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 153, 154; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 29 ff.; Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 124 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, I, 25 ff.; Perrone, De mat. christ., I, 1-21; Schulte, Lehrbuch, 349; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1044, 1045; Thwing, The Family, 81; and the monograph of Baier, Die Naturehe in ihrem VerhÄltniss zur christlich-sakramentalen Ehe; Amat, Treatise on Matrimony, 3 ff.

[1048] See the incunabula edition of Petrus Lombardus, Textus sententiarum (1488). Cf. Madan, Thelyphthora, III, 262; Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 46; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 34 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, I, 29; II, 458 ff.; Cigoi, UnauflÖsbarkeit, 107 ff.; Perrone, De mat. christ., I, 22 ff.

[1049] Encyc. Brit., XXI, 132; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 193-96.

[1050] See chap. xi, below.

[1051] For the growth of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the West see Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, chap. i.

[1052] Ibid., 73, 74, where the sources are cited; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 196.

[1053] Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 20.

[1054] Ibid., 199-202.

[1055] On the separation of the lay and spiritual jurisdictions see Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 300, 307; idem, Select Charters, 85; idem, Lectures, 300. Schmid, Gesetze, 357, and Thorpe, Anc. Laws, II, 213, give William's law, the date of which is unknown. See also Makower, Const. Hist. of English Church, 465, 466, 392 ff.

[1056] Leges Henrici Primi, 11, § 5.

[1057] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 365. The Concordia discordantium canonum, or Decree of Gratian, comprises the first volume of Richter and Friedberg's fine edition of the Corpus juris canonici (Leipzig, 1879). The bringing together of the scattered rules of the ecclesiastical authorities by Ivo of Chartres in the reign of Henry I., and especially by Gratian (1151), was of vast importance in building up the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. On the history of the canon law see Stubbs, Lectures, 292-333; idem, Const. Hist., I, 308 ff.; Dodd, Hist. Canon Law, 150 ff., 161 ff.; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 14, 15, 19; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 3 ff., 56 ff., 108 ff. The best account of the rise and jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts in England will be found in Makower, Const. Hist. of Eng. Church, 384-464.

[1058] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 365, 366; Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 1 ff.

[1059] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85.

[1060] This is the view established by Sohm, Eheschliessung, particularly 120 n. 22, 151 n. 89. Compare Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 1 ff., 14 ff., 34 ff.; Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 35 ff.

[1061] Sohm, op. cit., 150-52; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 61 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 209; Esmein, op. cit., I, 83. Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 15 ff., discusses the different views as to the relation of consensus and the copula carnalis, in connection with the sacramental nature of marriage. See also Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 151 ff., 164 ff., on the whole subject.

[1062] Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 33-59.

[1063] Gratian, Decreti sec. pars. causa xxvii, quest. ii, c. 16 ff.: Richter and Friedberg, Corpus juris canonici, I, 1069 ff. Cf. Esmein, op. cit., I, 97-119; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 111 ff.; Freisen, op. cit., 164 ff.; Scheurl, op. cit., 58-75; Sehling, op. cit., 81 ff.; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 290; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 115 ff.

[1064] On the whole subject see Esmein, op. cit., I, 97-119.

[1065] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1066] Esmein, op. cit., I, 83. Esmein traces the origin of this doctrine of the canonists in part to the influence of the "popular" or "naturalistic" view of marriage; in part to certain texts of the Old and New Testament (particularly Gen. 2:23, 24; 1 Cor. 16:16): and in part to the conception of marriage as a remedy for concupiscence: op. cit., 83, 84, 97 ff. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 367 n. 1; Freisen, op. cit., 173.

[1067] It affected the "thÉorie de la formation et de la dissolution du mariage, thÉorie de la nullitÉ pour cause d'impuissance, thÉorie de l'affinitÉ, thÉorie des droits et des devoirs des Époux."—Esmein, op. cit., I, 83.

[1068] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1069] Peter Lombard (d. 1164) was a professor in the University of Paris, and later was ordained a bishop: cf. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 121 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 119 ff. His theory is set forth in the Sententiae, lib. iv, dist. 27, 28: "Efficiens autem causa matrimonii est consensus, non quilibet, sed per verba expressus: nec de futuro sed de praesenti. Si enim consentiunt in futurum, dicentes, Accipiam te in virum, et ego te in uxorem, non est iste consensus efficax causa matrimonii": dist. 27, § 3. "Consensus, id est pactio conjugalis, matrimonium facit, et extunc est conjugium etiamsi non praecessit, vel secuta est copula carnalis": dist. 27, § 4. The consensus, if expressed by a verb of the present tense, accipio te, constitutes a valid marriage without copula. Opposed to this is a promise, expressed by a verb in the future tense, accipiam te, which is binding only when followed by copula. Compare Tancred, Summa de mat., 3 ff.; and see the masterly discussion of the history of the distinction, in Sohm, op. cit., chap, iv, and his Trauung und Verlobung, 73-109. Cf. Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 76 ff.; Dieckhoff, Die kirchl. Trauung, 115 ff.; Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 72 ff., 115 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 179 ff., 205 ff.; Kent, Commentaries, II, 87; Bishop, Marriage, Divorce, and Separation, I, §§ 313 ff., 353 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 203, 206; Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 672 ff.; especially Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 366 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 119-37; Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 2, 3.

[1070] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 124 ff.

[1071] This is proved by Sohm, op. cit., chap, iv; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, chap, iii; and by Esmein, op. cit., I, 119-37.

Magister Vacarius, who lived in England ca. 1148-98 and probably taught law at Oxford, has a theory differing from that of Gratian or Lombard. According to him, the "true act of marriage, the act which marks the moment at which the marriage takes place, is the mutual delivery (traditio) of man and woman each to each. Of course as a condition there must exist a pact of the appropriate kind.... Again, as a condition there must be the natural power of effecting a carnal union; but the carnalis copula is unessential." The marriage is made by the tradition: Maitland, "Magistri Vacarii summa de matrimonio," Law Quart. Rev., XIII, 136-38. In the same volume, 270-87, Maitland publishes the text of the Summa.

On the two kinds of canonical sponsalia see the dissertations described in Bibliographical Note VIII.

[1072] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1073] This doctrine was already sanctioned by Innocent III. (1130-43): Esmein, op. cit., I, 126.

[1074] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1075] The effect of this neglect on clandestine marriage is forcibly described by Luther, Tischreden, foll. 355, 356. "Dass aber die Juristen fÜrgeben und anziehen den Canon, und sagen: Dass der Eltern Autoritet, Rath, und Will wol Ehren halben mÖge dabey sein, aber nicht auss not, dass es also sein mÜsste, denn die Bewilligung derer, die mit einander wollen Ehelich werden, ist die Substantz, die nÖtig ist. Der Eltern will aber ist ein accidens, ein zufellig ding, das nur Erbarkeit und Ehrenhalben geschieht, macht aber noch hindert nicht die Ehe.

"Es ist ein Gottloser Canon, und der Canonisten wahn wider Gott, gleich als ein Buler, der in der ersten Brunst und unsinnigkeit daher gehet, nicht viel nach Erbarkeit fragt. Also gehet der Eltern autoritet, ansehen, gewalt, und gehorsam zu Boden."

On the marriage of minors see Selden, Uxor ebraica, 99-104; Opera, III, 605-8; Morgan, Marriage, Adultery, and Divorce, I, 283 ff.; Lauginger, De consensu parentum, quaest. viii ff.; Lohen, De parentum ad nuptias a liberis contrahendas consensu (Regiomonti, 1685).

[1076] On the lack of prescribed conditions see Esmein, op. cit., I, 149 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 307-29.

[1077] Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 14, 15, 31 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 103, 122, 123; Fleiner, Die trid. Ehevorschrift, 3; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 196 ff., ccxxvi ff.

[1078] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85, 86; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 367-72; Salis, op. cit., 3, 4.

[1079] Ibid., 44-47, notes, where the evidence is collected from the sources. Cf. also Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 12, 18 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 78 ff.; II, 159 ff.; Friedberg, op. cit., 109; Waterworth, op. cit., pp. ccxxv ff., 193-96.

[1080] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 133 ff.; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 1 ff., has demonstrated that in their "content" the two kinds of sponsalia are identical; the one is no more nor less a betrothal than the other, each looking to a subsequent perfected marriage. The distinction is not "eine Unterscheidung verschiedener ThatbestÄnde, sondern nur eine verschiedene rechtliche Behandlung desselben ThatbestÄndes."—Eheschliessung, 137. The differences in tense were arbitrarily made to have different legal consequences.

On the controversy as to the legal significance of the two kinds of sponsalia with Sohm compare Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 76-107; idem, "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts," ZKR., XV, 65-92, who agrees with Sohm that both species of sponsalia are forms of betrothal (Verlobungen), but insists that they have different legal consequences. This article is criticised by Bierling, "Kleine BeitrÄge," ZKR., XVI, 288-316; who is answered by Scheurl, "Consensus facit nuptias," ibid., XXII, 269-86. See also Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 115 ff.; Sehling, Unterscheidung der VerlÖbnisse, 40 ff., 60 ff., 72 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale (Oxford, 1679), lib. quart., tit. I, 270, 271; Sanchez, Disputat. de s^to. mat. sac., I, 3-220; Selden, Uxor ebraica (ed., 1673), 92 ff., or Opera, III, 599 ff.

[1081] "Es kam hinzu, das der Gegensatz der Zeitform in der deutschen Sprache regelmÄssig Überhaupt unerkennbar war, denn zu deutsch heisst es nicht: 'ich nehme dich,' noch: 'ich werde dich nehmen,' sondern 'ich will dich nehmen.'"—Sohm, Eheschliessung, 135.

[1082] "Ja, ich wÜsste selbs nicht wol, wie ein Knecht oder Magd sollten oder kunnten in deutscher Sprache per verba de futuro sich veloben; denn wie man sich verlobet, so laut's per verba de praesenti, und sonderliche weiss der Posel von solcher behender Grammatica nichts, dass accipio und accipiam zweierlei sei; er fÜhret daher nach unserer Sprachen Art und spricht: 'Ich will Dich haben,' 'ich will Dich nehmen,' 'Du sollt mein sein,' etc. Da ist die Stunde ja gesagt ohn weiter Aufzug oder Bedenken."—Luther, "Von Ehesachen," Werke (Erlangen ed.), XXIII, 102, 103; also in BÜcher und Schriften (Jena, 1561), V, 240, 241; and in Strampff, 318, 319. This whole interesting passage, of which a portion is translated in the text, is given by Sohm, Eheschliessung, 139; and by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 206, 207. Cf. also Luther's Tischreden (Frankfort ed., 1571), c. 36, p. 356. Luther's view is accepted by Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsch. Eherecht, 64; and Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 3.

[1083] Swinburne, Of Spousals, 55-73, gives a most interesting discussion of the verbal difficulties arising in sponsalia de praesenti vel futuro, comparing the legal writers for and against the distinction.

[1084] Ibid., 62 ff. Cf. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 114 ff., 124-37 (on "Pre-Contracts" before and after the Reformation).

[1085] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 367.

The rule laid down by Anselm in 1102, already mentioned, really invites such "hard swearing": "Promises of marriage made between man and woman without witnesses" are to be "null if either party deny them."—Johnson's Canons, 11, 27. The following is an example of what repeatedly happened in the ecclesiastical courts: "Omnium Sanctorum Honylane.—Thomas Potynger comparuit coram comissario [of London] in domo officii xxii die Augusti [1481], et prestitit juramentum, quod nunquam contraxhit matrimonialiter cum Margareta Hudson de eadem, ibidem presente, et confitente, quod nullum testem habuit ad probandum contractum, et ideo commissarius remisit eos regulae conscientiarum suarum."—Hale, Precedents and Procds. in Crim. Causes, 5. For another example see ibid., 6.

[1086] They obtained a Freibrief, or license, for their practice: Sohm, Eheschliessung, 138. Cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 16 ff., on the abuses of matrimonial jurisdiction.

[1087] "The promise, se ducturum in conjugem, or one similar, is conceived to be consensus de futuro in c. 5, 15, 17, 22x. de sponsal. (4, 1); but as consensus de praesenti in c. 5x. de sponsa duor. (4, 3)."—Sohm, Eheschliessung, 135 n. 51.

[1088] Ex et pro eo quia dictus David diu ante solemnizationem dicti pretensi matrimonii ... alia sponsalia tam verba de futuro quam de praesenti cum Margareta Abirnethy, impressentiarum superstite, carnali copula subsecuta, contraxit," etc.—Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 58; Liber officialis S. Andree, 21. This book, 19, 33, 66, 73, 75, contains, according to Friedberg, other records of marriages de futuro, sometimes copula subsecuta, dissolved on account of later sponsalia de praesenti. Cf. also Sohm, op. cit., 135.

[1089] In the spiritual courts two good witnesses were required to establish a fact. On the "proof of marriage" see Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 189 ff.; II, 127 ff.; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 382 ff.; Law Review (English), I, 378 ff.

[1090] Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 6, 7; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 382, 383; Esmein, op. cit., I, 189 ff.; II, 127 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 102 ff.; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 187 ff.

[1091] Da spricht der Papst und die Juristen, die Ehe dÜrfe nimmermehr gescheiden werden. Was geschah? Die Eheleute wurden darnach uneins und schieden sich wieder von einander. Also ging mirs im Kloster auch; oder wo man fur den Official kam, so schwur sich eines vom andern, freieten wieder. Darnach kamen sie zu mir oder einem Andern in die Beichte und sprachen: Lieber Herr, ich habe itzt eine Frau, der hab ichs heimlich gelobt; wie thue ich ihm immermehr? Helft mir, lieber Herr Doctor, dass ich nicht verzweifele. Denn Greta, mit der ich mich am ersten verlob hab, ist mein recht Eheweib. Aber diese Barbara, die mir darnach vertrawet, ist nicht mein Weib und muss doch bei ihr schlaffen? Jene darf ich nicht nehmen, die ich doch gerne mÖcht haben, da es sein kÖnnte; aber ich kann nu nicht, denn ich habe eine Andere, so hat sie auch einen Andern: doch weiss es Niemand, dass sie mein Weib ist, denn allein, Gott im Himmel, dem ist bewust. O, ich werde verdampt, ich weiss keinen Rath."—"Tischreden," in Werke (Erlang. ed.), LXII, 229; quoted also in Salis, 7, 8, who gives other proofs; likewise in Sohm, op. cit., 189, 190; Friedberg, op. cit., 102; and Esmein, op. cit., II, 129.

[1092] In Luther's "Von Ehesachen," Werke (Erlang., XXIII, 98), is another interesting passage forcibly describing the danger of bigamy through the confusion wrought by clandestine marriages. The passage is also in Strampff, Luther: Ueber die Ehe, 313 ff.; and it is partly quoted by Sohm, op. cit., 188, 189.

[1093] Richter-Schulte, Canones et dec. conc. trid., 216 ff.; Pallavicino, 1st. conc. Trent., IV, lib. XXII, 1, 16; Theiner, Acta gen. conc. trid., II, 314, 335. Cap. 1 of the decree of the council for the reform of marriage contains the following: "Cum sancta synodus animadvertat prohibitiones illas propter hominum inoboedientiam jam non prodesse, et gravia peccata perpendat, quae ex eisdem clandestinis conjugiis ortum habent, praesertim vero eorum qui in statu damnationis permanent, dum priore uxore cum qua clam contraxerant, relicta cum alia palam contrahunt et cum ea in perpetuo adulterio vivunt, cui malo cum ab ecclesia, quae de occultis non judicat, succurri non possit, nisi efficacius aliquod remedeium adhibeatur;" also in Waterworth's Canons and Decrees, 196, 197. Compare the passage on the evil resulting from the canon law of marriage in the address with which Hieronymus Ragazzoni opens the last or xxv. solemn session of the council: Theiner, Acta gen., II, 502. See this and other excerpts in Salis, op. cit., 1, 9, passim.

[1094] In general see Friedberg, Index, at "Ehe, heimliche;" Salis, op. cit., 1-14; Sohm, op. cit., 187 ff., 132 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., II, 121 ff.; I, 189 ff.; Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 434 ff., Index; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 367 ff., 382; Schelhas, De clandestinis sponsalibus juratis (Jena, 1716); Lyndwood, Provinciale (Oxford, 1679), 273 ff.; Sanchez, Disputat. de s^to. mat. sac., I, 221-358. Luther's "Von Ehesachen," BÜcher und Schriften, V, 237-57, is largely devoted to a discussion of secret betrothals.

[1095] Friedberg, op. cit., 66-69.

[1096] Ibid., 75.

[1097] Salis, op. cit., 8; Friedberg, op. cit., 75-77.

[1098] Salis, op. cit., 8, 9; ap. Zeitschrift fÜr schweiz. Recht, 1878, XX, 114 ff.

[1099] "Und ist ungezwyfelt, es sitzen im Bisthum Costanntz hundert und aber hundert parthyen, die vor Gott dem Herrn EelÜt sin und mit recht zusammen gewyst wurden, und doch umb sorg des penfals einander mit gepÜrlichen Rechten nit thÜren fÜrnemmen."—Salis, op. cit., 9.

[1100] See the letter of Mutio Calini to Cardinal Luigi Cornara, July 29, 1563, in Salis, op. cit., 13.

[1101] Theiner, Acta gen., II, 367, 513; Pallavicino, 1st. conc. trid., Vol. IV, lib. xxii, 4, 24; Salis, op. cit., 12.

[1102] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 79, 260, 261.

[1103] Ibid., 71-74; Salis, op. cit., 11, 12.

[1104] Friedberg, op. cit., 62 ff., 499; Salis, op. cit., 9, 11, 12.

[1105] Theiner, op. cit., II, 316; Salis, op. cit., 9; Friedberg, op. cit., 110.

[1106] "Coniugia, que (quae) clam contrahuntur, non negantur esse coniugia, nec iubentur dissolui, si utriusque confessione probari poterunt: uerumtamen prohibentur, quia mutata alterius eorum uoluntate, alterius professione fides iudici fieri non potest. Unde publice, cum alterius uota in alteram partem se transtulerint, pro priore coniugio, quod iudici incertum est, sentencia ferri non poterit."—Gratian, Decreti sec. pars causa xxx, quest. v, c. ix: Richter-Friedberg, Corpus juris can., I, 1107. The passage is also quoted from different text by Salis, op. cit., 6, who adds the statement of the cardinal of Lothringen at the Council of Trent: "Clandestinum matrimonium est causa disjunctionis conjugum; tales enim cum nullos habeant testes matrimonii contracti, pro libito possunt separari."—Ap. Theiner, op. cit., II, 314.

[1107] The document, of which a part is translated in the text, will be found in Friedberg, op. cit., 72, 73. On the kinds of clandestine marriage see Salis, op. cit., 5, 6; Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 320; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 181 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale, 276.

[1108] For Scotland see Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 534 ff.; Friedberg, op. cit., 57, 58, passim; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 259, 260.

[1109] Friedberg, op. cit., 36-57, 317, 335, 344, 355. Secret marriages are censured by Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 82, 159; Hooper, Later Writings, 137, 149; Latimer, Sermons, II, 243. Consent of parents is urged by Sandys, Sermons, 50, 281, 325, 326, 455; Becon, Catechism, 355, 358, 371, 372; idem, Prayers, 199, 532; Tyndale, Early Writings, 169, 170, 199; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 104-14; I, 113 ff., discusses clandestine marriages, mainly after the Reformation.

[1110] Friedberg, op. cit., 39, 40. This appears plainly from the constitution of Stratford, 1343, against clandestine marriages; as well as from that of Zouche, 1347: Johnson's Canons, II, 395-97, 410, 411.

[1111] Miles Coverdale, The Christen State of Matrimonye (1st ed., 1541), xlviii, xlviiii.

This passage was transcribed for me from a copy of the first edition (1541) in the library of the British Museum by Professor William H. Hudson. To his kindness I am also indebted for the extract from Whitforde's book taken from a copy in the possession of the same library. In 1899 Sotheran offered for £4 10s. a "probably unique" copy of a 24mo edition of Coverdale's work, 1543. This he regards as a copy of the second edition, the title differing somewhat from that of the first edition. An 8vo edition appeared also in 1543, with a preface by Becon. Friedberg, op. cit., 40, quotes the same passage; but the different spelling indicates that he has not used the first edition.

[1112] Richard Whitforde, A Werke for housholders (2d ed., 1537), sign. E. iii and following page. There is no pagination. For the date see Bayne, in Dict. Nat. Biog., LXI, 125-27.

[1113] Friedberg, op. cit., 41.

[1114] Ibid., 47, 48.

[1115] Discussed in Palgrave, Commonwealth, II, v-xxvii; Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 175; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, I, 137, 138.

[1116] Ibid., II, 365.

For further illustration see Loersch, "Ein eherechtliches Urtheil," ZKR., XV, 407-10; and Frensdorff, "Ein Urtheilsbuch des geist. Gerichts zu Augsburg," ibid., X, 1-37, publishing a manuscript containing decisions for the years 1348-52 which afford abundant proof of the doctrine and practice regarding sponsalia de praesenti.

[1117] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 369, where a translation of the epistle is given. Cf. Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 319; Sohm., Eheschliessung, 124 ff., who discusses from the canons the influence of Alexander III. on this doctrine.

[1118] This principle is illustrated in a suit for jactitation of marriage before the commissary of London, 1501: Hale, Precedents, 72, 73; and in a case of punishing clandestine marriage by prescribing penance by the same court in 1502: ibid., 78, 79.

[1119] The canonists distinguished cognatio from affinitas. There are three sorts of cognatio: (1) consanguinitas; (2) cognatio legalis, or adoption; (3) cognatio spiritualis, arising in a participation in the same sacrament: Esmein, op. cit., 335 ff., 374 ff. On the whole subject see Niemeier, De conjugiis prohibitis, comprising ten separate dissertations with critical and bibliographical "supplementa," but relating largely to post-Reformation doctrine; Sanchez, Disput. de s^to. mat. sac., II, 1-402; Tancred, Summa de mat. (ed. Wunderlich), 16 ff.; the monograph of Eichborn, Die Ehehinderniss der Blutsverwandtschaft nach kan. Rechte (Breslau, 1872); Schulte, Lehrbuch, 355-57; Friedberg, Lehrbuch, 337, 359; Sehling, Die Wirkungen der Geschlechtsgemeinschaft (impotence); Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 20 ff.; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 383 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 371 ff.; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 108 ff.; II, 306 ff.; Morgan, Marriage, Adultery, and Divorce, I, 199 ff. The Catholic doctrine is set forth at great length by Scheicher-Binder, Praktisches Handbuch, 8-354; and in Perrone, De mat. christ., II, 31 ff.

[1120] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 383 ff.

[1121] Esmein, op. cit., I, 87, 90, 335 ff., discusses the causes which produced this irrational and intricate system.

[1122] Kemble, Saxons, II, 406-8; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church (2d ed.), II, 5 ff. Gregory advises Augustine to relax the rules of the church in England so as to allow marriage beyond the second degree: Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 20, 21. Cf. also Esmein, op. cit., I, 344 ff.; Eichborn, Ehehinderniss, 11 ff.

[1123] Meyrick, "Marriage," in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1092-1103. See also his article "Prohibited Degrees," ibid., 1725-30; and Esmein, op. cit., I, 205 ff.

[1124] Thus, according to the Roman law, brother and sister are in the second degree; but by the canon law they are in the first degree. Second cousins by the canonists are regarded as in the third degree; by the Romans, as in the sixth (if they are equally distant from the common ancestor): Meyrick, op. cit., II, 1725; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 383-85; Esmein, op. cit., I, 351 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 371-439. For the eastern church see Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 213-373.

[1125] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 385; Esmein, op. cit., I, 75 ff., 203-5.

[1126] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 385.

[1127] Much trouble grew out of the theory of spiritual affinity. Thus "in 1462, John Howthon, of Tonbridge, was sentenced by the Consistory Court of Rochester to be whipt three times round both market and church for having married Dionysia Thomas, for whom his former wife had been godmother. The like spiritual relation occasioned (Jan. 7, 1465) a dissolution of the marriage between John Trevennock and Joan Peckham; Letitia, the former wife of the said John having been godmother to a child of the said Joan." On December 29, 1472, William Lovelasse, of Kingsdown, was cited to appear "on a charge of having married his spiritual sister, viz., a woman whom his mother had held at her confirmation."—Burn, Parish Registers, 3, 4, notes, citing Thorpe, Customale. The case of Henry VIII. and Catherine, wife of his elder brother Arthur, and the anecdote of Andowera and Fredegonda, wife of King Chilperic of Neustria (Thierry, Narratives of the Merovingian Era, London, n. d., 20), are in point. On the evils of the complex system see Thwing, The Family, 83; Law Review (English), I, 353 ff.; Woolsey, Divorce, 120 ff.; and especially Huth, Marriage of Near Kin, 113 ff.

[1128] Esmein, op. cit., I, 203-402, gives an elaborate historical account of matrimonial impediments.

[1129] The relation of the two jurisdictions is carefully examined by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 47-57, with citation of the principal cases; also in a very clear and interesting way by Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 370 ff., to whom I am particularly indebted. Cf. Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 1-6.

[1130] Glanville, Tractatus, lib. vii, c. 13: Phillips, II, 402. Idem, c. 14: Phillips, II, 402, gives the form of writ by which a question of valid marriage is referred to the archbishop.

[1131] See, however, Friedberg, op. cit., 51: "Lag aber die Frage vor, haben die Parteien wie Mann und Frau zusammen gelebt, haben sie sich verlobt, war mithin Über das Recht der Ehe ['the right of marriage'] keine Entscheidung zu fÄllen, sondern allein Über den factischen Thatbestand, so urtheilte der weltliche Richter." But this led to strange embarrassments. Thus it was in doubt whether a compulsory marriage belonged to the spiritual or to the temporal court: Rolle, Abridgment (1688), I, 340; and "still greater was the doubt in case of the question, whether a second marriage were invalid if the first still existed": Friedberg, op. cit., 51 n. 2; Year Book, 49 Ed. III., 18.

[1132] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 378. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 56. "The canonists themselves having made marriages all too easy, and valid marriages all too difficult, had been driven into a doctrine of possessory marriage." In a case where a valid or canonical marriage could not be proved by the plaintiff, he was given a possessory action, actio spolii, and "in this the defendant will not be allowed to set up pleas which dispute, not the existence of a de facto marriage, but its validity," while the "plaintiff must prove a marriage celebrated in face of the church": Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 379. Cf. Esmein, op. cit., II, 15 ff.

[1133] On the divergence of the temporal and ecclesiastical laws as to legitimacy see Glanville, Tractatus, lib. vii, c. 15: Phillips, II, 403. Compare Swinburne, Of Spousals, 15, 233 ff.

[1134] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 50; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 372; Bracton, De leg. et consuetud., foll. 302-4; idem, Note Book, placita 891, 1669, 1718, 1875, Maitland's ed., II, 688; III, 517, 559, 659.

[1135] Ap. Bracton, De leg. et consuetud., fol. 92; Note Book, pl. 891, 1669, 1718, 1875, Maitland's ed., II, 688; III, 517, 559, 659.

[1136] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 372, 373.

[1137] Glanville, op. cit., lib. vii, c. 15: Phillips, II, 403. For an interesting case, showing that the spiritual court could determine only the question of the validity of marriage, and not that of inheritance, which belonged to the king's courts, see Corpus juris can., c. 17, x, 1, 29; c. 4, x, 4, 17; c. 7; quoted by Friedberg, op. cit., 50 n. 2.

[1138] On "putative" marriages see Esmein, op. cit., II, 33-37; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 857-62; especially Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 373-77.

[1139] "To this agreement between church and state there was the one well-known exception: our temporal courts would not allow to marriage any retroactive power; the bastard remained incapable of inheriting land even though his parents had become husband and wife and thereby made him capable of receiving holy orders and, in all probability, of taking a share in the movable goods of his parents.... But about all other matters the church could have, and apparently had, her way.... 'You are a bastard, for your father was a deacon': that was a good plea in the king's court, and the king's court did nothing to narrow the mischievous latitude of the prohibited degrees."—Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 375, 376. On legitimation through subsequent marriage by the canon law see Esmein, op. cit., II, 37 ff.; Swinburne, Of Spousals, 233 ff.

[1140] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 375 n. 3; ap. Pike, Year Book, 11-12 Ed. III., pp. xx-xxii.

[1141] For the growth of the doctrines of the canonists as to the age of consent and the consequences of espousals before puberty see Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 323 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., II, 149 ff., with whom Pollock and Mitland, op. cit., II, 387 ff., appear to agree. Read also Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 70 ff., 276 ff., who gives interesting illustrations of infantile betrothals and marriages; the learned monograph of Hoffmann, De aetate juvenili, 22 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale (ed. 1505), liber quartus, fol. cxcvi; Tancred, Summa de mat., tit. 4, pp. 4, 5.

The constitution De desponsatione impuberum of the primate Edmund de Abingdon (1233-40) runs thus: "Ubi non est consensus utriusque non est conjugium. Igitur qui pueris dant puellas in cunabulis, nihil faciunt, nisi uterque puerorum, postquam venerit ad tempus discretionis, consentiat. Hujus ergo Decreti auctoritate inhibemus, ne de caetero aliqui, quorum uterque vel alter ad aetatem legibus constitutam et canonibus determinatam non pervenerit, conjungantur; nisi urgente necessitate pro bono pacis talis conjunctio toleretur."—Lyndwood, Provinciale; quoted by Jeaffreson, op. cit., I, 74.

[1142] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 387, 388, who cite as proof the case of Thomas of Bayeux and Elena de Morville. The king's court decided that Elena should remain in ward to the king until the age of puberty, that "she may then consent or dissent."

[1143] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 388: ap. Littleton, sec. 36; Coke upon Lit., 33a.

[1144] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 388, 389, and the sources there cited.

[1145] See above, chap. iv.

[1146] "A treaty of peace involved an attempt to bind the will of a very small child, and such treaties were made not only among princes, but among men of humbler degree, who thus patched up their quarrels or compromised their law-suits. The rigour of our feudal law afforded another reason for such transactions; a father took the earliest opportunity of marrying his child in order that the right of marriage might not fall to the lord."—Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 389. See the case of Grace, supposititious child of Thomas of Saleby, married at four years of age to Adam Neville, and after his death sold in marriage twice by King John: ibid., 389, 390: ap. Magna vita S. Hugonis, 170-77; and in general on early marriages, especially as a means of alliance, compare Esmein, op. cit., I, 151 ff.

[1147] Denton, England in the Fifteenth Century, 161. For an illustration of the lord's marriage rights see the case of 1220 (H. III.) in Select Pleas of the Crown (ed. Maitland), I, 135-38.

[1148] "As knighthood prevented wardship, a father sometimes endowed his son with land to qualify him for knighthood at an early age, so as to bar the claims of the mesne lord or of the crown to wardship. An instance occurs of knighthood at the age of seven years avowedly procured for this reason."—Denton, Eng. in Fifteenth Century, 261 n. I: ap. Smith, Lives of the Berkeleys, 140.

[1149] Traill, Social England, III, 578.

[1150] Theiner, Acta gen., II, 334, 347, 351, 352, 391, 395: Salis, Pub. des trid. Rechts, 10 n. 16. Cf. Waterworth, Canons, ccxxiii.

[1151] So, for instance, in France: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 64 n. 5; and in Spain, ibid., 74.

[1152] Salis, Pub. des trid. Rechts, 11, 12, collates the evidence for the various opinions from Theiner, Acta gen., II. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 108 ff.

[1153] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 175.

[1154] Ibid., 181.

[1155] Capit. 802, c. 35: Walter, Corpus juris germ., II, 167: "conjunctiones facere non praesumant, antequam episcopi presbyteri cum senioribus populi consanguinitatem conjungentium diligenter exquirant, et tune cum benedictions jungantur." Cf. Sohm's interpretation, op. cit., 181, vs. that of Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 59.

[1156] See p. 314, above; and cf. Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 368; Friedberg, op. cit., 10, 653, 654, for the present practice as to banns in various countries.

[1157] Johnson's Canons, II, 91, 340, 352, 395, 410.

[1158] See the rituals of York, Sarum, Hereford, and others, in Surtees Society Publications, LXIII, 26 ff., Appendix, 17 ff., 115 ff., 155 ff.; and the Salisbury ritual in Maskell's Monumenta, I, 50 ff.

[1159] For many cases see Hale's Precedents, 6, 33, 38, 39, 54, 56, 65, 82, 83, 85, 92, 166, 181, 182, 199, 255.

[1160] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 10, 124; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, II, 170 ff., who shows that the rules relating to banns were too vague to be effective. On the requirement of banns see Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 159; Grindal, Remains, 126; Hooper, Later Writings, 126, 138, 149; Ridley, Works, 531; Sandys, Sermons, 434. Cf. on the history of the institution Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 99-107, 130 ff. Compare Born, De bannis nuptialibus (Leipzig, 1716), secs. 1 ff.

[1161] Burn, Hist. of Parish Registers, 1-16. Compare Waters, Parish Registers, 5. Mention is made of registers in France as early as 1308; and by an order of Cardinal Ximenes, 1497, they were to be kept in every parish of the diocese of Toledo "in order to remedy the disorders occasioned by the frequency of divorces in Spain, on the ground of spiritual affinity."—Burn, 3; Marsolier, Histoire du ministÈre du Cardinal Ximenes, tom. 1, liv. 2, 263; Waters, Parish Registers, 4. Cf. Palgrave, in Quart. Rev., LXXIII, 561, who thus goes too far in saying that "parish registers were never kept in any part of the world until the sixteenth century."

There is some evidence, held to be inconclusive by Burn, op. cit., 5-15, that an order for the use of registers may have been made earlier than 1538. The fact that at least eight registers begin before that date points to instructions given at the time of the suppression of the smaller monasteries: Waters, op. cit., 6. At the time of the insurrection in Yorkshire, 1536, in order to draw the common people, it was given out "that the king designed to get all the gold of England into his hands, under colour of recoining it; that he would seize all unmarked cattle, and all the ornaments of parish churches, and they should be forced to pay for christenings, marriages, and burials (orders having been given for keeping Registers thereof), and for licenses to eat white bread."—Carte, Hist. of England. See also the rare tract by Holmes (1537), and the letter of Sir Piers Edgcumb to Cromwell (April 20, 1539), both quoted by Burn, op. cit., 8, 9. For the date see Waters, op. cit., 7; and compare Burn's Fleet Marriages, 3.

[1162] Burn, Parish Registers, 17, 18. Cf. also Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 319, 320. The same provision, with slight alteration, is contained in the injunction of 1547, Edward VI. It is quoted by Toulmin Smith, The Parish, 187, 188; Bohn, Pol. Cyc., IV, 625; Burn, op. cit., 18, 19.

[1163] For a review of the various proposals, acts, and "visitations" to enforce them see Burn, op. cit., 18-39; Friedberg, op. cit., 320-22; Toulmin Smith, op. cit., 188, 189; Bohn, op. cit., IV, 625, 626.

[1164] See the extracts illustrating Luther's views as to the form of wedlock in Strampff, 337-44.

[1165] Consult the elaborate investigation of Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 198-305; idem, Die Geschichte der Civilehe, 7 ff.; with which should be compared Sohm, Eheschliessung, chap. vii, and his Trauung und Verlobung, chap, iv.; Scheurl, Ent. des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 123 ff., 126 ff.; idem, Das gemein. deutsch. Eherecht, 64-73; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 108 ff., 180 ff., 223 ff. (views of Melanchthon, Chemnitz, and others); Mejer, Zum Kirchenrechte, 154 ff. (views of Kling, Mauser, Schneidewin, Wesenbeck, Monner, and Beust—all connected with the consistory of Wittenberg); Schubert, Die evang. Trauung, 41 ff., 49 ff.; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1136 ff.

[1166] "Das liess ich wohl verba de futuro heissen, wenn ein conditio, Anhang oder Auszug dabei gesetzt wÜrde, als: Ich will dich haben, wo du mir willt zu gut, zwei oder ein Jahr harren; item: Ich will dich haben, so du mir hundert Gulden mitbringest; item: so deine oder meine Aeltern wollen; und dergleichen."—Luther, "Von Ehesachen," BÜcher und Schriften (Jena, 1561), V, 241.

As an illustration of the early judicial practice see the interesting decision of the consistory court of Wittenberg, among the cases published by Schleusner, AnfÄnge des protest. Eherechts, 136, where a contract is dissolved for failure of the condition. The case is undated, but it probably occurred before 1550.

Conditional espousals were recognized by the canon law: for England see Swinburne, Of Spousals, 109-53, where the many intricate questions connected with conditional contracts are discussed with much learning; and in general the monograph of Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung (Kempten, 1892).

With Luther's views regarding conditional betrothal compare those of Melanchthon, "De conjugio," Opera omnia, I, pars ii, 232; Schneidewin, De nuptiis, tit. x, "De spons.," pars i, 32-38; Beust, De spons. et mat., secs. xviii, xix; Kling, Tr. mat. causarum, foll. 73 ff.; Brouwer, De jure con., 188-204. For discussion see Schleusner, "Zu den AnfÄngen des prot. Eherechts," ZKG., VI, 402-5; Scheurl, "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsr.," ibid., XV, 69, 70; idem, Das gemein. deutsche Eherecht, 368-70; Richardus, De cond. sponsaliorum impossibilibus, 29 ff., passim; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1061 ff., 1200; and especially the excellent historical paper of Phillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefÜgten Bedingung," ZKR., V, VI, 153 ff., reviewing the literature of the subject from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century; Schott, Einleit. in das Eherecht, 199 ff.

[1167] For a collection of the writings of Luther on precontracts or betrothals see Strampff, 287-334; especially the extract from the Von Ehesachen, 334, where breach of troth is made equivalent to adultery.

[1168] The passages of Luther's works on parental consent, with an introductory note, are collected in Strampff, 299-325. Compare Beust, De spons. et mat., 201-10; Melanchthon, "De conjugio," Opera omnia, I, pars ii, 231; Bullinger, Der Christlich Ehestand, lvs. 11 ff., 14, 15; Kling, Tr. mat. causarum, foll. 77 ff.; Schneidewin, De nuptiis, tit. x, "De nupt. licitis," pars ii, secs. 29 ff.; Brenz, "Wie yn Ehesachen ... zu Handeln," in Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 69 ff.; Mentzer, De conjugio tr., 136-50, 153; Bidembach, De causis mat. tract., 3 ff., 15 ff.; Forster, De nuptiis, 145 ff., 149 ff. (the law of Saxony requiring); Brouwer, De jure connubiorum, 71 ff., 76 ff., 80 ff.

All authorities, seemingly, are agreed that a parent may not rightly force a child to marry; see Bullinger, Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 15, 16; Schneidewin, De nupt., tit. x, "De nupt. licitis," pars. ii, secs. 41, 42; Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 73 ff.; 96 ff. (Luther); Mentzer, De conjugio tr., 253-55; Bidembach, De causis mat., 25-27; Boehmer, De mat. coacto; and the literature on parental consent described in Bibliographical Note IX.

[1169] In his "Von Ehesachen" (1530), BÜcher und Schriften, V, 247, he says directly that a public betrothal, that is a marriage, not followed by copula should yield to an earlier secret betrothal cum copula. It is argued, however, that by "secret" he means a betrothal without witnesses, but with consent of the parents: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 209 n. 2, 210 n. 1; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 206 n. 16. Luther's "Von Ehesachen," BÜcher und Schriften, V, 237-57, is mainly devoted to a discussion of secret and public betrothals.

As a matter of fact, I find the consistory court of Wittenberg dissolving a betrothal for lack of parental consent: Schleusner, AnfÄnge des protest. Eherechts, 137. In another interesting case a girl was persuaded by her lover to marry him without the consent of her mother or step-father, but saying: "I would not, however, offend my dear mother." The two clerical judges held the contract to be conditioned on getting the mother's consent, and therefore void, since the condition had not been fulfilled and the law of Saxony forbade marriages without parental consent. The two lay judges, however, held the contract binding, because the girl's father being dead, to whom real authority belonged, she was free to marry whom she chose. The case was referred to Luther and another person as arbiters. Luther, in opposition to his associate, held the marriage void because conditional and a violation of the fourth commandment, and the court accepted his opinion: Schleusner, op. cit., 138, 139.

[1170] The consistory court of Wittenberg declared a public betrothal legal as opposed to an earlier secret engagement: see the case in Schleusner, AnfÄnge des protest. Eherechts, 140; and for other cases cf. ibid., 145, 146.

[1171] On espousals, especially clandestine contracts, compare Schneidewin, De nuptiis, tit. x, "De spons.," pars. i, secs. 1 ff., 21 ff.; Beust, Tr. de spons. et mat., 1 ff., 12 ff., 27 ff. (sponsalia clandestina); Kling, Tr. mat. causarum, lvs. 1 ff., 6 ff., 68 ff. (sponsalia clandestina); Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 67 ff., 91 ff., 73 ff. (Luther); Mentzer, De conjugio tr., 156 ff., 168 ff.; Bidembach, De causis mat. tr., 3 ff., 29-35; Forster, De nuptiis, 52 ff.; Brouwer, De jure connubiorum, 9 ff., 100 ff.; and the literature on sponsalia mentioned in Bibliographical Note IX.

For discussion see Scheurl, Die Entwick. des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 130 ff., 140 ff.; Schubert, Die evang. Trauung, 44 ff.; Cremer, Kirch. Trauung, 68-71; Dieckhoff, Die Kirch. Trauung, 189 ff., 212 ff., 221 ff.; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1121, 1194 ff.; Friedberg, Lehrbuch, 295, 296, 337-59; Loy, Das protest. Eherecht, 425 ff., 437 ff., 445, 447 ff.; Hofmann, Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts, 27 ff., 143, 146 ff.; Schott, Einleitung in das Eherecht, 174 ff., 182 ff., 193; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 197-249.

[1172] The most famous case of enforcement of a betrothal, against an unwilling bride, is that of Dr. Stiel, 1553. The plaintiff's petition (Gesuch) in fifty-eight articles or specifications, setting forth in a most realistic way the whole courtship and the betrothal proceedings, is communicated by Friedberg, "BeitrÄge zur Geschichte des brand.-preuss. Eherechts," ZKR., VI, 72 ff. Actual force to compel the fulfilment of a betrothal was used only when it was followed by copula: ibid., 81. Friedberg traces the history of the subject to the reign of Frederick the Great, citing various cases. As a result he declares that in the sixteenth century betrothed persons could be forced to keep their engagement even when both were willing to dissolve it; while in the eighteenth century action depended upon the will of the interested parties: ibid., 87, 88. Compare Bidembach, De causis mat. tr., 35 ff.

[1173] See the argument of Sohm, Eheschliessung, 202 ff.; Trauung und Verlobung, 110 ff.; against Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 206, 210; Geschichte der Civilehe, 8, who holds that Luther doubled the evils of secret marriage.

[1174] Sohm, Eheschliessung, chap. vii; Trauung und Verlobung, chap. iv, has demonstrated this against the view of Friedberg.

Nevertheless by the middle of the seventeenth century was established a dualism in effect similar to that which had existed under the later canon law. More and more stress was placed upon the nuptials as compared with the betrothal, although in theory the latter still constituted the marriage. J. H. Boehmer, Jus ecclesiasticum protestantium (Halle, 1714), whose teaching has mainly determined the modern law, attacked Luther as being responsible for this dualism, holding that a true betrothal, like the Roman sponsalia, is only a promise of future wedlock, and may therefore be dissolved; while the nuptial contract, publicly and formally made, is the true marriage. On Boehmer's doctrines see Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 270-95; Schubert, Die evang. Trauung, 62-76; Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 140 ff.; Phillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefÜgten Bedingung," ZKR., VI, 154.

[1175] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 198.

[1176] The church ordinances require sometimes only parental consent; sometimes only witnesses; or again the solemnization of the betrothal in church is prescribed, with the sanction of nullity or else a mere penalty for non-observance: Sohm, op. cit., 206, 207; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 212 ff., 224, 225. Richter's Evangelische Kirchenordnungen are analyzed by Meier, Jus, quod de forma mat. valet, 49 ff.; and Goeschen, Doctrina de mat., 42 ff.

[1177] Friedberg, op. cit., 225 ff.

[1178] Luther would have entirely rejected the canon law, but even in his immediate environment he gained no following. Theologians and jurists alike accepted it as generally valid, giving it precedence over the Roman law. Only the Scriptures were a higher authority. Compare Mejer, Zum Kirchenrechte, 170, 156 (Kling); idem, in ZKR., XVI, 44-48, 73.

[1179] Sohm, op. cit., 207; Friedberg, op. cit., 209, 225-27, 261, 277 ff. The famous case of Caspar Beyer came before the consistorial court of Wittenberg in the latter part of 1543; and its decision in 1544 led to the notorious controversy between Luther and the jurists. Beyer wanted to marry Sibylla, a ward of Melanchthon, but he had made a clandestine contract with another woman without consent or knowledge of her parents; although it was alleged that her brother had given post facto assent, the parents being perhaps dead. Luther declared that such secret betrothals "sollen schlecht keine Ehe stiften;" and in 1539 or 1540 a law of Saxony had forbidden them. A decision of the consistory, following the doctrine of the canon law, sustained the validity of Beyer's marriage; but after a "starke Predigt" and long insistence by Luther it was overruled by the Elector: Mejer, "AnfÄnge des Witt. Consistoriums," ZKR., XIII, 28-123; idem, Zum Kirchenrechte, 65 ff.

[1180] Sohm, op. cit., 198; Friedberg, op. cit., 208, 209, 225-27, 261, 277 ff., 299, 300.

[1181] In Germany betrothal rituals were sometimes prescribed in the church ordinances: Friedberg, op. cit., 222, 223, 224; and public espousal ceremonies were in use in England: Burn, Parish Registers, 138 ff.

[1182] Friedberg, op. cit., 293, 299, 300. On the Brautkinder see Schott, Einleit. in das Eherecht, 193, 194; and on secret betrothals and the laws forbidding them consult especially Hofmann, Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts, 146 ff.; and compare Loy, Das protest. Eherecht, 447 ff.

[1183] The earliest Protestant marriage ritual appears to have been written by Bugenhagen: see the ritual (1523) ascribed mainly to him, published with discussion by Schubert, Die evang. Trauung, 142-53. Compare "Der Bericht Christoph Gerungs von Memmingen Über die erste Priesterhochzeit zu Augsburg anno 1523;" ibid., 132-41, showing that the nuptial ceremony is but a confirmation of the sponsalia de praesenti already concluded.

[1184] Luther, "TraubÜchlein fÜr die einfÄltigen Pfarrherren" (1534), Kleinere Schriften, II, 219-23; with which compare "Der kleine Katechismus" (1529), in Strampff, 340, 341, 422; and the rituals analyzed by Sohm, op. cit., 197 ff. In this connection read Bullinger's discussion of the proper conduct at weddings in Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 59-68; or the same in Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 102-7; also Bidembach, De causis mat. tr., 3 ff.; Forster, De nuptiis, 167 ff.; and Brouwer, De jure connubiorum, 619 ff.

Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 108-14, points out that the exchange of rings and the declaration of the marriage to the assembled people, instead of saying to the parties themselves the words "Ego conjungo vos in nomine," etc., are innovations of the Reformation period. For further discussion see Schubert, Die evang. Trauung, 51 ff.; Hofmann, Handbuch des Eherechts, 172 ff.; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1121 ff.; Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 63 ff.

For examples of rules and rituals adopted by some of the churches consult Richter, Evang. Kirchenordnungen, I, 31, 32 ("Landesordnung des Herzogthums Preussen"), 330, 331 (Brandenburg), 347-50 (Geneva); II, 47, 48 ("CÖlnische Reformation"), 375-77 (Brandenburg); especially Fischer, "Die Älteste evang. Kirchenordnung in Hohenlohe," ZKR., XV, 1-48; and compare Meier, Jus, quod de forma mat. valet, 49 ff.; Goeschen, Doctrina de mat., 48-58; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 212 ff.; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 197 ff., who analyzes the church ordinances.

[1185] By 24 Hen. VIII., c. 12 (1532): Statutes at Large, II, 71-73; Gee and Hardy, Documents, 187-95, appeals to Rome in questions of marriage and divorce are forbidden. Such cases may be carried from the archdeacon to the bishop, then to the archbishop of Canterbury or York, whose decision is final. By 25 Hen. VIII, c. 21: Statutes at Large, II, 90, the archbishop of Canterbury is given a right of dispensation similar to that formerly exercised by the pope. Chapter 19 of the same statute, ibid., II, 85-87; Gee and Hardy, Documents, 195 ff., provides for the appointment of a commission of thirty-two men to examine the whole body of canons in order to determine which should be accepted as valid; but until the commission should conclude its labors "such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial being already made," not repugnant to the laws or customs of the realm, "nor to the Damage or Hurt of the King's Prerogative Royal, shall now still be used and executed as they were afore." No report was made by this commission; nor did the Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum prepared by another commission, which was provided for by 3 and 4 Ed. VI., c. 11: Statutes at Large, II, 295, ever take effect: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 310 n. 3. The act of 25 Hen. VIII., c. 19, was repealed by 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8: Statutes at Large, II, 342 ff.; but again restored by 1 Eliz., c. 1: Statutes, II, 379 ff. So the result was the practical retention of the canon law. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 309-11.

[1186] It is proved by the celebrated case of Bunting v. Lepingwell, 1585-86: Coke's Reports, II, 355-59. See Friedberg's analysis of this case and other proofs collected by him: Eheschliessung, 313-18; also Swinburne, Of Spousals, 13, 15, 74-108, especially 193 ff., 222 ff., 236-39, who shows the canon-law theory to be in full force in the reign of Elizabeth; and Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 359, 360. Hale's Precedents, 120, 136, 137, 146, 147, 169, 170, 185, 192, affords several interesting illustrations for the Reformation period.

[1187] Furnivall, Child-Marriages, Divorces, and Ratifications, in the Diocese of Chester, 1561-6 (edited for the Early Eng. Text Society, London, 1897), especially 56-71, 184-202 (trothplights), 140, 141 (clandestine marriages), 72-102 (adulteries and affiliations).

[1188] Swinburne, Of Spousals, 15, 233-35; Friedberg, op. cit., 315 n. 4.

[1189] 32 Hen. VIII., c. 38: Statutes at Large, II, 173, 174; Evans, Statutes, I, 152-54. The act of 25 Hen. VIII., c. 22: Evans, I, 151, prescribes the Levitical degrees.

[1190] Friedberg, op. cit., 311, 312. See the elaborate discussion of the divorce controversy by Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation, I, 26 ff., particularly 74 ff.

[1191] 2 and 3 Ed. VI., c. 23: Statutes at Large, II, 284, 285; Evans, Statutes, I, 154, 155. Cf. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 114 f., 124 ff.

[1192] Swinburne, Of Spousals, 15. This learned treatise was first published in 1686, although written a century before. See the introductory address "To the Reader."

[1193] Ibid., 1-3.

[1194] Ibid., 236.

[1195] Ibid., 14. In Twelfth Night, Act V, scene i, Olivia calls Cesario "husband;" and in Act IV, scene iii, referring to the future nuptials, speaks of keeping celebration "according to my birth." In Measure for Measure, Act I, scene iii, Claudio calls Julietta his "wife;" and in Act IV, scene i, the duke, addressing Mariana who had been affianced to Angelo, says, "he is your husband on a precontract." Cf. Douce, Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 114.

[1196] Swinburne, op. cit., 193 ff.

[1197] Ibid., 194.

[1198] Swinburne, op. cit., 194, 195, 196.

[1199] "In an ancient manuscript (No. 1042 in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth Palace) the methods of contracting espousals are thus described: Contrahunt^a sponsalia iiij modis—Aliqu^a promissione, aliqu^a datis arris sponsalitiis interveniente anuli subarra[~c]oe, aliqu^a interveniente jura[~m]to. Nuda promissione cum dicit vir, Accipiam te i mea uxorem, et illa respondet, Accipia te in meu maritu. Vel alia verba equipollencia, et ista [~s]t vera sponsalia [~q]ndo sit per [~v]ba de futuro cont^ahuntur."—Burn, Parish Registers, 139. On sworn espousals and the other forms see Swinburne, op. cits., 213 ff., 193 ff., passim.

[1200] Ibid., 193.

[1201] Burn, Parish Registers, 139, citing Lyndwood's Provinciale, 271. "In an Almanack for 1665, certain days (January 2, 4, etc.) are pointed out as 'good to marry, or contract a wife (for then women will be fond and loving).'"—Ibid., 139 n. 2. See also Wood, The Wedding Day, 235-60, for an account of the superstitions and folklore on this subject.

[1202] Thus in the rituals of Edward VI. and Elizabeth, when the priest says, "Wilt thou have this woman to thy wedded wife?" or "this man to thy wedded husband?" we have the case of espousals. Thereafter, when each party says, "I, N., take thee, N., to my wedded wife" or "husband," we see matrimony contracted, though the form is precisely that of sponsalia per verba de praesenti. See the Parker Society Liturgical Services, Edward VI., 128, 129; Elizabeth, 218, 219. The same forms are retained in the existing ritual of the English church: Bingham, The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 163, 164.

[1203] In Nichols's Progresses of King James the First (London, 1828), II, 513 ff., "will be found two accounts (one by Camden) of the ceremonial of the Affiancing of the Princess Elizabeth in 1612. It took place in the Banquetting House at Whitehall, before dinner; Sir Thomas Lake, as Secretary of State, read the words from the book of Common Prayer, in French, 'I Frederick take thee Elizabeth,' etc., after which the Archbishop gave his Benediction: 'The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, bless these Espousals, and make them prosperous to these Kingdoms, and to his Church.' This appears to have been the whole of the office, and the service was probably not longer in ordinary cases. In the Contract for the Princess's marriage, executed the same day (Dec. 27), is a clause, 'QuÒd Matrimonium verum et legitimum contrahatur inter eos in Anglia ante initium mensis Maii, et interim Sponsalia legitima de praesenti.' 'It would be no difficulty,' remarks Mr. Anstis, Garter [Leland's Collectanea, V, 329-36], 'to show the antient custom of such Espousals by the daughter of the Crown of England as distinct acts from the office of Matrimony, and that they frequently were performed some months or years before the marriage was actually celebrated.'"—Burn, Parish Registers, 140 n. 2. As shown in the case of Princess Elizabeth, even the banns followed the public betrothal: Nichols, II, 524, 525. In the fifth year of Henry V., the espousals of Thomas Thorp and Katerina Burgate were publicly celebrated: Napier's Swincombe, 65; Burn, op. cit., 144. "We find, under date 1476, that a certificate was given by the minister and six parishioners of Ufford, in Suffolk, to the effect that since the death of a certain man's wife he had not been 'trowhplyht' to any woman, and that he might therefore lawfully take a wife."—Wood, The Wedding Day, 212.

[1204] In a breach of promise suit before the common pleas, 1747, the plaintiff proved that she had been publicly betrothed, and received £7,000 damage: Gentleman's Magazine, 1747, p. 293; also Gent. Mag. Library: Manners and Customs, 54.

[1205] Burn, op. cit., 144. The author has evidently transposed the dates. "The Eastern Emperor Leo, surnamed Philosophus (in order to prevent the mischiefs arising from Espousals to be concluded by marriage at a distant period) commanded that the Espousals and Weddings should be performed both upon one day. Alexius Comnenus endeavoured to restore the old custom."—Alex. Com. Novel. de Spons., 1, 2.; Burn, loc. cit., n. 1.

[1206] Douce, Illustrations of Shakespeare (London, 1807), I, 108. Douce discusses the more interesting references to the betrothal in Shakespeare's plays: ibid., 107-14, 403. Cf. also Burn, op. cit., 140, 143. On the mediÆval English practice of spousals, private and in church, see Palmer, Origines liturgicae, II, 211, 212; and in general Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 60-87; Brand, Popular Antiquities, II, 87 ff.

[1207] Douce, op. cit., I, 113, 114. See also Wood, The Wedding Day, 211, 212; and compare the Greek betrothal ritual in Burn, op. cit., 141, 142, taken from the Euchologion sive rituale graecorum, 380. On sponsalia jurata see Swinburne, Of Spousals, 213-21; Kling, Tr. mat. causarum, 2, 3; Beust, Tr. de spons. et mat., 219 ff.

[1208] Douce, op. cit., I, 112, 113. Compare the interesting passage in Bullinger, Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 60 ff.

[1209] Swinburne, Of Spousals, 203 ff. Whether the ring alone, without the usual words of assent, is a sufficient sign of contracting espousals or marriage, depends on its presentation in solemn form or upon local or national custom: ibid., 209-12.

[1210] Swinburne, op. cit., 207-9. The symbolism of the ring is explained in the same spirit by Martin Bucer, Script. Anglic. (Basel, 1577), Censur. in ordinat. eccles., cap. xx, pp. 488, 489: Whitgift, "Defence of the Answer," Works, III, 353 n. 11. (Cf. chap. xi, below, where this passage is quoted.) The early rituals, as we have seen (above, chap, vii, sec. 1), quote the Decree of Gratian as authority for the "vein extending to the heart."

[1211] On the archÆology of the ring see further Saxse, Arcana annuli pronubii, 68 ff.; Wood, The Wedding Day, 217-34; Wheatley, Illustrations of the Common Prayer, 437-40; Brand, Popular Antiquities, II, 102 ff.; Douce, Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 109 ff.; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 138-66; Gentleman's Magazine, 1795, pp. 727, 728, 987; also Gent. Mag. Library: Manners and Customs, 54-57; Notes and Queries, 3d series, VII, 12, 307, 350, 387 (metal of the ring); 5th series, XII, 407, 474, 514. The fourth finger in connection with the vein to the heart is mentioned by Aulus Gellius, lib. x, c. 10; also by Macrobius, Saturnal., lib. vii, c. 13, who "quotes the opinion of Ateius Capito, that the right hand was exempt from this office because it was much more useful than the left hand, and therefore the precious stones of the rings were liable to be broken; and that the finger of the left hand was selected which was the least used."—Gent. Mag. Lib., loc. cit., 54. The mediÆval marriage ceremony is described by Chaucer, Merchant's Tale, ll. 450-509 (ed. Morris, London, 1891), 332-333.

[1212] Cf. 2 and 3 Ed. VI., c. 23, cited above; and Hooper, Later Writings, II, 138.

[1213] Swinburne, op. cit., 231,232; Burn, op. cit., 138, 139, 140.

[1214] In general on the Protestant theory of marriage see Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 6 ff.; idem, Eheschliessung, 153-98; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1050 ff.

[1215] The selections from Luther's writings relating to the nature of marriage and the question of its sacramental character take up the first 215 pages of Strampff's Dr. Martin Luther: Ueber die Ehe.

[1216] Luther, "Vom ehelichen Stande," BÜcher und Schriften (Jena, 1564), I, fol. 170b; also in Strampff, 205.

[1217] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 157.

[1218] Luther, Von der Babylonischen gefencknuss der Kirchen; idem, Von den Conciliis und Kirchen (1539): quoted by Friedberg, op. cit., 157, 158, notes. These passages and others in Strampff, 205 ff., 213 ff.

[1219] Luther, "Das siebend Capitel St. Paul zu den Corinthern ausgelegt" (1523), BÜcher und Schriften (Jena, 1555), II, fol. 297; idem, "Auslegung des ersten Buch Moses" (1536-45), ibid. (Jena, 1556), IV; or Strampff, 163-203. See the passage quoted by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 158. For similar expressions compare Tischreden, foll. 350, 352, etc.

[1220] Luther, "Auslegung des ersten Buch Moses" (1536-45), loc. cit., fol. 145a. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 157.

[1221] "So manchs Land, so manch Sitte, sagt das gemeine SprÜchwort; demnach, weil die Hochzeit und Ehestand ein weltlich GeschÄft ist, gebÜhrt uns Geistlichen oder Kirchendienern nichts darin zu ordenen oder regieren, sondern lassen einer iglichen Stadt und Land hierin ihren Brauch und Gewohnheit, wie sie gehen."—Luther, "Der kleine Katechismus mit dem TraubÜchlein, Vorrede" (1529), in Strampff, 340, 341, 422. Again Luther says: "Es kan ja niemand leugnen, das die Ehe ein eusserlich weltlich ding ist, wie Kleider und Speise, Haus und Hofe, weltlicher Oberkeit unterworffen."—"Von Ehesachen," BÜcher und Schriften (1561), V, fol. 237.

[1222] Ehesachen gehen die Gewissen nicht an, sondern gehÖren fÜr die weltliche Oberkeit; darumb schlage sich keiner drein, die Oberkeit befehl es denn, sprach D. M. L. zu den Predigern."—Tischreden, fol. 369. In another passage, speaking of the breach of the marriage vow and divorce, he says: "Solche fÄlle gehÖren eigentlich der Oberkeit; denn die Ehe ist ein weltlich ding, mit allen iren umbstenden; gehet die Kirch nichts an, denn so viel es die Gewissen belanget."—Ibid., fol. 368. Cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 160.

[1223] Luther, Tischreden, fol. 369. See the passages relating to the "weltliche Regiment in Ehesachen," in Strampff, 411-30, with the author's critical essay.

[1224] Friedberg, op. cit., 160-75.

[1225] Ibid., 166. See Tyndale, Answer to More, 29 n. 4: "More saith in his Conf. (p. ccliiii), 'Syth the marriage (of a priest) is no marriage, it is but whoredom itself. And I am sure also that it defileth the priest more than double and treble whoredom.'" Tyndale accuses the pope of opposing God's law in denying marriage to priests and by dispensations licensing concubinage for money, "as through Dutchland every priest, paying a gildren unto the archdeacon, shall freely and quietly have his whore, ... as they do in Wales, in Ireland, Scotland, France, and Spain;" and in "England, thereto, they be not few which have" such licenses. When the parishes go to law to make them put away their concubines, "the bishop's officers mock them, poll them, and make them spend their thrifts and the priests keep their whores still."—Ibid., 40, 41 n. 4, and the documents there quoted. Cf. Coverdale, Remains, 484; Tyndale, Doc. Treatise, 232; Hutchinson, Works, 202; and especially Jewell's controversy with Harding in "Defence of the Apology," Works, IV, 629 ff., 640 ff. On the prevalence of concubinage in England during the Middle Ages see Stubbs, Const. Hist., III, 372; Makower, Const. Hist. Eng. Church, 217-20, notes, who declares that from the close of the twelfth century onward a priest was punished less severely for fornication than for marrying. "Loss of office is the penalty only for a breach of the prohibition to marry," not for fornication, unless very notorious: op. cit., 217. Compare Johnson, Canons, II, 26, 33, 40, 80, 81, 114, 132; and 2 and 3 Ed. VI.: Gee and Hardy, Documents, 367, for complaints of this evil. See the literature on the evils of celibacy cited in chap. viii.

[1226] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 166. For Germany compare Kawerau, Die Reformation und die Ehe, 1-40.

[1227] Luther, "Bedenken und Unterricht von den KlÖstern" (1522), Kleinere Schriften, II, 45-73; idem, An die herrn deutschs Ordens (1523); and Bugenhagen, De conjugio episcoporum et diaconorum (1525).

[1228] Friedberg, op. cit., 175.

[1229] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 173, 175. He finds traces of the idea of a Christian state in the writings of Huss and Tauler: ibid., 173 n. 8.

[1230] For example see Bullinger, Der christ. Ehestand, lvs. 3 ff.; Melanchthon, "De conjugio," Opera, I, pars ii, 221, 222; Mentzer, De conjugio tr., 1 ff.; Forster, De nuptiis, 1 ff.; Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 1-12; idem, Corpus juris mat., foll. 1-11. Compare the sentiments of Erasmus, De matrimonio christiano, 2 ff., passim.

[1231] Richter, BeitrÄge zur Gesch. des Ehescheidungsrechts, 46 ff.; Forster, De nuptiis, 44.

[1232] See the "Bedencken" and the other documents in the case in Arcuarius, Betrachtung, 210 ff., 220 ff. Consult Gottlieb Warmund (Johann Lyser?), Gewissenhaffte Gedancken vom Ehestande, first six pages; and the literature mentioned in Bibliographical Note IX.

[1233] Scheurl, "Zur Lehre von dem Ehehindernisse der Verwandtschaft," ZKR., XVI, 1-34, giving a clear account of the Protestant doctrine and its relation to the canon law. Compare his Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 183 ff., 195 ff.

For Luther's views on impediments, including the forbidden degrees, consult the collection of writings in Strampff, 215 ff., 228 ff.; and compare Erasmus, De mat. christ., 94 ff., 100 ff.; Melanchthon, "De conjugio," Opera, I, pars ii, 223 ff.; idem, "De arbore consang.," in Sarcerius, Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 12 ff.; Bullinger, Der christ. Ehestand, lvs. 16 ff.; or the same in Sarcerius, op. cit., foll. 44 ff.; Schneidewin, De nuptiis, tit. x, "De arbore affinitas," secs. 1-23; Beust, Tr. de spons. et mat., 23, 24, 225 ff.; Kling, Tr. mat. caus., 43-58; Bidembach, De causis mat. tr., 37 ff.; Mentzer, De conjugio tr., 60 ff., 70 ff.; Brouwer, De jure connub., 435 ff., 444 ff., 461 ff.

[1234] See the Dresden resolutions of 1653 in Schleusner, "Zu den AnfÄngen protest. Eherechts," ZKG., VI, 411, 412; also in Mejer, "Zur Gesch. des Ält. protest. Eherechts," ZKR., XVI, 36, 37; idem, Zum Kirchenrecht, 147-71.

[1235] Richter, Lehrbuch, 1089; Friedberg, Lehrbuch, 296-336; idem, "BeitrÄge zur Geschichte des brand.-preuss. Eherechts," ZKR., VI, 90-135, particularly 129 ff.; idem, "Aus der protest. Eherechtspflege des 16. Jahrh.," ibid., IV, 304-49, discussing the case of Zaschwitz and communicating important documents of Melanchthon which disclose his liberal views regarding affinity. The church ordinances regarding impediments are analyzed by Goeschen, Doctrina de mat., 9 ff., 30 ff. Compare his article "Ehe," in Herzog's Encyclopaedie, III, 674-80.

[1236] Luther, however, was more tolerant, refusing to accept difference of religion as a proper hindrance to marriage: see the passages collected by Strampff, 282, 283. On the other hand, Melanchthon, "De conjugio," Opera, I, pars ii, 235, 236, disapproved of such unions. Compare Erasmus, De mat. christ., 108, 109. The law was gradually relaxed, especially in favor of intermarriage with Jews, and it is now abrogated under the imperial legislation: Richter, Lehrbuch, 1110, 1111; Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 218, 219; idem, Kirchenrecht. Abhandlungen, 521; Friedberg and Wasserschleben, "Zwei Gutachten," ZKG., IX.

[1237] Thus, according to Des Herzogthums Wirtemberg erneuerte Ehe- und Ehe-Gerichts-Ordnung (1687), 96-99, mixed marriages are not absolutely prohibited; but the parties are to be "dehortirt;" the peril to their souls is to be pointed out; a special order procured for the nuptials; while the evangelical party is to be admonished to have the marriage celebrated in some evangelical place abroad, to frequent the orthodox services and sacraments, and to have the future children brought up in the orthodox religion.

[1238] Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 219-21; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1201 ff., 1207 ff., especially nn. 28, 30, 32, 45; Schott, Einleit. in das Eherecht, 123, 124.

In general for the controversy regarding mixed marriages see the literature described in Bibliographical Note IX.

[1239] In Germany, at the Reformation, matrimonial jurisdiction fell partly into the hands of the parish clergy, partly into the hands of secular judges. The former in their decisions followed mainly the Roman law and the scriptural teachings under the guidance of Luther and other great theologians; while the lay judges were guided by the corpus juris canonici. Confusion arose; the law was carelessly and ignorantly administered; and so a demand was made for special courts for matrimonial questions. This resulted, generally, in the relegation of matrimonial causes to the newly created consistories, composed partly of spiritual and partly of temporal judges, who in practice followed the principles of the canon law and constituted in fact ecclesiastical courts. Compare the very interesting decisions of the consistory court of Wittenberg, already quoted, beginning soon after its formation, in Schleusner, AnfÄnge des prot. Eherechts, 130-62. It can scarcely be said that the evils of matrimonial law and administration in Germany were very much lessened as a result of the Reformation during the first two centuries after Luther. See the minute investigation of Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 177 ff., 186 ff.; and his Geschichte der Civilehe. Compare the discussion of the rise of matrimonial jurisdiction in chap. xi.

[1240] See the Works of the Fathers and Early Writers of the Reformed English Church, published by the Parker Society in a long series of volumes. There is an excellent index, six columns of which are devoted to "marriage."

[1241] Matrimony is no sacrament, except in the general sense of "mystery": Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 115, 116; Tyndale, Doctrinal Treatises, I, 254; idem, Answer to More, 175; Calfhill, An Answer to John Martiall's Treatise of the Cross, 235 ff.; Rogers, The Catholic Doc. of the Church of England, an Exposition of the Thirty-Nine Articles, 260 ff.; Fulke, Answer, 229, 243; idem, Defence against Gregory Martin, 168, 492-96; Jewell, Works, II, 1125; Whitaker, Disputation on Holy Scripture against the Papists, 197, 489.

[1242] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 309 n. 1. "Henry the VIII. stood so far upon the ground of the canonical doctrine that before and after his breach with Leo X. he declared marriage to be a sacrament."—Ibid.

[1243] Fulke, Defence against Gregory Martin, 492.

[1244] Tyndale, Answer to More, 175.

[1245] Jewell, Works, II, 1128; Latimer, Sermons and Remains, 161, 162; Hutchinson, Works, 148; Becon, Prayers, 27, 611; Bullinger, Decades, I, 394, 397; Bradford, Writings, I, 167; Tyndale, Doctrinal Treatises, 254.

[1246] Bullinger, Decades, I, 397; Philpot, Examinations and Writings, 246; Sandys, Sermons, 317, 313-30 (marriage in general); Tyndale, Doc. Treatises, 254; idem, Answer to More, 153, 154.

[1247] Calfhill, Answer, 238-41; Bullinger, Decades, I, 394, 396; Hooper, Early Writings, 375; idem, Later Writings, 55; Jewell, Works, I, 158; II, 1128; IV, 803; Latimer, Sermons, I, 366, 393; idem, Sermons and Remains, 160, 162; Sandys, Sermons, 313, 314; Tyndale, Expositions, 125.

[1248] Authorized by 2 and 3 Ed. VI., c. 21, 1549, which was confirmed in 1552: Cranmer, Misc. Writings, p. x; Latimer, Sermons, 529 n. 3; ZÜrich Letters, II, 159; Statutes at Large, II, 283, 305, 306.

[1249] Latimer, Sermons and Remains, 77, 162; Hooper, Early Writings, 375; idem, Later Writings, 55, 56, 126; Bullinger, Decades, IV, 509. Cf. Rogers, Thirty-Nine Articles, 302-7; Becon, Prayers, 235 ff.; Coverdale, Remains, 483-85; Pilkington, Works, 564; Tyndale, Expositions, 29, 151, 155, 156; idem, Doc. Treatises, 230; Jewell, Works, II, 882; III, 406; Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 393 n. 5, also pp. viii, x. For many other references see the Index to the Parker Society Publications, at "Marriage of Clergy."

[1250] Makower, Const. Hist. Eng. Church, 220-24, gives an excellent discussion, with quotations from the sources, of the laws relating to the marriage of priests from Henry VIII. to James I.

[1251] Wilkins, Concilia, I, 776. Compare Makower, op. cit., 220 n. 17.

[1252] There were "similar proclamations of 16th November, 1538 (Strype, Cranmer, ed. 1812, I, 98) and of 1539 (Wilkins, III, 847). The proclamations had the force of law, as can be seen from 31 Hen. VIII. (1539), c. 8."—Makower, op. cit., 221, note. Cf. Statutes at Large, II, 143.

[1253] This statute (31 Hen. VIII., c. 14) may be found in Gee and Hardy, Documents, 303-19; an abstract in Makower, op. cit., 221 n. 19; and a summary in Statutes at Large, II, 149. Compare the comments on the act as showing matrimony "to have been a more grievous offence than concubinage," in New Monthly Review, XXIX (1763), 270.

[1254] By 32 Hen. VIII., c. x: Makower, op. cit., 221 n. 20.

[1255] By 1 Ed. VI., c. 12 (1547): Statutes at Large, II, 256.

[1256] Makower, op. cit., 222; ap. Wilkins, Concilia, IV, 16. Cf. Gee and Hardy, Documents, 366.

[1257] Ibid., 367: Statutes at Large, II, 283. On the debates and controversial writings connected with this act see Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, I, 354-58. By the Injunctions of 1548, in the visitations inquiry is to be made whether any "do condemn married priests, and for that they be married will not receive the communion or other sacraments at their hands."—Cardwell, Doc. Annals, I, 51.

[1258] Summary of the statute by Makower, op. cit., 222. Cf. Statutes at Large, II, 305; Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, I, 432.

[1259] See the "Articles of Queen Mary, 4th March, 1553," in Cardwell, Doc. Ann., I, 112, 113; also Makower, op. cit., 222 n. 26. Such married priests, "after deprivation of their benefice, or ecclesiastical promotion," are to "be also divorced every one from his said woman, and due punishment otherwise taken for the offence therein." But the bishops are to "use more lenity and clemency with such as have married, whose wives be dead, than with others whose women do yet remain alive;" as also with those who, with their wife's consent, in the bishop's presence, promise to "abstain." Cf. Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, I, 490, who says "many were set to write against the marriage of the clergy."

[1260] See 1 Mary, stat. 2, c. 2, 1553: Gee and Hardy, Documents, 377-80.

[1261] Parker's Correspondence, 66.

[1262] Ibid. (Cecil to Parker, Aug. 12, 1561), 148. Parker replies: "I was in an horror to hear such words to come from her mild nature and christianly learned conscience, as she spoke concerning God's holy ordinance and institution of matrimony;" and he complains that she holds that the English clergy "alone of our time" are "openly brought in hatred, shamed and traduced before the malicious and ignorant people, as beasts without knowledge to Godward, in using this liberty of his word, as men of effrenate intemperancy.... Insomuch that the Queen's Highness expressed to me a repentance that we were thus appointed in office, wishing it had been otherwise."—Correspondence, 156, 157. Marriage of priests was defended by Cox, ibid., 151.

[1263] Gee and Hardy, Documents, 431, 432; Prothero, Statutes and Documents, 184 ff.; Cardwell, Doc. Ann., I, 192, 193; Makower, op. cit., 223 n. 27; Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, I, 577. These regulations of marriage are mentioned by Percival Wiburn in ZÜrich Letters, II, 359. Cf. ibid., II, 61 n. 129; I, 164, 179, 358. Compare the hostile "Articles of Visitation" of Bishop Bonner, 1554: Cardwell, op. cit., I, 125, 126; and compare ibid., 153, 171, 172.

[1264] Makower, op. cit., 223 n. 28; Cardwell, Doc. Ann., I, 273.

[1265] See the extract from the thirty-second article in Makower, op. cit., 223 n. 29.

[1266] Makower, op. cit., 223, 71. The Millenary Petition is in Gee and Hardy, Documents, 508-11; Prothero, Statutes and Documents, 413-16; according to Makower, in Perry, Hist. Eng. Church, II, 372, c. 22, notes and illustrations; Collier, Eccles. Hist., ed. 1852, VII, 273.

[1267] By 1 James I., c. 25, sec. 8: Prothero, Statutes and Documents, 255; Statutes at Large, II, 640. Cf. Makower, op. cit., 224.

[1268] "But when thou livest godly and honestly in single life, it is well and allowable afore God; yea, and better than marriage."—Latimer, Sermons, 393, 394. Cf. Fulke, Answers, 228, 383; idem, Defence, 492; Hutchinson, Works, 148; see also Cartwright, in Whitgift's Works, III, 293. But see the curious passage in Tyndale's Doctrinal Treatises, 21, which should be compared with his argument against the doctrine that "widowhood and virginity exceed matrimony," ibid., 313-15.

[1269] Bradford, Writings, I, 167.

[1270] Bullinger quotes in favor of marriage the views of Antipater, In sermone de nuptiis, and Hierocles, De nuptiis.

[1271] Bullinger, Decades, I, 394-410. The three reasons are also given by Sandys, Sermons, 316 ff.; and James I., "Basilikon Doron," Workes (London, 1616), 171. On marriage as a "remedy" cf. also Cranmer, Misc. Writings, 115, 116; Tyndale, Expositions, 125; Hooper, Early Writings, 381; Becon, Catechism, 103.

[1272] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 192.

[1273] For the trothplights and clandestine contracts see Furnivall, Child-Marriages, xliii-liii, lxii, lxiii, 56-71, 140, 141, 184-202. Chamberlain, The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought, 224-33, has made good use of Furnivall's collection.

[1274] Furnivall, op. cit., xliii.

[1275] Ibid., 140, 141. Further light is thrown on the secret marriages by the cases of adultery and affiliation: ibid., 72-102, 202-204.

[1276] Ibid., xv-xliii, 1-55, 183, 184. In addition to these Chester cases Furnivall (xxi-xliii) presents very interesting material regarding child-marriages, some of which were before or after the age of Elizabeth. Two cases under Henry VII. and Henry VIII., respectively, are mentioned in Reports of the Hist. Manuscripts Commission, III, 247. Sometimes such marriages were secured by abduction or conspiracy: see ibid., III, 55, 59, 61 (three cases in the reign of James I.).

[1277] Furnivall, op. cit., 25, 28.

[1278] In the light of these facts, some of the discussions of child-marriages in India, often intolerant or condescending, have a very curious interest; compare the sensible and instructive paper of Rees, "Meddling with Hindu Marriages," Nineteenth Century, Oct., 1890, 660-76.

[1279] Furnivall, op. cit., "Forewords," xv, xvi.

According to Swinburne, Of Spousals, 18 ff., both by civil and canon law, children are infants until they have completed the seventh year; and "Spousals contracted during Infancy are utterly void, whether the Infants themselves, or their Parents for them, do make the Contract." After the close of that period such void contracts may be ratified by express words or by deeds. On the other hand, spousals contracted between infancy and the "ripe" years of twelve or fourteen are voidable by either spouse when that age is reached. To express dissent divorce proceedings are not necessary, although a divorce may be desirable to prevent future question. Either party may cancel the contract by simply marrying another person; just as a child-marriage may be ratified by words of consent or by simply living together as husband and wife: compare Furnivall, op. cit., xix-xxv; and The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, 7, 52, 57.

[1280] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 324; Weber, Geschichte d. akathol. Kirchen und Secten von Grossbrittanien (Leipzig, 1845), I, 1, 106 ff.; Richter, Geschichte der deutschen Kirchenverfass. (Leipzig, 1851), 175 ff.

[1281] Cf. Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 12; idem, Eheschliessung, 322-25; Ranke, Hist. Eng. in 17th Century, III, 89; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 440.

[1282] By this act the civil-marriage form was permitted, but not made obligatory. Members of the established church might solemnize their marriages before their own clergy; but the Lutherans and Catholics were not allowed a similar liberty; they must put up with the lay ceremony or accept the offices of a Reformed minister. This law remained in force until 1795, when, under the Batavian Republic, obligatory civil marriage was instituted, which is still in force in the kingdom of Holland by the statutes of 1833: see Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 10-12; and his more elaborate treatment of civil marriage in Holland, Eheschliessung, 478-99.

[1283] Sir William Brereton, who visited the Netherlands in 1634-35, gives an interesting notice of the religious wedding service. "Marriage," he notes, "likewise solemnized by the English and Dutch reformed churches, without the use of the ring or any ceremony, only an admonition precedes, directing how these married persons should demean themselves each to other, and for that end those Scriptures read hereunto most pertinent; as also a large discourse precedes, touching the institution of this sacred ordinance, and those texts hereunto pertinent also read." He mentions the marriage of a couple "who used the ring, and it was as long in solemnizing as our marriages, but I saw no other ceremony used but the ring and joining hands; after this concluded, all the bride's kindred, friends and acquaintances that are present, or meet with her, kiss her, even in the Church, when groom leaves her, and her own friends bring her near his house, when he meets, salutes her, and receives her. Among the Lutherans I observed that they bowed always at the name of Jesus, so often as it was used in the solemnity of their marriage, which was very often."—"Travels in Holland, etc., 1634-5," Chetham Society Publications, I, 63, 64. It is noticeable that Sir William says nothing of the civil-marriage ceremony, permitted in some provinces at this time. Between 1580 and 1656, in many cities, the Lutherans had gained the right to solemnize marriage according to their own rites: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 484.

[1284] See Campbell, The Puritan in Holland, England, and America, I, 485 ff.

[1285] Admonition, the Ninth: Whitgift, "Defence of the Answer," Works, III, 335.

[1286] Bucer, Script. anglic. basil., 1577, Censur. in ordinat. eccles., c. xx, 488, 489: Whitgift, Works, III, 353, 354, note. Bucer is the great Protestant authority on the question of marriage and divorce. Milton calls him the "pastor of nations" (Works, III, 285), and congratulates himself on having independently reached similar conclusions (ibid., 282 ff.). See especially Milton's "Judgment of Martin Bucer concerning Divorce" (ibid., 274-314), being a partial translation of the second book of Bucer's De regno Christi, addressed to Edward VI.

[1287] Cartwright's Reply to the Answer, in Whitgift, Works, III, 354.

[1288] Thus in his "Defence of the Answer" (Works, III, 355) Whitgift apologizes for the use of the ring, seeing the "church hath thought it convenient," and since it is likewise "void of all manner of superstition, necessity of salvation, opinion of worshipping, and all other circumstances, that should take away the lawfulness of using it."

[1289] Whitgift, op. cit., III, 355-57.

[1290] Cartwright's Reply to the Answer, p. 150, sec. 3, in Whitgift, Works, III, 267.

[1291] Whitgift, "Defence of the Answer," Works, III, 267.

[1292] The Reformers charged that the throng of greedy place-hunters, attracted by fees and emoluments, corrupted the courts as well as the entire ecclesiastical administration of the bishops: see particularly Milton's "Likeliest Means to remove Hirelings out of the Church," Works, III, 1-41: Sir Henry Spelman, he says, "proves that fees exacted or demanded for sacraments, marriages, burials, and especially for interring, are wicked, accursed, simoniacal, and abominable" (loc. cit., 21). "Nor did other abuses imputed to these obnoxious jurisdictions fail to provoke censure, such as the unreasonable fees of their officers, and the usage of granting licenses and commuting penances for money. The ecclesiastical courts indeed have generally been reckoned more dilatory, vexatious, and expensive than those of the common law."—Hallam, Const. Hist., I, 115; cf. 454.

"At Durham, at Lancaster, and at Ely, the Bishops sitting each as a Pope in his own dominions professed to exercise temporal as well as spiritual power, but they had in fact permitted gross abuses to corrupt and obstruct the fountain of justice."—Inderwick, The Interregnum, 184.

[1293] Cartwright's Reply to the Answer, p. 151, sec. 1, in Whitgift, Works, III, 268. Whitgift (ibid., 269) rebukes Cartwright for his "slanderous and opprobrious speeches." Cf. the further discussion of the question of spiritual jurisdiction in matrimonial causes in Whitgift, loc. cit., 543-46, where Cartwright quotes Beza, Calvin, and Peter Martyr in his favor.

In convocation, 1580, proposals were made to reform the ecclesiastical courts, but nothing was done. Again in 1594 a commission to inquire into abuses was appointed: Hallam, Const. Hist., I, 215 n. 1; Strype's Grindal, 259, App., 97; and Strype's Whitgift, 419.

[1294] See secs. xx-xxii of the commission of James I. to the High Commission, in Prothero's Statutes and Const. Docs., 431-33. The signers of the "Millenary Petition," 1603, likewise pray for the restraint of the "longsomeness of suits in ecclesiastical courts (which hang sometimes two, three, four, five, six, or seven years)": Prothero, op. cit., 415.

[1295] Ibid., 414, 415.

[1296] Unless the child be a soldier, mariner, merchant, or a merchant's apprentice or factor.

[1297] Prescribed by 3 and 4 James I.: Prothero, op. cit., 259; Statutes at Large, II, 653.

[1298] 3 and 4 James I., c. v: Prothero, op. cit., 262-68; Statutes at Large, II, 656-62.

[1299] For a concise and accurate account of the law of marriage as it stood under Charles I. see The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights (London, 1632), 51-115, 231 ff. Marriages on account of disparitas cultus were prohibited. "Amongst the hinderances of marriage note this also, that by Constitution of holy Church, marriage is forbidden betwixt persons of divers Religions, as Jews and Christian" (59). It does not appear, however, that such unions were invalid; nor is anything said of "mixed" marriages. There was no action, as in Germany, to compel the fulfilment of the sponsalia (54).

[1300] Cardwell, Documentary Annals, II, 200-207, gives Bishop Wren's "Orders and Directions" for the diocese of Norwich, 1636:

"XI. That they go up to the holy table at marriages at such time thereof as the rubric so directeth, and that the new married persons do kneel without the rail, and do at their own charge, if the communion were not warned the Sunday before, receive the holy communion that day, or else to be presented by the minister and churchwardens at the next generals for not receiving.

"XII. That no minister presume to marry any persons, whereof one of the parties is not of his parish, unless it be otherwise expressly mentioned in the license; nor that he marry any by virtue of any faculties or license, wherein the authority of an archdeacon or official is mentioned, sub poena suspensionis."

[1301] Waters, Parish Registers in England, 11, 16. Cf. Lathbury, Hist. of the Book of Common Prayer, 310, and the authorities there cited. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 69, gives the form of marriage contract prescribed by the Directory.

[1302] For a fair estimate of the character of the "Barebone's Parliament," see Inderwick, The Interregnum, 15-17; Jenks, Const. Experiments, 69-75.

[1303] This marriage act of August 24, 1653, is contained in Scobell's Acts and Ordinances of Parliament, 236-38, though, to the disgust of the historical student, not in any of the various editions of the Statutes. I have here used a copy of the act contained in a contemporary newspaper entitled Several Proceedings of Parliament, from Tuesday the twenty-third of August, to Tuesday the thirtieth of August, 1653, found in the fine collection of seventeenth-century pamphlets in the Sutro Library, San Francisco. An inaccurate copy of the principal provisions of the act is given by Burn, Parish Registers, 26-29; and there is a good summary in Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 322, 323. On this act and the views of the Independents see Cook, "The Marriage Celebration in Europe," Atlantic Monthly, LXI, 255-57.

[1304] Hence the ridicule of Butler, Hudibras, Part III, c. 2, 303-10 (Boston, 1864), II, 18:

"Others were for abolishing
That tool of matrimony, a ring,
With which th' unsanctify'd bridegroom
Is marry'd only to a thumb
(As wise as ringing of a pig,
That us'd to break up ground and dig),
The bride to nothing but her will,
That nulls the after-marriage still."

[1305] Cf. Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 322, 330. After the restriction was removed in 1656, marriages were frequently solemnized before the mayor and the minister of the parish jointly: Burn, Parish Registers, 162, 163, note; Waters, Parish Registers in England, 16. In 1658, according to the register of St. Giles in the Fields, a marriage was celebrated by William Jervis, D.D., before witnesses, and then follows this entry: "That also the sd. marriage ... hath its consummation before John Lord Berksted, Lord Lieutenant of the Tower of London" according to the act of parliament, and before Sir Jno. Sedley of the county of Kent. Apparently this was a double celebration: Notes and Queries, 3d Series, I, 228. For this case see also Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 71, who affirms that usually the "wedding was religiously solemnized in church, after or before the performance of the purely civil affirmation in the magistrate's parlour, ... in accordance with the instructions of the 'Directory of Public Worship;'" and it seems that the celebration was sometimes conducted according to the Book of Common Prayer: Lathbury, Hist. of the Book of Common Prayer, 310.

[1306] Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, 1656, c. 10, p. 394. Cf. also Burn, Parish Registers, 29. In 1658 it was permitted to use the "accustomed religious rites" if the parties preferred: Wood, The Wedding Day, 279.

[1307] Inderwick, The Interregnum, 46.

[1308] The act of 1650, c. 43: Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, 150, 151, contains a general provision for such a commission in cases of pretended marriages.

[1309] Inderwick, op. cit., 183, 184.

[1310] See the case of "John Buck and Mary his wife" in Inderwick, op. cit., 183. That the justices took a hand in these cases appears to be a reasonable conjecture.

[1311] Something had, however, been done to check this evil by Tudor legislation. The act of 3 H. VII., c. 2, Statutes at Large (Ruffhead), II, 69, provides that if anyone take away against her will any woman, whether maid, widow, or wife, "having substances, some in Goods moveable, and some in Lands and Tenements, and some being Heirs apparent unto their ancestors," and marry her or cause her to be married or deflowered, or in any way aid or abet the same, he shall be guilty of felony; and the act of 39 Elizabeth, c. 9, Statutes at Large, II, 689, deprives such offenders of benefit of clergy. Again by 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, c. 8, Statutes at Large, II, 515, the abduction of a maid under sixteen is punishable by two years' imprisonment or a fine to be fixed by the Star Chamber; while the taking away and marrying or deflowering any woman child under that age is punishable with five years' imprisonment or a fine as in the first case. For these and the earlier statutes regarding rape see The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, 376-90.

These acts, it should be noted, are quite restricted in their range and besides, by 1653, they seem to have become practically a dead letter; although in 1753 Attorney General Ryder declares they are still in force: Hansard, Parliamentary History, XV, 3-5; and so does the act of 1650, c. 43: Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, 151. On the other hand, the act of the Commonwealth applies to all minors under twenty-one, men or women, whether heirs or possessors of property or not; the penalties were severe; and the fraudulent or forcible marriage is void.

[1312] The MSS. of the Duke of Northumberland in Reports of the Hist. Manuscript Commission, III, 55, 59, 61, show entry before the Star Chamber of three such cases: On June 3, 1608, "Atty Gen. v. Thos. Mollineux, Riot and other Misdemeanors in marriage of daughter of Mr. Brooke against his will." Feb. 5, 1611-12, "Atty Gen. v. Humphry and Margaret Chatterton et al. Conspiring to deceive Lord Cavendish of his son, Sir William, aged 14, and King of his Wardship. Supposed contract of marriage between Sir William Cavendish and Margaret Chatterton, a waiting maid." Jan. 1612-13, "Elizabeth de la Fountaine, widow, v. Stephen Harvie et al. Practicing to steal away and marry plaintiff's daughter, aged 8."

[1313] The act (1650, c. 43) in Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, 150, 151.

[1314] Inderwick, op. cit., 40-43: citing State Papers, 1649-50; and Whitelock, op. cit., III, 293, 319.

[1315] For examples of marriages annulled by the quarter sessions under this act see Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, III, 233, 234, 264; also Inderwick, op. cit., 43, 45.

[1316] Roberts, The Social History of the People of the Southern Counties of England in past Centuries (London, 1856), 204, 205.

[1317] Burn, Parish Registers, 140 n. 1. By the code of Theodosius, already cited (above, p. 295), when the betrothal was sealed with a kiss, the lover received one-half of the gifts; but the woman, "whether kissing or not kissing, whatsoever she gave, she may ask and have it again": ibid., 140. Compare The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, 71, 72 (on "Wooing" and the "Condiments of Love").

[1318] The following is a specimen of such entry by a justice, taken from the parish register of Shudy Camps, in Cambridgeshire (Burn, op. cit., 26):

"Cambsh.—These are to certifie all whom it may concern y^t Jn^o Wignald Clerke (being elected Register of y^e parish of Shudy Camps by y^e Inhabit^ts. of y^e same Parish as hath appear'd unto me by a Certificate under y^e hands of y^e Inhabitants thereof) did come before me Tho. Benett Esq^r. one of y^e Justices for y^e peace of y^e s^d Countie and did take his oath for y^e due Execution of his office acc^g to y^e late Act of Parliam^t in y^t case made and provided. Which s^d John Wignald I do hereby constitute Register thereof. Accordingly witness my hand and seal this 10 of Jan. 1653. Tho. Benett."

For similar certificates see Stavert, Parish Register of Burnsall-in-Craven, 88; Cowper, The Booke of Register of the Parish of St. Peter in Canterbury, 89; and Waters, Parish Registers in England, 14.

[1319] The fees for registration authorized are for each marriage 12d.; publication and certificate of marriage, 12d.; each birth or death, 4d.; and no charge in case of persons living by alms.

[1320] The parish register of Boston, Lincolnshire, shows "that during the years 1656, 1657, and 1658 respectively the number of marriages proclaimed in the market-place were 102, 104, and 108, and of those announced in the church, 48, 31, 52."—Wood, The Wedding Day, 278, 279.

[1321] The English clerk of the peace keeps the records of the quarter sessions and in a measure corresponds to the county clerk in the United States; cf. Howard, Local Const. Hist., I, 315.

[1322] Burn, Parish Registers, 52.

[1323] Waters, Parish Registers of England, 17.

[1324] The registration for the period of the act is very full in Hoveden, The Register Booke ... of the Cath. and Met. Church of Christe of Cant., 58, 59; Margerison, The Registers of the Parish Church of Calverly, II, 117-24; Stavert, The Parish Register of Burnsall-in-Craven, 87-104. In Phillimore's Gloustershire Parish Registers, I, 9, there are no entries for 1653-54 and for several years before, while they are relatively full thereafter. Bulwer's Parish Registers of St. Martin-cum-Gregory in the City of York, II, 78-87, have a full record both before and after 1660. The same is true of Cowper's Booke of Register of the Parish of St. Peter in Canterbury, 89-92, for the period 1640-60; while before 1640 there are fewer entries, and after 1660 a much less complete record. In Sanders's Registers of Eastham, Cheshire, 75-85, the record begins in 1654 after an interval of ten years; but his Registers of Bebington, County Chester, 129, show a blank for the years 1654-56. Radcliffe's Registers of St. Chad, Saddlworth, supplement, 450-53, 444-49; and the Register Booke of Inglebye iuxta Grenhow, 165-69, are full and very interesting. Compare the other registers named in Bibliographical Note X, showing a few entries each year.

[1325] John Graunt, Natural and Political Observations (3d ed., Oxford, 1665), 158, 159 (Appendix). For calling my attention to this passage I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Charles H. Hull. In the "Introduction" to his edition of Petty's Economic Writings (Cambridge, 1899), I, xxxiv ff., lxxv ff., lxxx ff., may be found an account of Graunt's life and works.

[1326] "The Table of the Parish of Tiverton" (Graunt, Natural and Political Observations, 158, 159):

		Christened			Buried
Years	Weddings
		M.	F.	Both	M.	F.	Both
1650	9	66	79	145	7	9	16
1651	9	50	63	113	5	10	15
1652	9	80	73	153	48	51	99
1653	21	89	219	*208	47	78	125
1654	108	105	101	206	72	68	140
1655	140	87	104	191	87	114	201
1656	109	107	90	197	56	86	142
1657	102	94	101	195	67	59	126
1658	60	70	83	153	77	85	162
1659	37	77	78	155	72	80	152
	604	815	891	1716	538	640	1178
1660	27	61	68	129	70	69	139
1661	38	83	93	176	73	85	158
1662	36	73	56	129	91	95	186
1663	35	68	64	132	72	74	146
1664	41	68	72	140	98	114	212
	177	353	353	706	404	437	841
* Error in the original.

Graunt's "Table for the Country Parish"—identified by Hull with Romsey in Hampshire (Petty, Economic Writings, II, 412)—affords similar evidence. The table for Cranbrook in Kent ends in 1649.

[1327] Burn, Parish Registers, 40; cf. Waters, Parish Registers of England, 10, 11.

In some books many entries are lacking, or there are breaks for several years together. Often the record is so carelessly made as to be of little value, even when not entirely illegible. Thus at St. Ewe, the "parishioners refusing to allow 5s. per annum for keeping a register, there was none kept for the years 1675-6-7," except two entries: Burn, op. cit., 41. The clerk of Plungar, Leicestershire, made use of the registration book for wrapping paper; and Burn gives many other similar illustrations in his unique volume: ibid., 41 ff.

[1328] See chap. viii, pp. 359 ff., above.

[1329] The most interesting published records of the period which I have seen are those contained in the Register Booke of Inglebye iuxta Grenhow (Canterbury, 1889), extending from March 13, 1654, to May 3, 1659. They are written in English. The next entry thereafter, without a word of comment on the change, is in Latin, as if appropriately to mark the return of the ancien rÉgime. Extracts from various records will be found also in Burn, op. cit., 25, 26, 52, 54, 160 ff.; and of these several are reproduced by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 327, 328. See also Reports of the Hist. Manuscripts Commission, V, 594 (Par. Registrar, Mendlesham, Suffolk, 1653-57); Notes and Queries, 2d series, III, 306, 307; 3d series, V, 526 (from Wilkinson's Hist. of the Parochial Church of Burnly, 1856); 3d series, I, 228; Gentleman's Magazine, LIV (1784), 8, giving a certificate of a marriage at Stratfield Saye, Southampton, October 2, 1654. It is printed in Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 68, 69, note. Compare the registers cited in Bibliographical Note X.

[1330] Henry Scobell was clerk to the Parliament until 1658, and compiler of the "Collections of Acts and Ordinances" of the revolutionary period.

[1331] Waters, op. cit., 16, 17; Burn, op. cit., 160; quoted also by Friedberg, op. cit., 328, note; and Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 72, 73, note.

[1332] Register Booke of Inglebye iuxta Grenhow, 75.

[1333] Notes and Queries, 2d series, III (1857), 306, 307. For another certificate of the same kind, of a marriage published in the market-place, see Gentleman's Magazine (1784), 8; also quoted by Friedberg, op. cit., 327, 328, note; and other examples may be found in Sanders's Parish Registers of Eastham, 76, note; and Jeaffreson's Middlesex County Records, III, 223.

[1334] The output of controversial literature on this subject may have been great, as Friedberg (op. cit., 328 n. 2) suggests; but the number of pamphlets preserved does not seem to be large. In the valuable collection of the Sutro Library, containing thousands of pamphlets covering nearly every possible question debated at the time, I have been able to discover but two pieces on the civil-marriage law. One of these, a copy of the periodical entitled Several Proceedings of Parliament, publishes the act, which had just passed, without a word of comment. Friedberg had a similar experience in the Berlin Library.

[1335] Flecknoe's Diarium (1656), 83, contains the following, quoted also by Burn (op. cit., 163), Jeaffreson (op. cit., II, 74, 75), and Friedberg (op. cit., 329):

"On the Justice of Peace's Making Marriages And the Crying Them in the Marcket.

Now just as 'twas in Saturn's Reign
The Golden Age is returned again
And Astrea again from heaven is come
When all the Earth by Justice is done.

Amongst the rest, we have cause to be glad
Now Marriages are in marckets made
Since Justice we hope will take order there
We may not be cousened no more in our ware

3 and 4

[Indecent stanzas.]

So all incommodities would be prevented
And every one would hold them contented,
And all debates in Marriage would cease
When things were done by Justice of Peace.

Besides each thing would fall out right
And that old Proverb be verified by't
That Marriage and Hanging both together
When Justice shall have disposing of either.

7 and 8

[Two stanzas with indecent references.]

Let Parson and Vicar then say what they will
The Custome is good (God continue it still).
For Marriage being now a Trafique and Trade
Pray where but in Marckets should it be made.

Twas well ordain'd they should be no more
In Churches and Chapels then as before
Since for it in Scripture we have example
How buyers and sellers were drov'n out o' th' Temple.

Meantime God blesse the Parliament
In making this Act so honestly meant
Of these good marriages God blesse the breed
And God blesse us all, for was never more need."

[1336] Wootton, Linc.: Burn, Parish Registers, 26 n. 1.

[1337] Burn, op. cit., 161.

[1338] Ibid., 161. See similar examples in Waters, Parish Registers in England, 18, 19.

[1339] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 325; Geschichte der Civilehe, 13, 14.

[1340] Milton, Prose Works (Bohn, 1848), III, 21, 22. This volume contains a series of discussions on marriage and divorce, which together embody all the learning which the Puritan could produce in support of his theories: The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce; The Judgment of Martin Bucer; Tetrachordon; Colasterion, etc.

Milton does not anywhere discuss the form of solemnization (cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 327, note). In his "Exposition on Places of Scripture which treat of Marriage" (Works, III, 341-46), after considering the definitions given by many writers, he produces one of his own. "Marriage," he says, "is a divine institution, joining man and woman in a love fitly disposed to the helps and comforts of domestic life." But he rejects the doctrine of the Fathers and canonists that marriage is a "remedy." The "internal Form and soul of this relation is conjugal love arising from a mutual fitness to the final causes of wedlock, help and society in religious, civil, and domestic conversation, which includes as an inferior end the fulfilling of natural desire, and specifical increase."—Ibid., 342.

[1341] 12 C. II., c. 33: Statutes at Large, III, 24. Cf. Friedberg, op. cit., 330. It is curious to see Ashton, The Fleet: Its River, Prison, and Marriages (London, 1889), 332, referring to this act as designed merely to legalize common law or private marriages before witnesses, making no mention whatever of the act of 1653.

[1342] 5 and 6 W. III., c. 21: Statutes at Large, III, 358-62.

[1343] It should be remembered that even in case of the secret or irregular marriages the priest often officiated. The great object was to avoid publicity. Hence churches which were or claimed to be free from the visitations or oversight of the bishop allowed marriage without banns or license. This became a lucrative source of revenue. For example, in the church of St. James, Duke's Place, between 1664 and 1691, about forty thousand marriages were thus celebrated; and many were celebrated at Trinity Minores: Burn, Fleet Marriages, 2-5; idem, Parish Registers, 146; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 332-35. Cf. also Jeaffreson's chapter on "Prisons and 'Lawless' Churches," in Brides and Bridals, II, 115-21.

[1344] 6 and 7 W. III., c. 6, § 52: Statutes at Large, III, 370. Cf. Hammick, Marriage Law of England, 10; also Jeaffreson's chapter on "Taxes on Celibacy," op. cit., II, 78 ff., and 131 ff., 167 ff.

[1345] Violations of the law did not, however, invalidate the marriage: Lecky, England in the 18th Century, I, 531.

[1346] Cf. Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 168, 169.

[1347] Extract from 7 and 8 W. III., c. 35: Statutes at Large, III, 422.

[1348] "But this penalty was not renewed at each violation of the act, and the offender was able by a writ of error to obtain a delay of about a year and a half, during which time he carried on his profession without molestation, made at least 400 l. or 500 l. and then frequently absconded."—Lecky, Hist. of Eng. in the 18th Century, I, 533; cf. Burn, Fleet Marriages, 6.

[1349] For full details as to the history of the Fleet, see Ashton, The Fleet: Its River, Prison, and Marriages, especially 233 ff., 237 ff., 331 ff. "The rules of liberties of this comprehend all Ludgate-Hill to the Old Bailey on the north side, and to the Cock-alley on the south; both sides of the Old Bailey to Fleet-lane; all Fleet-lane and the east-side of the marcket, from Fleet-lane to Ludgate Hill."—Harrison, New and Universal Hist. of London (London, 1776), II, 447; Friedberg, 336 n. 4. Cf. also Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 122 ff.

[1350] Burn, op. cit., 7, 8; Ashton, op. cit., 332, 338; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 202. These chaplains "of course, married people after publication of banns in their own chapels according to law;" and doubtless some of the weddings before them were entirely respectable. Such was probably the marriage in the Fleet of George Lester and Mistress Babbington as early as 1613: Burn, op. cit., 5; Ashton, op. cit., 335, 338; Tegg, op. cit., 199. But in these chapels as well as out of them clandestine marriages were solemnized. Here is an example from the Original Weekly Journal of Sept. 26, 1719: "One Mrs. Anne Leigh, an heiress of £200. per annum and £6000. ready cash, having been decoyed away from her friends in Buckinghamshire, and married at the Fleet chapel against her consent; we hear the Lord Chief Justice Pratt hath issued out his warrant for apprehending the authors of this contrivance, who had used the young lady so barbarously, that she now lyes speechless."—Burn, op. cit., 7 n. 2; also Ashton, op. cit., 338, 339. Celebration in the Fleet chapel, not elsewhere, was put an end to by the act of 10 Anne, c. 19. Cf. Hammick, The Marriage Law of England, 11; Burn, op. cit., 8.

[1351] Ashton, op. cit., 340.

[1352] The following is a copy of the "hand-bill" of Peter Symson taken from Burn's Fleet Marriages, 54:

G. R.
At the true Chapel
at the old red Hand and Mitre, three doors from Fleet Lane
and next Door to the White Swan;
Marriages are performed by authority by the Reverend Mr.
Symson educated at the University of Cambridge, and late
Chaplain to the Earl of Rothes.
N.B. Without Imposition

Symson, as he says, was not a prisoner. Like "many of his fellows," he was witness in a bigamy trial in 1751. He was asked: "Why did you marry them without license?"

"Symson—Because somebody would have done it, if I had not.... Never had a benefice in my life. I have had little petty curacies about £20 or £30 per year. I don't do it for lucre or gain.

"Court—You might have exposed your person had you gone on the highway, but you'd do less prejudice to your country a good deal. You are a nuisance to the public; and the gentlemen of the jury, it is to be hoped, will give but little credit to you."—Burn, op. cit., 55; Ashton, op. cit., 357, 358. On Symson (or Symsen) see also Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 152.

[1353] Friedberg, op. cit., 341; quoted also by Ashton, op. cit., 359; and Burn, op. cit., 59.

[1354] Pennant, Some Account of London (3d ed., 1793), 232; Ashton, op. cit., 344; also in Burn, op. cit., 16, note.

[1355] Lecky, Eng. in 18th Century, I, 5-31; Burn, op. cit., 8; Friedberg, op. cit., 341, who quotes the following from the Weekly Journal, 1723, June 29: "Several of the above mentioned brandy-men and victualers keep clergymen in their houses at 20 shillings per week each, hit or miss, but its reported that one there will stoop to no such low conditions, but makes at least 500 pounds per annum of Divinity-jobs after that manner." Cf. also Tegg, The Knot Tied, 205, note, for the same extract.

[1356] John Gainham, the "wrynecked parson," as he is frequently called in the contemporary newspapers, rejoiced in the significant title of "Bishop of Hell." When asked by an advocate whether he was "not ashamed to come and own a clandestine marriage in the face of a court of justice," he blandly replied: Video meliora, deteriora sequor. The following lines from the "Morning Walk, 8°, 1751" (Burn, Parish Registers, 155), may be compared with similar lines reprinted by Ashton (op. cit., 345, 346):

Where lead my wand'ring footsteps now? the Fleet
Presents her tatter'd sons in Luxury's cause:
Here venerable Crape and scarlet Cheeks,
With nose of purple hue, high eminent
And squinting leering looks, now strike the eye.
B-sh-p of Hell, once in the precincts call'd
Renown'd for making thoughtless Contracts, here
He reign'd in bloated reeling majesty
And passed in Sottishness and Smoke his time—
Rever'd by Gins adorers, and the tribe
Who pass in brawls, lewd jests, and drink, their days,
Sons of low, groveling riot and debauch.
Here Cleric grave from Oxford ready stands
Obsequious to conclude the Gordian knot,
Entwin'd beyond all dissolution sure;
A Reg'lar this from Cambridge; both alike
In artful Stratagem to tye the noose,
While women 'Do you want the Parson?' cry."

[1357] On Gainham see Burn, Parish Registers, 155, 156; idem, Fleet Marriages, 49-53; Ashton, The Fleet, 344-47; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 339, 340; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 151.

[1358] Lecky, op. cit., I, 532. See the examples in Friedberg, op. cit., 343, extracted from Burn, Fleet Marriages, 94 ff.; Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 174, 175; and Ashton, op. cit., 381, 361, 387. Even Lord Chancellor Ellesmere and Sir Edward Coke, Chief Justice of England, had contracted secret marriages: Friedberg, op. cit., 344; citing Macqueen, Treatise of Marriage, Divorce, &c. (London, 1860), 6.

[1359] There seems to have been much dislike for the publicity of banns even on the part of the aristocracy: see the letter of Horace Walpole to Henry Seymour Conway, May 24, 1753, Letters, II, 334-36; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 342; idem, Geschichte der Civilehe, 15; Fry, Considerations on ... Clandestine Marriages, 8.

[1360] "Therefore there were in the Fleet a number of men who placed themselves at the disposal of female prisoners for marriage; as Armstrong, who, within fourteen months, married four women, and, as an entry in the register reads, received eight shillings 'for his trouble.'"—Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 342. Gally, Some Considerations upon Clandestine Marriages (London, 1750), 14-16, appears to believe that women could thus escape their debts. Cf. Norton, Die Frauen in England (Berlin, 1855), 267; and Burn, Fleet Marriages, 83.

With this should be compared the companion error that a man is not liable for his bride's debts if he takes her only in her "smock" or "shift": Burn, Parish Registers, 153, 154, note; Ashton, The Fleet, 386, 387; idem, Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne, 41; and further notices of "smock marriages" in Brand, Popular Antiquities, III, 205, 380; Notes and Queries, 1st series, VI, 485, 561; VII, 17, 84; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 299-301; Wood, The Wedding Day, 115, 116; and Radcliffe, The Parish Registers of St. Chad, Saddlworth, 58.

"Another error, common amongst the lower orders, is, that a man may lawfully sell his wife to another, provided he deliver her over with a halter about her neck.—And another, that a woman's marrying a man under the gallows, will save him from the execution. 'While we lay here (New York, A. D. 1784), a circumstance happened which I thought extremely singular. One day, a malefactor was to be executed on a gallows, but with a condition that if any woman, having nothing on but her shift, married the man under the gallows, his life was to be saved. This extraordinary privilege was claimed, a woman presented herself, and the marriage ceremony was performed' (Life of Oulandah Equiano, vol. ii, p. 224).—If this took place, our American cousins must have jumbled the two popular errors together."—Burn, Parish Registers, 154, note. Cf. Brand, op. cit., III, 379; also Barrington, Observations on Our Ancient Statutes, 475, who traces the error to the ancient right of the woman to "appeal" for murder of her husband.

[1361] Marriages were often antedated (see especially the case of John Mottram, 1717: Burn, Fleet Marriages, 11, 12, note; Ashton, The Fleet, 343, 344; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 337; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 204); and false oaths were common. The notorious parson Walter Wyatt complains that "if a clark or plyer tells a lye, you must vouch it to be as true as y^e Gospel; and if disputed, you must affirm with an oath to y^e truth of a downright damnable falsehood.—Virtus laudatur & alget."—Burn, op. cit., 7; Ashton, op. cit., 337. The Grub Street Journal, July 20, 1732, says: "On Saturday last a Fleet parson was convicted before Sir Ric. Brocas of forty-three oaths, (on the information of a plyer for weddings there) for which a warrant was granted to levy 4l. 6s. on the goods of the said parson; but, upon application to his Worship, he was pleased to remit 1s. per oath; upon which the plyer swore he would swear no more against any man upon the like occasion, finding he could get nothing by it."—Burn, op. cit., 7 n. 1; also in Ashton, op. cit., 338.

[1362] In 1690 James Campbell, brother of the Duke of Argyle, caused to be abducted and then married Mrs. Wharton. For managing this abduction Sir John Johnston was executed at Tyburn: this case is in Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, V, 380, XIII, App. V, 217. Cf. ibid., IV, 345, for a case of abduction in Ireland, 1801.

[1363] On the tout or plyer see Burn, op. cit., 7, passim; Ashton, op. cit., 337, 338, 344, 350, 357; Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 142, 143.

[1364]

[1365] Occasionally someone was committed for complicity in procuring Fleet marriages: see cases in Ashton, op. cit., 379, 380; and at least one Fleet marriage was declared illegal: General Evening Post, June 27/29, 1745: Ashton, op. cit., 382.

[1366] Friedberg, op. cit., 337. See similar remarks in Gally, Considerations upon Clandestine Marriages, 28, 29.

[1367] See the names of several places in Burn, Parish Registers, 146.

[1368] Laud had put an end to these irregular marriages in the Tower. At his trial in 1644 he was for this accused of interfering with popular liberty, and ably defended himself by showing the legality of his action: Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 116, 117; Burn, op. cit., 145 n. 2.

[1369] Letters of Horace Walpole, II, 337 (Letter to George Montagu, Esq.).

[1370] Lecky, Eng. in 18th Cent., I, 531; Friedberg, op. cit., 344; Knight, Hist. of England, V, 586; cf. Burn, Fleet Marriages, 143.

[1371] Letters of Horace Walpole, II, 337; Burn, op. cit., 145, note; Lord Mahon, Hist. of England (New York, 1849), II, 280. On Keith see Burn, op. cit., 141-45; Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 158 ff.

[1372] Not the least evil connected with the Fleet marriages was the promotion of unions between the indigent and those morally unfit for the marriage relation: see Bond's speech on the Hardwicke act, Cobbett, Parliamentary History, XV, 46, 47. But, of course, as Ashton suggests, the lighter expense may have induced respectable people to seek the Fleet parson, or otherwise to marry privately. "A public marriage had come to be a very expensive affair. There was a festival, which lasted several days, during which open house had to be kept; there were the marriage settlements, presents, pin money, music, and what not."—Ashton, The Fleet, 333, 334, who also quotes Misson's description of a private marriage in the time of William III. For Misson's account, see also Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 109 ff.

In his speech against the Hardwicke act Mr. Nugent, to show how "fond our people are of private marriages, and of saving a little money," says that in a year six thousand were married in Keith's Chapel as against fifty in the neighboring St. Anne's Church, in a populous parish and convenient for private marriages by license, though the difference in expense was only 8 or 10 shillings: Cobbett, Parliamentary History, XV, 19; cf. ibid., 41.

[1373] Keith's Observations on the Act for Preventing Clandestine Marriages: Ashton, The Fleet, 363, 364; also in Burn, Fleet Marriages, 144, 145.

[1374] This "poem," in twenty eight-line stanzas, is given by Ashton, op. cit., 369-72.

[1375] Quoted by Burn, Fleet Marriages, 14, 15, note; Ashton, op. cit., 372-75; also by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 338, 339, note; and Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 176, 177.

[1376] On the preservation of the Fleet registers see Ashton, op. cit., 382-88; Burn, op. cit., 66 ff.; Hammick, Marriage Law, 11, 12; and Whitaker, in the Cornhill Magazine, May, 1867. By 3 and 4 Vict., c. 92, the Fleet and Mayfair registers, twelve hundred books of various sizes, are deposited in the office of the registrar-general at Somerset House (Hammick, op. cit., 12).

[1377] An example of the "smock" marriage; see p. 441 n. 3, above.

[1378] For these entries see Burn, Parish Registers, 153-55; and there are many others in idem, Fleet Marriages, 73 ff.

[1379] Hammick, Marriage Law of Eng., 11.

[1380] See the chronology of these bills to prevent clandestine marriages in Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 346-48; and compare Burn, Fleet Marriages, 11 ff. Three of them introduced respectively in 1677, 1685, and 1691, may be found in the Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, IX, App. II, 91-99; XI, App. II, 276-80; XIII, App. V, 253 ff. The first declares that "notwithstanding all provisions by law ... several minors have ... been clandestinely married without consent of parents, and other irregular marriages have been made;" therefore it is enacted that it "shall not be in the power of any son, being under the age of twenty-one years, nor ... of any daughter ... under ... eighteen, to marry ... or to make a matrimonial contract of any kind whatsoever;" except the father or guardian "shall have given consent in writing attested by two credible witnesses at the least, ... or shall be present and consenting thereto," under penalty of nullity of the marriage. After the death of father and mother, the same restriction is put upon the contracts of males under eighteen and females under fourteen without the guardian's consent. "If any guardian shall be privy to any such pretended marriage," he shall lose "all his right, title, and interest to the custody of any such minors" and "shall also forfeit one moiety of his whole estate, both real and personal," one-half to the king and the other to the informer. If "any domestic or menial servant shall make any pretended marriage or matrimonial contract" with "any of the children or pupils of his or her mistress during their minority, and in such manner as ... is by this act declared to be ... null and void," such servant shall suffer three years' imprisonment. "Every ecclesiastical person who celebrates such a marriage or any marriage whatsoever whereof the banns had not been published as required by the ecclesiastical law, shall be adjudged deprived ipso facto of all benefices, dignities, pensions, and spiritual promotions which he had at time of such offence or at any time after." Personating a priest in such cases is constituted felony without benefit of clergy, punishable by death. For violating the act in the issue of a license, the offender shall forfeit his office and be incapable of holding office in church or state. The bill of 1691 is very similar in its provisions.

[1381] The evil results of these blundering statutes are vigorously stated by Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 167 ff., 130 ff., 84. The effects of 7 and 8 W. III., were especially bad. Before its enactment "it was in the power of any rogue married at a tavern-wedding to inform against the officiating clergyman, without rendering himself liable to punishment for his part in the irregular transaction. Any clerk or other person who assisted at a marriage without license or banns, could also with impunity turn informer against the lawless priest;" but by placing a penalty on all these persons "the mouths of individuals who were best qualified and most likely to give conclusive evidence against the peccant clergyman" were closed: ibid., 170, 171.

[1382] For these cases see Howell, State Trials, XIV, 559 ff., 1327 ff. The facts are summarized by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 344-46. The case of "Barbara late Dutchess of Cleaveland" against Feilding, with much concerning Feilding's other adventures, may be found in Cases of Divorce for Several Causes (London, 1715). Elopement with heiresses is discussed by Ashton, Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne, I, 29 ff. Of Haagen Swendsen, "who was, in 1702, convicted and executed for stealing Mrs. Rawlins," he says: "Nowadays, he would have been unhesitatingly acquitted, even if he had ever been presented, as there was no real case against him, and Mrs. Rawlins married him of her own free will."

In the Report of the Royal Commission, 1868, xxi-xxiii, it is estimated that one-third of all the marriages in the eighteenth century were "irregular;" whereas, after 1834, when the ministers of all denominations could solemnize, irregularity became a "stigma," the number of such contracts now (1868) being in the ratio of 1 to 1,000.

[1383] Gally, Some Considerations upon Clandestine Marriages (2d ed., London, 1750). The first edition of this work appeared in 1730. It is strong evidence of the slow progress of opinion on social questions that, a century after the enlightened legislation of Cromwell, the author should have found it necessary to enter into an elaborate argument to establish the right of the state to make the observance of prescribed forms and conditions essential to a valid marriage. Sec. i assigns "some general reasons for a law to annul clandestine marriages;" sec. ii presents "what the civil law has done on this subject;" sec. iii shows "what has been done in France;" and in sec. iv six objections to the adoption of such a law are answered. Dr. Gally's book was referred to in the debates on the Hardwicke act.

[1384] Cochrane alias Kennedy v. Campbell: Paton's Reports of Cases decided in the House of Lords on Appeal from Scotland, I (1726-57), 519-32; and Wilson and Shaw's Cases, III, 135, note. The appeal of the claimant was dismissed by the Lords for want of evidence; and only on this ground was that tribunal spared the cruel necessity of declaring void the marriage of persons who for many years had lived together openly as husband and wife. There are notices of the case in Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of George II. (2d ed., 1847), I, 336 ff.; Cobbett, Par. History, XV, 8; Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 181.

[1385] Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 349. Friedberg states erroneously that the Lords declared the marriage void.

[1386] "Lord Bath invented this Bill, but had drawn it so ill, that the Chancellor was forced to draw a new one—and then grew so fond of his own creature, that he has crammed it down the throats of both Houses, though they gave many a gulp before they could swallow it."—Walpole to Conway, May 24, 1753: Horace Walpole's Letters, II, 334-36; also in Cobbett, Parliamentary History, XV, 33.

[1387] For contemporary discussions see Gentleman's Magazine, XXIII, 399, 400, 452, 453, 538; XXIV, 145; XXV, 212; Monthly Review, XII, 111 ff., 438-46 (notices of various pamphlets including some by Dr. Stebbing); ibid., XIII, 92-95, 394 ff.; XVI, 371; XXXII, 233; XL, 226, 425-56. Compare Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 352 n. 1, who gives the titles of several pamphlets relating to the act; Madan, Thelyphthora, II, 38-90, "cannot mention or even think" of it "without indignation," because it "strikes at a divine institution."

[1388] Burn, Fleet Marriages, 16; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 206. For the debates in the Commons see Cobbett, Parliamentary History, XV, 2-86; and compare the excellent analysis by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 350-52; also Horace Walpole, Letters, II, 334-36; idem, Memoirs of George II., I, 336-49; Burn, Parish Registers, 32, 33; idem, Fleet Marriages, 16 ff., 22-31 (entire account of Lord Orford quoted); Lecky, Eng. in 18th Cent., I, 539; idem, Democracy and Liberty, II, 174-77; Spencer Walpole, Hist. of Eng., IV, 69, 70; Knight, Hist. of Eng., V, 585; Lord Mahon, Hist. of Eng., II, 280-82; Hammick, Marriage Law, 12, 13; and Oppenheim, "Die Verhandlungen des Eng. Parliaments Über EinfÜhrung der Civil-Ehe," ZKR., I, 9 ff., 14, 15, 20-22.

[1389] Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 183, 174, 175, note. Royal marriages were not comprehended by the Hardwicke act; hence irregular marriages of royal persons were still legal. On September 6, 1766, in a mansion in Pall Mall, Maria, Countess-Dowager of Waldgrave, niece of Horace Walpole, contracted a clandestine marriage, without witnesses, banns, license, or record, with the Duke of Gloucester, brother of George III. Her private chaplain performed the ceremony; hence, except in form, this was not strictly a Fleet marriage. A few years later, on Oct. 2, 1771, another brother of the king, the Duke of Cumberland, formed a similar irregular alliance with Anne Horton; but in this case there were a witness and a memorandum. Both marriages were declared legal by a special commission: see the chapter of Jeaffreson, on "Two Royal Marriages," op. cit., II, 234-49.

[1390] All the amendments "were designed to aggravate the aversion which the populace had conceived for a measure that appeared to them an attempt to deprive them of cheap and convenient marriage, with a view to preserve the children of the aristocracy from the misfortune of premature and imprudent matrimony.... The main object of the bill was, in the first instance, to abolish the law of matrimonial pre-contract throughout the kingdom." Therefore Henry Fox, to render it unsatisfactory to its promoters and "so ridiculous to the whole country," managed to have Scotland exempted from the operation of the law, although the suit which gave rise to the measure originated there: Jeaffreson, op. cit., II, 183 ff.; cf. Burn, Fleet Marriages, 19.

[1391] Cobbett, Par. Hist., XV, 3. Cf. similar expressions by Mr. Bond, ibid., 41 ff.

[1392] Mr. Bond appears in this statement to be somewhat in error; for optional civil marriage existed in the Netherlands since 1656: see p. 409, above.

[1393] Speech of Mr. Bond, in Cobbett, op. cit., XV, 43, 44. Townshend (ibid., 57, 58) replies to the argument based on the laws of the Dutch. The people and the institutions are very different from the English and therefore afford no precedent. "In Holland not only every province but every town is a sort of sovereignty within itself; and their religion, especially with regard to marriage, is much the same as it was in this country in the days of Oliver Cromwell, when neither the marriage contract, nor the ceremony was supposed to have any sanctity or religion in its nature." Then follows this delicious bit of comparison: "The Dutch, sir, are naturally a cool, patient people, and not given to sudden changes, either in their tempers or passions; therefore the rendering a proclamation of banns necessary may do very well in that country; but in this, where the people are naturally sanguine, impatient, and as apt to change as the air they breathe, I am convinced that such a regulation would be the cause of numberless mischiefs."

[1394] Fox (Cobbett, loc. cit., 73) deprecates "making so free with the laws of God and nature." See also Nugent (ibid., 12-14) and Beckford (ibid., 82, 83). On the other side, the Earl of Hillsborough asks whether even the "vulgar can believe, that there is anything sacred in a ceremony performed in a little room of an ale-house in the Fleet, and by a profligate clergyman whom they see all in rags, swearing like a trooper and higgling about what he is to have for his trouble, and half drunk at the very time he is performing the ceremony."

[1395] Ryder, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 6, 7. Cf. the speech of Lord Barrington, ibid., 27, 28, who thinks the state as much justified in requiring that a marriage to be valid shall depend upon the observance of certain prescribed forms, as it is in demanding that a legally binding oath shall be taken before duly authorized persons. These arguments are criticised by Nugent (ibid., 22, 23) and by Beckford (ibid., 82, 83).

[1396] Townshend, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 51-53.

[1397] The bill is to bring upon the people all these evils "that my young lord, or the young rich squire, forsooth, may not be induced to marry his mother's maid, or a neighbouring farmer's daughter, who may probably make him a better wife and render him more happy, than if he had married the richest heiress in the kingdom; or that young miss may not run away with her father's footman, who may make her a better husband, than any lord or rich squire she, or even her father, could have chosen." Such marriages "are rather an advantage than a prejudice to the community."—Nugent, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 20; cf. Fox, ibid., 71.

[1398] Nugent, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 15, 16; cf. the similar argument of Fox, ibid., 68, 69.

[1399] Haldane, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 35-39; cf. Townshend, ibid., 61.

[1400] This argument is also used by a writer in the Monthly Review, XL, 425, 426, who makes a violent attack on the bill: "Sir Robert Walpole" is declared to be "the first fool of a statesman who thought a kingdom might be too populous" (426).

Mr. Nugent, in the Commons, appears to think that increase of population among the poor must be promoted at all hazards. Even the judicially enforced marriages between wenches and their reluctant seducers are blessings which he fears the bill will put an end to: Cobbett, op. cit., XV, 18. With these conceits of the opposition compare the sound views of the Earl of Hillsborough (ibid., 63): "Poor servants and labourers ... are but too apt to run into matrimony, before they have considered how they are to support either themselves or their children ...; for the prosperity and happiness of a country does not depend upon having a great number of children born, but upon having always a great number well brought up, and inured from their infancy to labour and industry." Essentially modern opinions are likewise expressed by Mr. Bond: "For as to those rash and inconsiderate marriages ... between two poor creatures, sometimes before they have got clothes to their backs" or a lodging or means of support, "I think they ought all, if it were possible, to be prevented." Fleet marriages, he believes, have propagated "beggars, rogues, and the most abandoned sort of prostitutes;" and he appeals to the stricter laws of Holland which have not checked the growth of an industrious population: ibid., 46, 47.

[1401] A writer in the Monthly Review, XII, 115, speaks of the "minor's inalienable right to marriage as the proper remedy for chastity."

[1402] According to Mr. Haldane, banns are required by the bill "in order to render licenses necessary; and the only use of a license I take to be that of putting money into the pockets of our clergymen or some of their officers."—Cobbett, op. cit., XV, 40. On the too high cost of licenses cf. Townshend, ibid., 57, 58; and Fox, ibid., 70.

[1403] Haldane, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 39. He continues: "In my opinion the certain consequence will be that of rendering common whoring as frequent among the lower sort of people, as it is now among those of the better sort; and multitudes of wenches in all parts of the country, when they find they cannot get husbands according to law, will set up the trade; so that the Bill ought really to be called a Bill for the increase of fornication in this kingdom."—Ibid., 39. Cf. the similar arguments of Nugent (ibid., 17, 18), Townshend (ibid., 55, 58), Fox (ibid., 68-70), and Beckford (ibid., 80-82).

[1404] Compare the statements of Nugent, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 21.

[1405] Townshend, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 55-58.

[1406] Banns and license are unnecessary; while clandestine marriages of the "scandalous or infamous" variety are so unimportant as to call for no legislation. Bigamy and the hardships arising in difficulty of proof may be remedied, it is alleged, by a law merely providing for proper registration and making it a rule that the "legitimacy of children should never be questioned, after the death of their parents who lived together as husband and wife, and were generally reputed to be so."—Townshend, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 49, 50. Cf. the similar plan of Haldane, ibid., 40, 41.

[1407] Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 20,15.

[1408] Horace Walpole, Letters, II, 334-36; Cobbett, op. cit., XV, 32, 33.

[1409] Nugent, in Cobbett, loc. cit., 19. Cf. the extracts from the Report of the "Marriage Laws Commission," 1868, in Hammick, Marriage Law, 354 ff., where the inadequacy of banns and the popular dislike of them are mentioned.

[1410] The act of 26 Geo. II., c. 33. For the text, see Pickering's Statutes at Large, XXI, 124-30; Evans, Statutes, I, 155-60. For analysis and discussion of its provisions see Burn (R.), Ecclesiastical Laws, II, 433; Hammick, Marriage Law, 12-15; Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 9, 12-15; Burn (J. S.), Parish Registers, 32, 33; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 438, 440; IV, 163; Lecky, Eng. in 18th Cent., I, 531-40; idem, Democracy and Liberty, II, 174, 176 ff.; Taswell-Langmead, Eng. Const. Hist., 750; Campbell, Chancellors, VI, 262; May, Const. Hist., II, 362; Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 16, 17; idem, Eheschliessung, 355-58; Oppenheim, "Ueber EinfÜhrung der Civil-Ehe in Eng.," ZKR., I, 9-11.

[1411] From 8 to 12 in the morning.

[1412] Cf. Hammick, Marriage Law, 13. Compare Sayer, A Vindication of the Power of Society to annull the Marriages of Minors (1754), 2 ff., who answers the arguments of Stebbing in the works mentioned in Bibliographical Note X. This is important in tracing the rise of sound opinions regarding the proper sphere of social control; and with it may be read to advantage Salmon, Critical Essay Concerning Marriage, 59 ff. On the ecclesiastical law as to consent to the marriage of minors see Poynter, Doctrine and Practice of the Ecc. Courts, 29 ff.; and in this connection may also be read Cooke, Report of the Case of Horner against Liddiard upon ... Consent nec. to the mar. of illegit. Minors (London, 1800).

[1413] The clause of the act providing for license is vigorously attacked by Fry, Considerations on the Act, 7 ff., who declares that "it gives liberty (for a little money) to revive Clandestine Marriages." On the spiritual law as to license compare Poynter, Doctrine and Practice of the Ecc. Courts, 21 ff.

[1414] The act took effect on March 25, 1754; and between its passage on June 6 and that date these parsons did a roaring good business. The Gentleman's Magazine, XXIV, 141 (Sunday, March 24, 1754), has the following:

"Being the last day before the commencement of the marriage act before 11 o'clock 45 couple were married at Mr. Keith's chapel, and when they ceased, near 100 pair had been joined together; two men being constantly and closely employed in filling up licenses for that purpose." See Keith's appeal for charity, because the act had reduced him "from a great Degree of Affluence" to "such a deplorable state of misery in the Fleet Prison," in Ashton, The Fleet, 364, 365.

Clandestine contracts, however, were not entirely put an end to by the Hardwicke act. In the Savoy chapel Dr. John Wilkinson and his representatives solemnized many hundreds of marriages contrary to the provisions of the law; but these were, of course, absolutely void: Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 192-202; Burn, Fleet Marriages, 139-41. Burn is in error when he says (139) "there does not appear to have been any clandestine marriages" at the Savoy "until after the Marriage Act." Such a marriage took place there in 1596. Under date of June 14, in that year, W. Monne, Master of the Savoy, writes to Lord Cobham, whose grandchild and ward was a party to this contract, that he has "conferred with Archb. of Canterbury concerning Mr. Bigge, the chaplain of the Savoy who performed the marriage. Bigge said he thought he might well do it because his fellow chaplains were in the habit of marrying people without license. Archb. committed Bigge to the Gate House pending Cobham's pleasure, also ordered that 'no such disorderly marriage shall be offensively in the Savoy performed.'"—Reports of the Hist. Manuscripts Commission, V, 136, 139.

[1415] Hammick, Marriage Law, 13, 14; cf. Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 33.

[1416] Walpole, Hist. of Eng., IV, 69.

[1417] Cf. Green, Hist. of English People, IV, 212, 124, 176 ff., 257; May, Const. Hist., I, 15 ff., 263 ff. By the Toleration Act of 1 Will. and Mary dissenters were formally recognized and relieved from the pains and penalties attaching to non-conformity; hence thereafter marriages "according to their own forms and usages" were "treated as marriages de facto." The Hardwicke act robbed them of this privilege: Hammick, Marriage Law, 14.

[1418] In favor of the dissenters bills were introduced, either in the Commons or in the Lords, in 1782 (Hansard, Par. Debates, 2d series, 1825, XII, 1236 ff.), 1819 (ibid., XL, 1200 ff., 1504 ff.), 1823 (ibid., IX, 967 ff.), 1834 ("Bills, Public," 1834, II); and by Sir Robert Peel in 1835 ("Bills, Public," 1835, III). A bill for registration of marriages, births, and deaths was brought forward in 1834 ("Bills, Public," III); and already in 1833 a special committee to report on the state of the parochial registers and the necessary legislation was appointed by the Commons. This committee reported on Aug. 15 of the same year ("Reports, Committees," 1833, XIV). See the history of the attempts to grant relief to dissenters by Oppenheim, "Über EinfÜhrung der Civil-Ehe in England," ZKR., I, 8-33.

[1419] The Unitarians could not conscientiously make the declaration of belief in the Trinity contained in the Anglican marriage ritual: "I thee wed," etc., "in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost": Walpole, Hist. of England, IV, 69-71, who discusses the efforts of William Smith and Lansdowne in their behalf.

[1420] The same argument is advanced by a writer in the Quarterly Review, LI (1834), 493 ff., 513, 514.

[1421] Oppenheim, op. cit., 13-17: "Bills, Public," 1826-27, II. Cf. also Walpole, Hist. of Eng., IV, 70, 71. Griffin-Stonestreet, Nuptiae Sacrae: Objections to the Amended Unitarian Marriage Bill (London, 1828), is especially bigoted in his opposition, holding that the sanctity of matrimony will be violated; that the magistrate will have religious functions thrust upon him; and concludes with the remark (38) that "it is no recommendation of this measure, that it is in many parts a mere transcript of Oliver Cromwell's method of putting down the offices of the Church by the Act of 1656." On the other hand, "A Presbyter of the Church of England," who objects to allowing "Socinian ministers" a share in the solemnization of marriages, admits that there is a real grievance and recommends the "alternative of a marriage before a civil magistrate, according to certain civil forms." To provide a model (31-37), he reprints the whole of Cromwell's ordinance of 1653. The measure is opposed in a spirit of intolerance by Le Geyt, Observations on the Bill (London, 1827).

[1422] Burn, Parish Registers, 146; cf. Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 60, 61.

[1423] Rex v. Northfield (1781), 2 Douglas, 658; Geary, loc. cit.; Burn, op. cit., 32 n. 2.

[1424] 21 Geo. III., c. 53: Statutes at Large, VIII, 83. In the debate on the bill for this act Mr. Charles James Fox, "who appears," says Burn, "to have possessed an hereditary opposition to the Marriage Act of 1753," declared "that all persons who had solemnized marriages in any of these new chapels were at present liable to transportation. Under danger of that penalty stood ... a vast number of clergymen, and some prelates in the Upper House; but as America would not receive them, they must go to the Justitia Hulk, which to be sure would be a terrible thing, and he hoped the house would interfere to save these reverend, and right reverend gentlemen from so horrible a fate. It was an absolute fact that several, if not all, of the Bishops had transgressed in this way; and by the bye, the House might have the mortification to see Bishops in their lawn sleeves, instead of preaching the word, heaving ballast on the Thames."—Burn, op. cit., 32, 33, note.

[1425] 44 Geo. III., c. 77; 48 Geo. III., c. 127; 11 Geo. IV. (1830), c. 18. The statute of 6 Geo. IV., unlike all the preceding, validated future marriages in churches or chapels erected since 26 Geo. II., c. 33: Geary, op. cit., 61.

[1426] Hammick, Marriage Law, 14, note, citing Sir John Stoddart's Letter to Lord Brougham on the Irish Marriage Cases (1844), who says, referring to the facts mentioned in the text, "that was in the case of Hewett v. Bratcher (1809), in which I was counsel before the High Court of Delegates; and that court decided that agreeably to the Act of 1753, then in force, a marriage must, under such circumstances, be annulled." Compare also the similar case of Johnson v. Parker (1819), 3 Phillim., 39, where "the husband obtained a declaration of nullity because he was about six weeks under age at the date of the marriage, although he had himself sworn on applying for the licence that he was of age."—Geary, op. cit., 15. Other cases are mentioned in Hansard, Par. Debates, XXXIX, 1466; XLI, 1445 (1st series).

[1427] Hayes v. Watts (1819), 3 Phillim., 43.

[1428] Geary, op. cit., 14, 15.

[1429] Reddall v. Leddiard (1820), 3 Phillim., 256. This case and others are discussed by Phillimore, Speech on the Marriage Act, 23-45, an able exposition of the evils arising under the Hardwicke act.

[1430] Geary, op. cit., 15, note.

[1431] Compare Geary, op. cit., 15.

[1432] In the preceding year, by 3 Geo. IV., c. 75, the provision of the Hardwicke act invalidating marriage of minors by license without consent, and some other defects, were remedied; but the eighth and following sections of the law prescribing more "stringent regulations to prevent clandestine marriage by licence," were repealed by 4 Geo. IV., c. 17, which enacted that "licences should be granted in the case of minors as under Lord Hardwicke's act": cf. Hammick, Marriage Law, 15, note; Hansard, Debates, 2d series, VII, 702, 1635 (Commons); 1128, 1143, 1198, 1373, 1452 (Lords); and Phillimore, Speech on the Marriage Act, 45 ff.

[1433] The act of 4 Geo. IV., c. 76, may be found in Hammick, op. cit., 269-80; and Burn, Ecclesiastical Laws, II, 433d-h; as also in the Statutes at Large for that year. Cf. Hansard, Debates, 2d series, VIII, 80, 87, 123, 235, 623; IX, 540, 649; Annual Register, LXV, 89-93.

[1434] 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85: Statutes at Large, 510-25; Burn, op. cit., II, 433u ff.; Hammick, op. cit., 282-96.

[1435] 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 86: Statutes at Large, 526-44; Hammick, op. cit., 297-306.

[1436] For the debates on the acts of Will. IV. see Hansard, Debates, 3d series, XXXI, 367-86; XXXII, 1093; XXXIV, 490-94, 539, 1021-39, 1309. Cf. the Quarterly Review, LVII, 248-53, for an article praising the conservative course of the Lords.

[1437] For summary and discussion of the registration laws see Bohn, Political CyclopÆdia, IV, 625-28; Smith, The Parish, 187-89, 457-60; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 413-19; Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 566; Hammick, Marriage Law, 106 ff., 166-90, passim; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 133-37, passim as per index; Moore, How to be Married, 60 ff.; Ernst, Treatise of Mar. and Div., 10 ff.

[1438] The appointment of the district registrars of marriages is provided for, not by the registration act, but by the marriage act of 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 17.

[1439] By 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 15; Hammick, op. cit., 327.

[1440] "With the consent of the patron and the incumbent."—4 Geo. IV., c. 76, sec. 3: Hammick, op. cit., 270. See further details as to the places licensed, in 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, secs. 26 ff.

[1441] By 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 1. But by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 11, celebration by a clergyman of the Church of England on certificate of the superintendent registrar is not obligatory: cf. Hammick, op. cit., 87, 282, 313; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 58, 80, 85, 88, 94.

"In the year 1884, out of 144,344 marriages according to the rites of the Established Church, 128,107, or 89 per cent., were by banns, 12,188, or 8.5 per cent., by ordinary licence, 68, or .05 per cent., by special licence (of the archbishop), and 3,523, or 2.4 per cent., on superintendent registrar's certificate."—Hammick, op. cit., 63, note. In 1889, 698 marriages in every 1,000 were according to the rites of the English church; and of these only sixteen were by certificate: Geary, op. cit., 58, note. See the discussion and the tables of statistics of marriages, 1841-88, in Moore, How to be Married, 111-17, 166, 167.

[1442] See the form of oath in Geary, op. cit., 49 n. 3; and Moore, op. cit., 120, who gives all the marriage forms. If the "defendant swears falsely it is not perjury, and only misdemeanour" (Regina v. Chapman, 1849, I Den., 432); and "the spiritual Court has no jurisdiction to punish such false oath" (Phillimore v. Machon, 1876, 1 P. D., 481); Geary, op. cit., 49, 50.

[1443] Now between the hours of 8 in the forenoon and 3 in the afternoon: By 49 and 50 Vict., c. 14: Hammick, Marriage Law, 341.

[1444] Compare the clear summary of Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 566; Burn, Ecc. Laws, II, 433f-h; Moore, How to be Married, 1-23.

[1445] Hammick's summary in Marriage Law, 15.

[1446] Above, chap. viii, sec. iv, pp. 359 ff.

[1447] Hammick, op. cit., 65. Cf. Report of the Royal Commission, 1868, 53-58, 34, 36-38, for the responses of various lay and ecclesiastical persons.

[1448] Report, xlii; in Hammick, op. cit., 65, note.

[1449] Rev. S. C. Wilks, in his Banns, a Railroad to Clandestine Marriages (1864), proposed "a simple form of declaration, to be incorporated with the Banns Book": Hammick, op. cit., 66, note.

[1450] From suggestions made to the Marriage Law Commissioners, and published in their Report, 1868: in Hammick, op. cit., 354-62.

[1451] Suggestion of Major Graham, late Registrar General, in the commissioners' Report: Hammick, op. cit., 356:

"Without proposing that banns should be prohibited, the commissioners recommend that the publication should not be required by law as a condition either of the lawfulness or of the regularity of marriage, being of opinion that 'every useful purpose which can be answered by the publication of banns in the Established Church may be equally answered by the mere fact of notice to the officiating minister.'"—Hammick, op. cit., 65. In general, on the present law of banns, see ibid., 62-80; Ernst, Treatise of Mar. and Div., 8; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 37-46, where the judicial decisions are cited; and Moore, How to be Married, 1 ff.

[1452] On asking leave to present the bill, March 17, 1834, Sir Robert Peel delivered an elaborate speech explaining the need of reform and giving a history of the attempts to remedy the hardships arising from the existing marriage laws since 1753. His speech was well received by all parties: see the summary of Peel's speech and of the debate on the bill in Oppenheim, in ZKR., I, 19-33. In general on the struggle for relief of dissenters see May, Const. Hist., II, 362-64, 392-95; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 391-401; Fischel, Eng. Const. (London, 1863), 84.

[1453] Lord John Russell's speech: Oppenheim, in ZKR., I, 34; cf. ibid., 31; and Beard, Notes on Lord John Russell's Mar. Bill (London, 1834), demanding full civil marriage for dissenters, not mere "relief" through the Church of England.

[1454] Molesworth, Hist. of Eng., I, 339; Walpole, Hist. of Eng., IV, 71, 72.

[1455] Oppenheim, in ZKR., I, 31, 32. The bill was not satisfactory to Lord John Russell; hence it was dropped when he superseded Peel as prime minister.

[1456] For a contemporary account of the debate on the bill see the Annual Register, LXXVIII, 122-34; a summary by Oppenheim, in ZKR., I, 33 ff.; also Molesworth, Hist. of Eng., I, 386-88; Walpole, Hist. of Eng., IV, 69-73. See Hansard, Debates, as cited above.

[1457] On marriage by certificate without license see Moore, How to be Married, 60 ff.; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 80 ff., 85 ff.; Hammick, Marriage Law, 118 ff., 127 ff.

[1458] By 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, secs. 3-5.

[1459] By 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 2. Cf. Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 566; Burn, Eccl. Laws, II, 433 x-y; Hammick, Marriage Law, 89 ff., 319, 320; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 80-85.

[1460] In the interval the notice was originally to be read by the clerk of the Board of Guardians at their sessions for three successive weeks: Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 416; Burn, Eccl. Laws, II, 433y. This provision is repealed by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119.

[1461] Cf. 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 4. The form of certificate is given by Hammick, Marriage Law, 333, 334; Moore, How to be Married, 148. All the forms are given by Moore, ibid., 120-63.

[1462] 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 18. Cf. Burn, Eccl. Laws, II, 433bb.; Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 329; Friedberg, op. cit., 413-15; Hammick, op. cit., 118 ff., 122 ff.

[1463] Burn, Eccl. Laws, II, 433x; Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 567; Friedberg, op. cit., 416; Bohn, op. cit., III, 322.

[1464] Between 8 and 12 in the forenoon by 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 20. This was changed by 49 and 50 Vict., c. 14, sec. 1.

[1465] Original act said "seven days": Burn, op. cit., II, 433aa, changed by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 9. Cf. Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 87; Hammick, op. cit., 324.

[1466] Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 567; Burn, op. cit., II, 433z-bb.

[1467] Re-enacted by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 119, sec. 18.

[1468] By 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 42. Cf. Bohn, Pol. Cyc., III, 324; Burn, op. cit., II, 433ii; Hammick, op. cit., 295.

[1469] 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, sec. 20. Cf. Burn, op. cit., II, 433cc; Bohn, op. cit., III, 323; Hammick, op. cit., 289, 145; Moore, How to be Married, 49.

[1470] By the act of 7 and 8 Vict., c. 81 (1844), supplemented by 34 Vict., c. 110, and 26 and 27 Vict., c. 27, the essential features of 6 and 7 Will. IV., c. 85, were adopted for Ireland, the proximate cause being the excitement aroused by the case of the Queen v. Millis, 1843: see chap. vii, sec. ii, p. 316, above; and also Hammick, Marriage Law, 232-39; Geary, Mar. and Fam. Rel., 557 ff.

In Scotland except as restricted by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 96, the principles of the canon law are still in force, "subject only to such modifications as it has undergone from time to time by the application of the rules of evidence established in that country, and the course of judicial decisions" (Hammick, op. cit., 221). But in 1856 by 19 and 20 Vict., c. 96, called Lord Brougham's Act, for a contract to be valid, the parties must have resided in Scotland at least twenty-one days preceding the ceremony. This put an end to "Gretna Green" weddings, but otherwise private contracts are still legal. Thus three kinds of marriages are recognized: (1) "regular marriages" before a minister according to custom or statute; (2) "irregular marriages" per verba de praesenti; (3) "irregular marriages" per verba de futuro, subsequente copula; but in this case the contract must be written or proved by confession on oath: Hammick, op. cit., 221 ff. That Scotch marriages are binding in England was established by the celebrated judgment of Lord Stowell in Dalrymple v. Dalrymple in 1811: Dodson, A Report of the Judgment, 1 ff., 97 ff.; Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 672, 688; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 426, 427; Kent, Commentaries, II, 87. In general, see Geary, op. cit., 531 ff.; Friedberg, op. cit., 428, 437-59; idem, Geschichte der Civilehe, 18 ff.; Moore, How to be Married, 85 ff.; Robertson, in Britannica, XV, 567; Tegg, The Knot Tied, 216-23 (Gretna Green); Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, II, 203-16 (Gretna Green); Glasson, Histoire du droit et des inst., VI, 162-69; Wharton, Laws Rel. to Women, 265-98 (present English law), 298-303 (Scotch law); Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 671-779; Carlier, Mar. aux États-Unis, 41 ff.

Transcriber's note:

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