[2] Warfield, in his "Kentucky Resolutions of 1798," relates that John Breckenridge introduced the Kentucky and John Taylor, of Caroline, moved the Virginia resolutions. In 1814 Taylor made it known that Madison was the author of the Virginia resolves, but not till 1821 did Jefferson admit his authorship of the Kentucky resolutions. Jefferson was Vice-President when they were drawn, and it would have been thought unseemly for him to appear openly in a canvass against the President, but by correspondence with his friends he "gradually drew out a program of action" (Warfield, p. 17). The Kentucky Resolutions were sent by the Governor to the Legislatures of the other States, ten of which, being controlled by the Federalists, are known to have declared against them (Warfield, p. 115). But of course the resolutions were canvassed by the public before the presidential election of 1800.

[3] Taylor was so deeply impressed by the conference, which was protracted, that two days later, May 11, 1794, he made an extended note of it which he sent to Mr. Madison. At the foot of his note Taylor says, among other things: "He (T.) is thoroughly convinced that the design to break up the Union is contemplated. The assurance, the manner, the earnestness, and the countenances with which the idea was uttered, all disclosed the most serious intention. It is also probable that K. (King) and E. (Ellsworth) having heard that T. (Taylor) was against the (adoption of) the Constitution have hence imbibed a mistaken opinion that he was secretly an enemy of the Union, and conceived that he was a fit instrument (as he was about retiring) to infuse notions into the anti-federal temper of Virginia, consonant to their views."—"Disunion Sentiment in the Congress in 1794" (with fac-simile of Taylor memorandum), by Gaillard Hunt, Editor of Writings of James Madison. Lowdermilk Co., Washington, D. C., 1905.

[4] C. F. Robertson, "The Louisiana Purchase," etc. "Papers of the American Association," vol. I, pp. 262, 263.

[5] "American State Documents and Federal Relations," p. 21.

[6] Henry Cabot Lodge's "Webster," p. 176.

[7] "Slavery and Anti-Slavery," 3d ed., 1885.

[8] Am. Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 696.

[9] Ib., p. 1136.

[10] Ib., p. 735.

[11] "State Documents on Federal Relations," Ames, pp. 203-4.

[12] Ames, p. 203.

[13] Ib., p. 206.

[14] Ames, 195.

[15] See Garrison's "Garrison."

[16] See article in Independent, 1906, Miss Mahony.

[17] "Webster's Works," vol. V, pp. 366-67, 1851.

[18] Ib., ed. 1851, vol. V, pp. 266-67.

[19] "The Negro Problem," Pickett, 1809.

[20] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. I, p. 113.

[21] George Ticknor Curtis's "Life of Buchanan," vol. II, p. 283.

[22] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. I.

[23] Ib., Vol. II, p. 202.

[24] Hart's "Slavery and Abolition," p. 163.

[25] Ib., pp. 217-20.

[26] "Life of James Buchanan," George Ticknor Curtis, vol. II, pp. 277-78.

[27] Referred to in "Life of Andrew Jackson," W. G. Sumner, p. 350.

[28] Hart, supra.

[29] The late Professor William Graham Sumner, of Yale, in his "Life of Andrew Jackson," 1888, treats of the excitement at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1835, during Jackson's administration, over Abolition circulars, etc. Dr. Albert Bushnell Hart, Professor of History at Harvard, in his "Abolition and Slavery," 1906, treats of the same subject. The following extracts from these books will show how these authors picture that exciting period, and our italics will emphasize the sang-froid with which they touch off what so profoundly affected public sentiment, both North and South, when the events were occurring. Professor Sumner has this to say:

"The Abolition Society adopted the policy of sending documents, papers, and pictures against slavery to the Southern States.

"If the intention was, as charged, to excite the slaves to revolt, the device, as it seems to us now, must have fallen short of its object, for the chance that anything could get into the hands of the black man must have been poor indeed.

"These publications, however, caused a panic and a wild indignation in the South."—Sumner's "Jackson," p. 350.

Why should the Southerners of that day go wild over conduct for which the professor of this era has no word of condemnation?

Dr. Hart follows Professor Sumner's treatment. These are his words:

"The free negroes of the South, the Abolitionists could not reach except by mailing publications to them, a process which fearfully exasperated the South without reaching the persons addressed."—Hart's "Abolition and Slavery," p. 216.

Why should Southerners be "fearful" when they were intercepting all the dangerous circulars, etc., they could find? And why should they be exasperated at all?

Dr. Hart's chair at Harvard is within gunshot of Faneuil Hall, yet the great meeting there of August 31, 1835, is not mentioned in either his or Professor Sumner's book, nor is there to be found in either of them any explanation of the reasons underlying the general and emphatic condemnation throughout the North at that period of the Abolitionists and their methods.

[30] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 412.

[31] "Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade," Andrews, pp. 156-57.

[32] Within perhaps a year Mr. Lincoln was compelled to bring these negroes home; they were starving.

[33] "Channing's Works," vol. II, ed. 1837, pp. 131-32.

[34] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 214.

[35] Hart's "Slavery and Abolition," p. 256.

[36] "Channing's Works," vol. II, ed. 1847, p. 237.

[37] "Life of Buchanan," vol. II, p. 280.

[38] Garrison's "Garrison," vol. III, p. 247.

[39] "The Middle Period," John W. Burgess, p. 274.

[40] "Notes on North America," London, 1851, vol. II, p. 486.

[41] "Parties and Slavery," Smith, pp. 3, 4.

[42] McMaster says: "The great statesman was behind the times."—"Webster," p. 19.

[43] "Vindication of Webster," William C. Wilkinson, p. 69.

[44] McMaster's "Webster."

[45] Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session, Appendix, p. 263.

[46] "Vindication of Webster," William C. Wilkinson, p. 191.

[47] McMaster's "Webster," p. 316 et seq.

[48] Professor McMaster in the chapter preceding that containing these extracts, has collected much evidence to show that Webster aspired to be President, and the biographer entitles the chapter, "Longing for the Presidency," apparently the author's clod on the grave of a buried reputation.

[49] Ib., p. 160.

[50] "Daniel Webster and the Sentiment of Union," John Fiske, "Essays Historical and Literary," pp. 408-9.

[51] "Daniel Webster: A Vindication," p. 47.

[52] McMaster's "Webster," p. 340.

[53] Ableman v. Boothe, 21 How., 506.

[54] Fite, "Presidential Campaign of 1860," p. 243.

[55] "Parties and Slavery," Theodore Clarke Smith, professor of history in Williams College, p. 96.

[56] "Rhodes," vol. I, p. 192.

[57] Vol. I, p. 66.

[58] Smith, "Parties and Slavery," pp. 118-20.

[59] The writer's father, who had been a nullifier and a lifelong follower of Calhoun, joined the Know-Nothings in the hope of saving the Union, but withdrew when he found that in the North the party was not true to its Union pledges. Here was a typical case of Southern unwillingness to resort to secession.

[60] Ib., pp. 138-9.

[61] Theodore Clarke Smith, "Parties and Slavery."

[62] Garrison's "Garrison."

[63] "The Negro and the Nation," George Spring Merriam, p. 120.

[64] Sanborn's "Life of John Brown," p. 466.

[65] Ib., p. 515.

[66] "History of United States," Rhodes, vol. I.

[67] Channing.

[68] Hart.

[69] Theodore Clarke Smith, "Parties and Slavery," p. 303.

[70] For the humorous side of life in the South in the old day, see "Simon Suggs," J. J. Hooper; "Georgia Scenes," Judge Longstreet; and "Flush Times of Alabama and Mississippi," by Baldwin.

[71] "Memoirs of John H. Reagan," p. 261.

[72] Mr. Lincoln took that position in his great speech at Chicago, in 1858, when beginning his campaign for the senatorship.

[73] Lincoln, "Complete Works," vol. IV, p. 9.

[74] "Calhoun's Works," vol. VI, p. 311.

[75] Independent, 1906.

[76] Life and Letters and Journals of George Ticknor.

[77] "The Presidential Campaign of 1860," p. 195, Fite, 1911.

[78] "Virginia's Attitude on Slavery and Secession," Mumford, pp. 211-12.

[79] Alexander Johnston, "Lalor's EncyclopÆdia," vol. III, p. 163.

[80] Ableman v. Booth, 21 How.

[81] Alexander Johnston, "Lalor's EncyclopÆdia," vol. III, p. 707.

[82] "The Presidential Campaign of 1860," Emerson David Fite, 1911, introductory chapter.

[83] See Fite, "Campaign of 1860," passim, and especially speech of Schurz, p. 244 et seq.

[84] Mrs. Chestnut, wife of the Confederate general, James Chestnut, writes in her "Diary from Dixie," under date of 1861, at Montgomery, Alabama, then the Confederate capital: "In Mrs. Davis's drawing-room last night, the President took a seat by me on the sofa where I sat. He talked for nearly an hour. He laughed at our faith in our own powers. We are like the British. We think every Southerner equal to three Yankees at least. We will have to be equivalent to a dozen now. After his experience of the fighting qualities of Southerners in Mexico, he believes that we will do all that can be done by pluck and muscle, endurance and dogged courage, dash, and red-hot patriotism. And yet his tone was not sanguine. There was a sad refrain running through it all. For one thing, either way, he thinks it will be a long war. That floored me at once. It has been too long for me already. Then he said, before the end came we would have many bitter experiences. He said only fools doubted the courage of the Yankees, or their willingness to fight when they saw fit. And now that we have stung their pride, we have roused them till they will fight like devils."

[85] "Diary of Gideon Welles," 3 vols., passim.

[86] "Studies, Military and Diplomatic," p. 282 et seq. These studies make a volume of rare historic value.

[87] According to that standard work, E. P. Alexander's "Memoirs," pp. 244, 245, and 274, the Confederates, who stood their ground at Sharpsburg on the day of battle and the day after, lost in killed and wounded thirty-two per cent. The French army at Waterloo entirely dissolved, with a loss in killed and wounded of only thirty-one per cent. (See figures in Henderson's "Stonewall Jackson.")

[88] Gideon Welles in an essay, "Lincoln and Johnson," The Galaxy, April, 1872.

[89] "John Sherman's Recollections," vol. I, p. 361.

[90] "Fifty Years of Public Service," Cullom, p. 146.

[91] The final estimate of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy under both Lincoln and Johnson, is this: "He (Johnson) has been faithful to the Constitution, although his administrative capabilities and management may not equal some of his predecessors. Of measures he was a good judge but not always of men."—"Diary of Gideon Welles," vol. III, p. 556.

[92] "Jefferson's Works," vol. I, p. 48.

[93] "Why the Solid South," p. 20.

[94] Ogden's "Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin," vol. II, p. 114.

[95] Pickett, pp. 399-400.

[96] "The Negro Problem," Pickett, 1909, pp. 399-400.

[97] "The Negro in the New World," Sir Harry Johnston, p. 478.

[98] Ib., p. 470.

[99] "The Negro Problem," William Pickett, pp. 136-38. Rare Traits, etc., of the Negro, Statistician, Prudential Ins. Co. of America, p. 219 et seq.

[100] "Two Perils of the Indo-European," The Open Court, January 23, 1890, p. 2052.