INDEX

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Abolitionists, mobbed, 71;
burn U. S. Constitution, 72;
private lives of leaders irreproachable, 89;
become factor in national politics; Boston captured by; "slave-catchers" now mobbed; national election turns on vote, 95-6;
anti-slavery in Faneuil Hall, 97;
election again turns on vote of, 99;
impartial observer on influence of, 105;
Professor Smith on, 106
Abolition petitions in Congress, influence of, 102
Abolition societies, in 1840, 93
Adams, John Quincy, becomes champion of Abolitionists, 90;
defends right of petition, 91
Alien and Sedition laws, 1798, 18;
nature of, 19
Americans, world's record for hard fighting, 201
Andrews, Prof. E. A., slavery conditions South, 79
Anti-slavery people and Abolitionists grouped, 104;
Douglas charged "Black Republican" party with favoring "negro citizenship and negro equality," 167
Aristocracy in South, 159, 160, 161
Articles of Confederation, 15
Author, antecedents, explanation of, 10-11
Author's conclusions, 242-3-4
Biglow Papers, 97-8
Birney, James G., mobbed, 87
Boston meeting, Dr. Hart overlooks, 73
Boston Resolutions, 64
Burke, Edmund, on conciliation, 109;
spirit of liberty in slave-holding communities, 158
Calhoun, John C., prophecy of, 167-8
Cause of sectional conflict, Abolition societies and their methods, 205
Channing, Dr. Wm. E., encomium on Great Britain, 39;
letter to Webster, 47;
opinion of Abolitionists, 87;
his change, 88
Characters and careers, of Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis, 188-192
Churches, North and South, opposition to slavery; a stupendous change, 67;
"whole cloth arrayed against" Garrison, 68;
Southern churches still defend slavery; Northern changed; Methodist church disrupted, 70
Coatesville lynching, 224
Colonies, juxtaposed, not united, 15
Colonization Society, origin of and purposes, 44;
its supporters, 45;
making progress; Abolitionists halted it, 46
Compromise of 1850; excitement in Congress, 106;
great leaders in; Webster on 7th of March, 107;
Clay's speech, 112;
new fug h-4.htm.html#Page_219" class="pginternal">219;
Johnson's reconstructed State governments swept away; universal suffrage for negro; South sends Republicans to Congress, 220;
witnesses before "Committee of Fifteen" rewarded; Southern counsels divided, 223;
carpet-baggers and scalawags, 224;
intolerable political conditions; race issue forced upon whites, 226;
whites recover self-government, 227
Republican party, the modern; its origin; Mr. Rhodes on, 138-139;
nominates FrÉmont and Dayton; denounces slavery; excitement; defeated, 144
Resources, war, North and South compared, 191-2-3
Salem Church monument, 9
Santo Domingo, memory of massacre in, 80
Seceded States, wretched conditions in 1865, 214
Seceding States, desire to preserve Constitution, 179
Secession, early threats of not connected with slavery, 26;
Josiah Quincy threatens, 1811; Massachusetts legislature endorses him, 28;
in early days belief in general, 28;
Massachusetts legislature threatens, 1844, 29;
eleven States seceded, 179;
Prof. Fite justifies, his ground, 182;
motives for in 1860-1, 183
Self-government restored; local clashes, no race war; based on Lincoln's idea, superiority of white man, 229;
constitutional amendments to restore purity of ballot, 233;
industrial results amazing, 234-5;
negro vote small—reasons, 231
Seward, leader of Republican party, 178
Situation in Alabama in 1835—letter of John W. Womack, 79
Slavery, Great Britain abolishes, compensates owners, 39;
South's "calamity not crime," 48;
debate in Virginia Assembly, 61
Slaves, protect masters' families during war, 132-3;
a surprise to North, 133-4
Slave-trade, New England's part in, 37;
South protests against; sentiment against arises in England, sweeps over America, 38
Social conditions South, 155-60
South unwilling to accept idea of incompatibility of slave and free States, 94-5;
bitterness in, 101;
on defensive-aggressive, 126;
excited; filibustering; importation of slaves, 145
Spencer, Herbert, slavery once a necessary phase of human progress, 237
Sprague, Peleg, on Boston Resolutions, 66
Suffrage, Lincoln thought Southerners themselves should control, 203
Sumner, Charles, philippic against South; Brooks's attack on, 143-4;
negro suffrage to give "Unionists" new allies, 220
Texas, application for admission, [1] Gladstone, "Kin Beyond the Sea."

[2] Warfield, in his "Kentucky Resolutions of 1798," relates that John Breckenridge introduced the Kentucky and John Taylor, of Caroline, moved the Virginia resolutions. In 1814 Taylor made it known that Madison was the author of the Virginia resolves, but not till 1821 did Jefferson admit his authorship of the Kentucky resolutions. Jefferson was Vice-President when they were drawn, and it would have been thought unseemly for him to appear openly in a canvass against the President, but by correspondence with his friends he "gradually drew out a program of action" (Warfield, p. 17). The Kentucky Resolutions were sent by the Governor to the Legislatures of the other States, ten of which, being controlled by the Federalists, are known to have declared against them (Warfield, p. 115). But of course the resolutions were canvassed by the public before the presidential election of 1800.

[3] Taylor was so deeply impressed by the conference, which was protracted, that two days later, May 11, 1794, he made an extended note of it which he sent to Mr. Madison. At the foot of his note Taylor says, among other things: "He (T.) is thoroughly convinced that the design to break up the Union is contemplated. The assurance, the manner, the earnestness, and the countenances with which the idea was uttered, all disclosed the most serious intention. It is also probable that K. (King) and E. (Ellsworth) having heard that T. (Taylor) was against the (adoption of) the Constitution have hence imbibed a mistaken opinion that he was secretly an enemy of the Union, and conceived that he was a fit instrument (as he was about retiring) to infuse notions into the anti-federal temper of Virginia, consonant to their views."—"Disunion Sentiment in the Congress in 1794" (with fac-simile of Taylor memorandum), by Gaillard Hunt, Editor of Writings of James Madison. Lowdermilk Co., Washington, D. C., 1905.

[4] C. F. Robertson, "The Louisiana Purchase," etc. "Papers of the American Association," vol. I, pp. 262, 263.

[5] "American State Documents and Federal Relations," p. 21.

[6] Henry Cabot Lodge's "Webster," p. 176.

[7] "Slavery and Anti-Slavery," 3d ed., 1885.

[8] Am. Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 696.

[9] Ib., p. 1136.

[10] Ib., p. 735.

[11] "State Documents on Federal Relations," Ames, pp. 203-4.

[12] Ames, p. 203.

[13] Ib., p. 206.

[14] Ames, 195.

[15] See Garrison's "Garrison."

[16] See article in Independent, 1906, Miss Mahony.

[17] "Webster's Works," vol. V, pp. 366-67, 1851.

[18] Ib., ed. 1851, vol. V, pp. 266-67.

[19] "The Negro Problem," Pickett, 1809.

[20] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. I, p. 113.

[21] George Ticknor Curtis's "Life of Buchanan," vol. II, p. 283.

[22] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. I.

[23] Ib., Vol. II, p. 202.

[24] Hart's "Slavery and Abolition," p. 163.

[25] Ib., pp. 217-20.

[26] "Life of James Buchanan," George Ticknor Curtis, vol. II, pp. 277-78.

[27] Referred to in "Life of Andrew Jackson," W. G. Sumner, p. 350.

[28] Hart, supra.

[29] The late Professor William Graham Sumner, of Yale, in his "Life of Andrew Jackson," 1888, treats of the excitement at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1835, during Jackson's administration, over Abolition circulars, etc. Dr. Albert Bushnell Hart, Professor of History at Harvard, in his "Abolition and Slavery," 1906, treats of the same subject. The following extracts from these books will show how these authors picture that exciting period, and our italics will emphasize the sang-froid with which they touch off what so profoundly affected public sentiment, both North and South, when the events were occurring. Professor Sumner has this to say:

"The Abolition Society adopted the policy of sending documents, papers, and pictures against slavery to the Southern States.

"If the intention was, as charged, to excite the slaves to revolt, the device, as it seems to us now, must have fallen short of its object, for the chance that anything could get into the hands of the black man must have been poor indeed.

"These publications, however, caused a panic and a wild indignation in the South."—Sumner's "Jackson," p. 350.

Why should the Southerners of that day go wild over conduct for which the professor of this era has no word of condemnation?

Dr. Hart follows Professor Sumner's treatment. These are his words:

"The free negroes of the South, the Abolitionists could not reach except by mailing publications to them, a process which fearfully exasperated the South without reaching the persons addressed."—Hart's "Abolition and Slavery," p. 216.

Why should Southerners be "fearful" when they were intercepting all the dangerous circulars, etc., they could find? And why should they be exasperated at all?

Dr. Hart's chair at Harvard is within gunshot of Faneuil Hall, yet the great meeting there of August 31, 1835, is not mentioned in either his or Professor Sumner's book, nor is there to be found in either of them any explanation of the reasons underlying the general and emphatic condemnation throughout the North at that period of the Abolitionists and their methods.

[30] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 412.

[31] "Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade," Andrews, pp. 156-57.

[32] Within perhaps a year Mr. Lincoln was compelled to bring these negroes home; they were starving.

[33] "Channing's Works," vol. II, ed. 1837, pp. 131-32.

[34] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 214.

[35] Hart's "Slavery and Abolition," p. 256.

[36] "Channing's Works," vol. II, ed. 1847, p. 237.

[37] "Life of Buchanan," vol. II, p. 280.

[38] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 247.

[39] "The Middle Period," John W. Burgess, p. 274.

[40] "Notes on North America," London, 1851, vol. II, p. 486.

[41] "Parties and Slavery," Smith, pp. 3, 4.

[42] McMaster says: "The great statesman was behind the times."—"Webster," p. 19.

[43] "Vindication of Webster," William C. Wilkinson, p. 69.

[44] McMaster's "Webster."

[45] Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session, Appendix, p. 263.

[46] "Vindication of Webster," William C. Wilkinson, p. 191.

[47] McMaster's "Webster," p. 316 et seq.

[48] Professor McMaster in the chapter preceding that containing these extracts, has collected much evidence to show that Webster aspired to be President, and the biographer entitles the chapter, "Longing for the Presidency," apparently the author's clod on the grave of a buried reputation.

[49] Ib., p. 160.

[50] "Daniel Webster and the Sentiment of Union," John Fiske, "Essays Historical and Literary," pp. 408-9.

[51] "Daniel Webster: A Vindication," p. 47.

[52] McMaster's "Webster," p. 340.

[53] Ableman v. Boothe, 21 How., 506.

[54] Fite, "Presidential Campaign of 1860," p. 243.

[55] "Parties and Slavery," Theodore Clarke Smith, professor of history in Williams College, p. 96.

[56] "Rhodes," vol. I, p. 192.

[57] Vol. I, p. 66.

[58] Smith, "Parties and Slavery," pp. 118-20.

[59] The writer's father, who had been a nullifier and a lifelong follower of Calhoun, joined the Know-Nothings in the hope of saving the Union, but withdrew when he found that in the North the party was not true to its Union pledges. Here was a typical case of Southern unwillingness to resort to secession.

[60] Ib., pp. 138-9.

[61] Theodore Clarke Smith, "Parties and Slavery."

[62] Garrison's "Garrison."

[63] "The Negro and the Nation," George Spring Merriam, p. 120.

[64] Sanborn's "Life of John Brown," p. 466.

[65] Ib., p. 515.

[66] "History of United States," Rhodes, vol. I.

[67] Channing.

[68] Hart.

[69] Theodore Clarke Smith, "Parties and Slavery," p. 303.

[70] For the humorous side of life in the South in the old day, see "Simon Suggs," J. J. Hooper; "Georgia Scenes," Judge Longstreet; and "Flush Times of Alabama and Mississippi," by Baldwin.

[71] "Memoirs of John H. Reagan," p. 261.

[72] Mr. Lincoln took that position in his great speech at Chicago, in 1858, when beginning his campaign for the senatorship.

[73] Lincoln, "Complete Works," vol. IV, p. 9.

[74] "Calhoun's Works," vol. VI, p. 311.

[75] Independent, 1906.

[76] Life and Letters and Journals of George Ticknor.

[77] "The Presidential Campaign of 1860," p. 195, Fite, 1911.

[78] "Virginia's Attitude on Slavery and Secession," Mumford, pp. 211-12.

[79] Alexander Johnston, "Lalor's EncyclopÆdia," vol. III, p. 163.

[80] Ableman v. Booth, 21 How.

[81] Alexander Johnston, "Lalor's EncyclopÆdia," vol. III, p. 707.

[82] "The Presidential Campaign of 1860," Emerson David Fite, 1911, introductory chapter.

[83] See Fite, "Campaign of 1860," passim, and especially speech of Schurz, p. 244 et seq.

[84] Mrs. Chestnut, wife of the Confederate general, James Chestnut, writes in her "Diary from Dixie," under date of 1861, at Montgomery, Alabama, then the Confederate capital: "In Mrs. Davis's drawing-room last night, the President took a seat by me on the sofa where I sat. He talked for nearly an hour. He laughed at our faith in our own powers. We are like the British. We think every Southerner equal to three Yankees at least. We will have to be equivalent to a dozen now. After his experience of the fighting qualities of Southerners in Mexico, he believes that we will do all that can be done by pluck and muscle, endurance and dogged courage, dash, and red-hot patriotism. And yet his tone was not sanguine. There was a sad refrain running through it all. For one thing, either way, he thinks it will be a long war. That floored me at once. It has been too long for me already. Then he said, before the end came we would have many bitter experiences. He said only fools doubted the courage of the Yankees, or their willingness to fight when they saw fit. And now that we have stung their pride, we have roused them till they will fight like devils."

[85] "Diary of Gideon Welles," 3 vols., passim.

[86] "Studies, Military and Diplomatic," p. 282 et seq. These studies make a volume of rare historic value.

[87] According to that standard work, E. P. Alexander's "Memoirs," pp. 244, 245, and 274, the Confederates, who stood their ground at Sharpsburg on the day of battle and the day after, lost in killed and wounded thirty-two per cent. The French army at Waterloo entirely dissolved, with a loss in killed and wounded of only thirty-one per cent. (See figures in Henderson's "Stonewall Jackson.")

[88] Gideon Welles in an essay, "Lincoln and Johnson," The Galaxy, April, 1872.

[89] "John Sherman's Recollections," vol. I, p. 361.

[90] "Fifty Years of Public Service," Cullom, p. 146.

[91] The final estimate of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy under both Lincoln and Johnson, is this: "He (Johnson) has been faithful to the Constitution, although his administrative capabilities and management may not equal some of his predecessors. Of measures he was a good judge but not always of men."—"Diary of Gideon Welles," vol. III, p. 556.

[92] "Jefferson's Works," vol. I, p. 48.

[93] "Why the Solid South," p. 20.

[94] Ogden's "Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin," vol. II, p. 114.

[95] Pickett, pp. 399-400.

[96] "The Negro Problem," Pickett, 1909, pp. 399-400.

[97] "The Negro in the New World," Sir Harry Johnston, p. 478.

[98] Ib., p. 470.

[99] "The Negro Problem," William Pickett, pp. 136-38. Rare Traits, etc., of the Negro, Statistician, Prudential Ins. Co. of America, p. 219 et seq.

[100] "Two Perils of the Indo-European," The Open Court, January 23, 1890, p. 2052.

Transcriber's note:

Hyphenation is inconsistent.

Obvious printer's errors have been corrected.

Page 49: 'Prior to the rise of the Abolitionists in 1831, emancipationists in the South had been free to grapple with conditions as they found them.'

The words "in the" have been supplied by the transcriber.

Index reference to Johnston, Sir Harry: the transcriber has changed page 257 to read 237.


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