1 La Mortalega Grande. Matth. de Griffonibus. Muratori. Script. rer. Italicar. T. XVIII. p.167. D. They were called by others Angumalgia. Andr. Gratiol. Discorso di peste. Venet. 1576, 4to. Swedish: Diger-dÖden. Loccenii Histor. Suecan L. III. p. 104.—Danish: den sorte Dod. Pontan. Rer. danicar Histor. L. VIII. p.476.—Amstelod: 1631, fol. Icelandic: Svatur Daudi. Saabye, Tagebuch in GrÖnland. Introduction XVIII. Mansa, de Epidemiis maxime momorabilibus, quae in Dania grassatae sunt, &c. Part. I. p.12. Havniae, 1831, 8.—In Westphalia the name of de groete Doet was prevalent. Meibom.

2 Joann Cantacuzen Historiar, L. IV. c. 8. Ed. Paris, p.730. 5. The ex-emperor has indeed copied some passages from Thucydides, as Sprengel justly observes, (Appendix to the Geschichte der Medicin. Vol. 1. H. I. S. 73.) though this was most probably only for the sake of rounding a period. This is no detriment to his credibility, because his statements accord with the other accounts.

3 ?p?s?se?? e???a?.

4 ?e?a??a? f???t?de?.

5 ?spe? s??ata ??a?a.

6 Guidon de Cauliaco Chirurgia. Tract 11. c. 5. p. 113. Ed. Lugdun, 1572.

7 Et fuit tantae contagiositatis specialiter quae fuit cum sputo sanguinis, quod non solum morando, sed etiam inspiciendo unus recipiebat ab alio: intantum quod gentes moriebantur sine servitoribus, et sepeliebantur sine sacerdotibus, pater non visitabat filium, nec filius patrem: charitas erat mortua, spes prostrata.

8 Deguignes, Histoire gÉnÉrale des Huns, des Turcs, des Moguls, &c. Tom. IV. Paris 1758. 4to. p.226.

9 Decameron Giorn. I. Introd.

10 From this period black petechiÆ have always been considered as fatal in the plague.

11 A very usual circumstance in plague epidemics.

12 Auger de Biterris, Vitae Romanor. pontificum, Muratori Scriptor. rer. Italic. Vol.III. Pt. II. p. 556.

13 Contin. altera Chronici Guillelmi de Nangis in d’Acher, Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, &c. Ed. de la Barre, Tom. iii. p.110.

14 “The people all died of boils and inflamed glands which appeared under the arms and in the groins.” Jac. v. KÖnigshoven, the oldest chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg, and indeed of all Germany. Strasburg, 1698. 4. cap. 5, § 86. p.301.

15 Hainr. Rebdorff, Annals, Marq. Freher. Germanicarum. rerum Scriptores. Francof, 1624. fol. p.439.

16 KÖnigshoven, in loc. cit.

17 Anonym. Leobiens. Chron. L. VI. in Hier. Pez, Scriptor. rer. Austriac. Lips. 1721. fol. Tom. 1, p.970. The above named appearances are here called, rote sprinkel, swarcze erhubenn und druesz under den Üchsen und ze den gemÄchten.

18 Ubb. Emmiie rer. Frisiacar. histor. L. XIV. p.203. Lugd. Bat. 1616. fol.

19 Guillelmus de Nangis.

20 Ant. Wood, Historia et Antiquitates Universit. Oxoniens. Oxon. 1764, fol. L. 1. p.172.

21 Mezeray, Histoire de France, Paris, 1685. fol. T. 11 p.418.

22 Barnes, who has given a lively picture of the black plague, in England, taken from the Registers of the 14th century, describes the external symptoms in the following terms: knobs or swellings in the groin or under the arm-pits, called kernels, biles, blains, blisters, pimples, wheals or plague-sores. The Hist. of Edw. III. Cambridge. 1688. fol. p.432.

23 Torfaeus, Historia rerum Norvegicarum. Hafn. 1711. fol. L. ix. c. 8. p.478. This author has followed Pontanus (Rerum Danicar. Historia. Amstelod. 1631. fol.) who has given only a general account of the plague in Denmark, and nothing respecting its symptoms.

24 Dlugoss, S. Longini Histor. polonic. L. xii. Lips. 1711. fol. T. 1. p.1086.

25 W. M. Richter, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland. Moskwa, 1813. 8. p.215. Richter has taken his information on the black plague in Russia, from Authentic Russian MSS.

26 Compare on this point, Ballings treatise “Zur Diagnostik der Lungenerweichung.” Vol.XVI. ii. 3. p. 257 of lit. Annalen der ges. Heilkunde.

27 It is expressly ascertained with respect to Avignon and Paris, that uncleanliness of the streets increased the plague considerably. Raim. Chalin de Vinario.

28 De Peste Libri tres, opera Jacobi Dalechampii in lucem editi. Lugdani, 1552. 16. p.35. Dalechamp has only improved the language of this work, adding nothing to it but a preface in the form of two letters. Raymond Chalin de Vinario was contemporary with Guy de Chauliac at Avignon. He enjoyed a high reputation, and was in very affluent circumstances. He often makes mention of cardinals and high officers of the papal court, whom he had treated; and it is even probable, though not certain, that he was physician to Clement VI. (1342—1352), Innocent VI. (1352—) and Urban the V. (1362—1370). He and Guy de Chauliac never mention each other.

29 Dalechamp, p.205—where, and at pp.32–36, the plague-eruptions are mentioned in the usual indefinite terms: Exanthemata viridia, cÆrulea, nigra, rubra, lata, diffusa, velut signata punctis, &c.

30 “Pestilentis morbi gravissimum symptoma est, quod zonam vulgo nuncupant. Ea sic fit: PustulÆ nonnunquam per febres pestilentes fuscÆ, nigrÆ, lividÆ existunt, in partibus corporis a glandularum emissariis sejunctis, ut in femore, tibia, capite, brachio, humeris, quarum fervore et caliditate succi corporis attracti, glandulas in trajectione replent, et attollunt, unde bubones fiunt atque carbunculi. Ab iis tanquam solidus quidam nervus in partem vicinam distentam ac veluti convulsione rigentem producitur, puta Brachium vel tibiam, nunc rubens, nunc fuscus, nunc obscurior, nunc virens, nunc Iridis colore, duos vel quatuor digitos latus. Hujus summo, qua desinit in emissarium, plerumque tuberculum pestilens visitur, altero vero extremo, qua in propinquum membrum porrigitur, carbunculus. Hoc scilicet malum vulgus zonam cinctumve nominat, periculosum minus, cum hic tuberculo, illic carbunculo terminatur, quam si tuberculum in capite solum emineat.” p.198.

31 V. Hoff. Geschichte der natÜrlichen VerÄnderungen der ErdoberflÄche, T. II. p.264. Gotha, 1824. This eruption was not succeeded by any other in the same century, either of Etna or of Vesuvius.

32 Deguignes Loc. cit. p.226, from Chinese sources.

33 Deguignes Loc. cit. p.225.

34 There were also many locusts which had been blown into the sea by a hurricane, and afterwards cast dead upon the shore, and produced a noxious exhalation; and a dense and awful fog was seen in the heavens, rising in the East, and descending upon Italy. Mansfeld Chronicle, in Cyriac Spangenberg, chap. 287, fol. 336. Eisleben, 1572. Compare Staind. Chron. (?) by Schnurrer. (“Ingens vapor magnitudine horribili boreali movens, regionem magno adspicientium terrore dilabitur”.) and Ad. von Lebenwaldt, Land-Stadt-und Hausarzney-Buch fol. p.15. Nuremberg, 1695, who mentions a dark, thick mist which covered the earth. Chalin expresses himself on this subject in the following terms:—Coelum ingravescit, aËr impurus sentitur: nubes crassae ac multae luminibus coeli obstruunt, immundus ac ignavus tepor hominum emollit corpora, exoriens sol pallescit.” p.50.

35 See Caius’ account of the causes of the sweating sickness, in the Appendix.—Translator.

36 Mezeray Histoire de France, Tom. II. 418. Paris, 1685. V. Oudegheerst's Chroniques de Flandres. Antwerp, 1571, 4to. Chap. 175, f. 297.

37 They spread in a direction from East to West, over most of the countries from which we have received intelligence. Anonym. Leobiens, Chron. Loc. cit.

38 Giov. Villani Istorie Fiorentine>, L. XII. chap. 121, 122. in Muratori T. XIII. pp.1001, 1002. Compare Barnes Loc. cit. p.430.

39 I. Vitodaran. Chronicon, in Fuseli. Thesaurus Histor. Helvet. Tigur. 1735, fol. p.84.

40 Albert Argentiniens. Chronic. in Urstis Scriptor. rer. Germanic. Francof. 1585. fol. P. II. p.147. Compare Chalin. Loc. Cit.

41 Petrach. Opera. Basil 1554. fol. p.210. Barnes. Loc. cit.

42 “Un tremblement de terre universel, mesme en France et aux pays septentrionaux, renversoit les villes toutes entiÈres, dÉracinoit les arbres et les montagnes, et remplissoit les campagnes d’abysmes si profondes, qu’il semblait que l’enfer eÛt voulu engloutir le genre humain. Mezeray Loc. cit. p.418. Barnes p.431.

43 Villani. Loc. cit. c. 119. p.1000.

44 Guillelm de Nanges, Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 109.

45 Guillelm de Nanges Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 110.

46 Villani. Loc. cit. c. 72. p.954.

47 Anonym. Istorie Pistolesi, in Muratori, T. XI. p. 524. “Ne gli anni di Chr. 1346 et 1347, fu grandissima carestia in tutta la ChristianitÀ, in tanto, che molta genie moria di fame, e fu grande mortalitÀ in ogni paese del mondo.”

48 According to Papon, its origin is quite lost in the obscurity of remote ages; and even before the Christian Era, we are able to trace many references to former pestilences. De la peste, ou Époques mÉmorables de ce flÉau, et les moyens de s’en prÉserver. T. II. Paris, An. VIII de la rÉp. 8.

49 1301, in the South of France; 1311, in Italy; 1316, in Italy, Burgundy and Northern Europe; 1335, the locust years, in the middle of Europe; 1340, in upper Italy; 1342, in France; and 1347, in Marseilles and most of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. Ibid. T. II. p.273.

50 Compare Deguignes. Loc. cit. p.288.

51 According to the general Byzantine designation, “from the country of the hyperborean Scythians.” Kantakuzen. Loc. cit.

52 Guid. Cauliac, Loc. cit.

53 Matt. Villani, Istorie, in Muratori, T. XIV. p.14.

54 Annal. Caesenat, Ibid. p.1179.

55 Barnes. Loc. cit.

56 Olof Dalin’s, Svea-Rikes Historie, III. vol. Stockholm, 1747–61, 4. Vol.II. C. 12, p.496.

57 Dlugoss, Histor. Polon. L. IX. p.1086, T. I. Lips. 1711, fol.

58 Deguignes, Loc. cit. p.223, f.

59 Matt. Villani, Istoria, Loc. cit. p.13.

60 Knighton, in Barnes, Loc. cit. p.434.

61 Jno. Trithem Annal. Hirsaugiens. Monast. St. Gall. Hirsaug. 1690. fol. 1. T. II. p.296. According to Boccacio, Loc. cit. 100,000; according to Matt. Villani, Loc. cit. p.14. three out of five.

62 Odoric Raynald Annal. ecclesiastic. Colon. Agripp. 1691. fol. Vol.XVI. p.280.

63 Vitoduran Chronic, in FÜssli. Loc. cit.

64 Tromby, Storia de S. Brunone e dell’ ordine Cartusiano. Vol.VI. L. VIII. p.235. Napol. 1777. fol.

65 Barnes p.435.

66 Ditto.

67 Baluz. Vitae Papar. Avenionens. Paris 1693–4. Vol.I. p.316. According to Rebdorf in Freher. Loc. cit. at the worst period, 500 daily.

68 KÖnigshoven. Loc. cit.

69 According to Reimer Kork, from Easter to Michaelmas 1350, 80 to 90,000; among whom were eleven members of the senate, and bishop John IV. Vid. John Rud. Becker, Circumstantial History of the Imper. and free city of LÜbeck. LÜbeck: 1782, 84, 1805. 3 Vols. 4. Vol.I. p.269. 71. Although LÜbeck was then in its most flourishing state, yet this account, which agrees with that of Paul Lange, is certainly exaggerated. (Chronic. Citizense, in I. Pistorius, Rerum Germanic. Scriptores aliquot insignes, cur. Struve Ratisb. 1626. fol. p.1214.) We have, therefore, chosen the lower estimate of an anonym. writer. Chronic. Sclavic. by Erpold Lindenbrog. Scriptores rerum Germanic. Septentrional, vicinorumque populor. diversi, Francof. 1630. fol. p. 225, and Spangenberg. Loc. cit. with whom again the assurance of the two authors, that on the 10th August, 1350, 15 or 1700, (according to Becker 2500) persons had died, does not coincide. See Chronik des Franciskaner Lesemeisters Detmar, nach der Urschrift und mit ErgÄnzugen aus anderen Chroniken, published by I. H. Grautoff. Hamburg: 1829,—30. 8. P. I. p.269. App. 471.

70 FÖrstemann, Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen Geisslergesellschaften, in Staudlins und Izschirner’s, Archiv fÜr alte und neue Kirchengeschichte, Vol. III. 1817.

71 Limburg. Chronicle, pub. by C. D. Vogel. Marburg: 1828. 8vo. p.14.

72 Barnes. Loc. cit.

73 Ibid.

74 Spangenberg. fol. 339. A. Grawsam Sterben vieler faulen Troppfen. Many lazy monks died a cruel death.

75 Vitoduran. Loc. cit.

76 Becker, Loc. cit.

77 Hainr. Rebdorf. P. 630.

78 Guillelm de Nang. Loc. cit.

79 Johanna, queen of Navarre, daughter of Louis X., and Johanna of Burgundy, wife of king Philip de Valois.

80 Fulco de Chanar.

81 Mich. Felibien, Histoire de la ville de Paris. Liv. XII. Vol.II. p.601, Paris: 1725. fol. Comp. Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit, and Daniel Histoire de France, Tom. II. p.484. Amsterd. 1720. 4to.

82 Torfaeus. Loc. cit.

83 According to another account, 960. Chronic. Salisburg, in Pez. Loc. cit. T. I. p.412.

84 According to an anonymous Chronicler, each of these pits is said to have contained 40,000; this, however, we are to understand as only in round numbers. Anonym. Leobiens, in Pez. p.970. According to this writer, above seventy persons died in some houses, and many were entirely deserted, and at St. Stephen’s alone, fifty-four ecclesiastics were cut off.

85 Auger. de Biterris in Muratori. Vol.III. P. II. p. 556. In Gobelin Person, the same is said of Paderborn, in Henr. Meibom. Rer. Germanic. Script. T. I. p.286. Helmstadt: 1688. fol.

86 Spangenberg. Loc. cit. chap. 287, fol. 336–7.

87 Barnes. 435.

88 Trithem. Annal. Hirsaug. Loc. cit.

89 Loc. cit. L. XII. c. 99. p.977.

90 Chronic. Claustro-Neuburg. in Pez. Vol.I. p. 490. Comp. Barnes p.435. Raynald Histor. ecclesiastic Loc. cit. According to this, a runaway Venetian is said to have brought the plague to Padua.

91 Giov. Villani, L. XII. c. 83, p.964.

92 Barnes, p.436.

93 Wood, Loc. cit.

94 Wood says, that before the plague, there were 13,000 students at Oxford; a number, which may, in some degree, enable us to form an estimate of the state of education in England at that time, if we consider that the universities were, in the middle ages, frequented by younger students, who in modern times do not quit school till their 18th year.

95 Barnes and Wood. Loc. cit.

96 Gobelin Person, in Meibom. Loc. cit.

97 Juan de Mariana. Historia General de EspaÑa. Illustrated by Don JosÉ Sabau y Blanco. Tom. IX. Madrid: 1819, 8vo. Libro XVI. p.225. Don Diego Ortiz de ZuÑiga, Annales ecclesiasticos y seculares de Sevilla. Madrid: 1795, 4to. T. II. p.121. Don Juan de Ferreras, Historia de EspaÑa. Madrid: 1721. T. VII. p.353.

98 Gobelin Person. Loc. cit. V. Chalin, p.53.

99 Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit.

100 Spangenberg. fol. 337. b. Limburg. Chronic. p.20. “Und die auch von Rom kamen, wurden eines Theils bÖser als sie vor gewesen waren.”

101 Guillelm de Nangis. Loc. cit. and many others.

102 Dalin’s Svea Rikes Historie, Vol.II. c. xii. p.496.

103 Saabye. Tagebuch in GrÖnland. Einleit. XVIII.—Torfaei Histor. Norveg. Tom. IV. L. IX, c. viii. p. 478–79. F. G. Mansa, De epidemiis maxime memorabilibus quÆ in Dania GrassatÆ sunt, et de MedicinÆ statu. Partic. I. Havn. 1831, 8vo. p.12.

104 Torfaei Groenlandia antiqua, s. veteris GroenlandiÆ descriptio. HavniÆ, 1715, 8vo. p.23—Potan. Rer. danicar. Histor. Amstelod. 1631, fol. L. VII. p. 476.

105 Richter, Loc. cit.

106 We may take this view of the subject from Guillelm de Nangis and Barnes, if we read them with attention. Olof Dalin, Loc. cit.

107 Practica de aegritudinibus a capite usque ad pedes, Papiae, 1486, fol. Tract, VI. c. vii.

108 “Darnach, da das Sterben, die Geiselfarth, RÖmerfarth, Judenschlacht, als vorgeschrieben steht, ein End hatte, da hub die Welt wieder an zu leben und frÖhlich zu seyn, und machten die MÄnner neue Kleidung.” Limburg Chronik, p.26. After this when, as was stated before, the mortality, the processions of the Flagellants, the expeditions to Rome, and the massacre of the Jews, were at an end, the world begun to revive and be joyful, and the people put on new clothing.

109 Chalin, Loc. cit. p.92. Detmar’s LÜbeck Chronicle, T. I. p.401.

110 Chronic. Ditmari, Episcop. Mersepurg, Francof. 1580, fol. p.358.——“Spangenberg, p.338. The lamentation was pitiful; and the only remaining solace, was the prevalent anxiety, inspired by the danger, to prepare for a glorious departure; no other hope remained—death appeared inevitable. Many were hence induced to search into their own hearts, to turn to God, and to abandon their wicked courses: parents warned their children, and instructed them how to pray, and to submit to the ways of Providence: neighbours mutually admonished each other; none could reckon on a single hour’s respite. Many persons, and even young children, were seen bidding farewell to the world; some with prayer, others with praises on their lips.”

111 Torfaei Hist. rer. Norvegic, L. IX. c. viii, p.478. (Havn. 1711, fol.) Die Cronica van der hilliger stat van Coellen, off dat tzytboich, Coellen, 1499, fol. p. 263. “In dem vurss jair erhoiff sich eyn alzo wunderlich nuwe Geselschaft in Ungarien.” &c. The Chronicle of the holy city of Cologne, 1499. In this same year, a very remarkable Society was formed in Hungary.

112 Albert. Argentinens. Chronic, p.149, in Chr. Urstisius. Germaniae historicorum illustrium Tomus unus. Francof. 1585, fol.—Guillelm de Nang. Loc. cit.—See also the Saxon Chronicle, by Mattheus Dresseren, Physician and Professor at Leipsig, Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p.340; the above-named Limburg Chronicle, and the Germaniae Chronicon, on the origin, name, commerce, &c., of all the Teutonic Nations of Germany: by Seb. Francken, of WÖrd. Tubingen, 1534, fol. p.201.

113 KÖnigshoven, Elsassische und Strassburgische Chronicke. Loc cit. p.297.

114 Albert Argentin. Loc. cit. They never remained longer than one night at any place.

115 Words of Monachus Paduanus, quoted in FÖrstemann’s Treatise, which is the best upon this subject.—See p. 60.

116 Schnurrer, Chronicle of the Plagues, T. I. p.291.

117 KÖnigshoven. Loc. cit.

118 FÖrstemann, Loc. cit. The pilgrimages of the Flagellants of the year 1349, were not the last. Later in the 14th century, this fanaticism still manifested itself several times, though never to so great an extent: in the 15th century, it was deemed necessary, in several parts of Germany, to extirpate them by fire and sword;—and in the year 1710, processions of the Cross-bearers were still seen in Italy. How deep this mania had taken root, is proved by the deposition of a citizen of NordhÄusen (1446): that his wife, in the belief of performing a Christian act, wanted to scourge her children, as soon as they were baptized.

119 KÖnigshoven, p.298:
“Stant uf durch der reinen Martel ere;
Und hÜte dich vor der SÜnden mere.”

120 Guill. de Nang. Loc. cit.

121 Albert Argentinens. Loc. cit.

122 We meet with fragments of different lengths in the Chronicles of the times, but the only entire MS. which we possess, is in the valuable Library of President von Meusebach. Massmann has had this printed, accompanied by a translation, entitled ErlÄuterungen zum Wessobrunner Gebet des 8^ten Jahrhunderts. Nebst Zweien noch ungedruckten, Gedichten des Vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1824. “Elucidation of the Wessobrunn Prayer of the 8th century, together with two unpublished Hymns of the 14th century.” We shall subjoin it at the end of this Treatise, as a striking document of the age. The Limburg Chronicle asserts, indeed, that it was not composed till that time, although a part, if not the whole, of it, was sung in the procession of the Flagellants, in 1260.—See, Incerti auctoris Chronicon rerum per Austriam Vicinasque regiones gestarum inde ab anno 1025, usque ad annum 1282, Munich, 1827–8, p. 9.

123 Trithem. Annal. Hirsaugiens, T. II. p.206.

124 He issued a bull against them, Oct. 20, 1349. Raynald. Trithem. Loc. cit.

125 But as they at last ceased to excite astonishment, were no longer welcomed by the ringing of bells, and were not received with veneration, as before, they vanished as human imaginations are wont to do. Saxon Chronicle, by Matt. Dresseren. Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p.340–341.

126 Albert Argentinens. Loc. cit.

127 Guillelm de Nangis.

128 Ditmar. Loc. cit.

129 Klose of Breslaw’s Documental History and Description, 8vo. Vol.II. p.190. Breslaw, 1781.

130 Limburg Chronicle, p.17.

131 Kehrberg’s Description of KÖnigsberg, i.e. Neumark, 1724, 4to. p.240.

132 So says the Polish historian Dlugoss, Loc. cit., while most of his contemporaries, mention only the poisoning of the wells. It is evident, that in the state of their feelings, it mattered little to them to add another still more formidable accusation.

133 In those places where no Jews resided, as in Leipsig, Magdeburg, Brieg, Frankenstein, &c. the grave-diggers were accused of the crime.—V. MÖhsen’s History of the Sciences in the March of Brandenburg, T. II. p.265.

134 See the original proceedings, in the Appendix.

135 Hermanni Gygantis Flores temporum, sive Chronicon Universale—Ed. Meuschen. Lugdun, Bat. 1743. 4to. p.139. Hermann, a Franciscan monk of Franconia, who wrote in the year 1349, was an eye-witness of the most revolting scenes of vengeance, throughout all Germany.

136 Guid. Cauliac. Loc. cit.

137 Hermann. Loc. cit.

138 Albert Argentin.—KÖnigshoven, Loc. cit.

139 Dies was ouch die Vergift, die die Juden dÖttete. “This is also the poison that killed the Jews,” observes KÖnigshoven, which he illustrates by saying, that their increase in Germany was very great, and their mode of gaining a livelihood, which, however, was the only resource left them, had engendered ill-will against them in all quarters.

140 Many wealthy Jews, for example, were, on their way to the stake, stripped of their garments, for the sake of the gold coin that was sewed in them.—Albert Argentinens.

141 Vide preceding note.

142 Spangenberg. Loc. cit.

143 Guillelm. de Nangis.—Dlugoss. Loc. cit.

144 Albert. Argentinens.

145 Spangenberg describes a similar scene which took place at Kostnitz.

146 Guillelm de Nang.—Raynald.

147 Histor. Landgrav. Thuring. in Pistor. Loc. cit. Vol.I. p.948.

148 Anonym. Leobiens, in Pez. Loc. cit.

149 Spangenberg. In the county of Mark, the Jews were no better off than in the rest of Germany. Margrave Ludwig, the Roman, even countenanced their persecutions, of which Kehrberg, Loc. cit. 241, gives the following official account: Coram cunctis Christi fidelibus praesentia percepturis, ego Johannes dictus de Wedel Advocatus, inclyti Principis Domini, Ludovici, Marchionis, publice profiteor et recognosco, quod nomine Domini mei civitaten KÖnigsberg visitavi et intravi, et ex parte Domini Marchionis Consulibus ejusdem civitatis in adjutorium mihi assumtis, Judaeos inibi morantes igne cremavi, bonaque omnia eorundem Judaeorum ex parte Domini mei totaliter usurpavi et assumsi. In cujus testimonum praesentibus meum sigillum appendi. Datum A. D. 1351. in Vigilia S. Matthaei Apostoli.

150 Basnage Histoire des Juifs. A la Haye, 1716. 8vo. T. IX. Pt. II. Liv. IX. ch. 23. §. 12–24. p. 664–679. This valuable work gives an interesting account of the state of the Jews of the middle ages. Compare J. M. Jost’s History of the Israelites from the time of the Maccabees to the present day. T. VII. Berlin, 1827. 8vo. p.8–262.

151 Albert Argentinens.

152 Hermann. Gygas. Loc. cit.

153 On this subject see KÖnigshoven, who has preserved very valuable original proceedings. The most important are, the criminal examinations of ten Jews, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, held in September and October, 1348.—V. Appendix. They produced the most strange confessions, and sanctioned, by the false name of justice, the blood-thirsty fanaticism which lighted the funeral piles. Copies of these proceedings were sent to Bern and Strasburg, where they gave rise to the first persecutions against the Jews.—V. also the original Document of the offensive and defensive Alliance between Berthold von GÖtz, Bishop of Strasburg, and many powerful lords and nobles, in favor of the city of Strasburg, against Charles IV. The latter saw himself compelled, in consequence, to grant to that city an amnesty for the Jewish persecutions, which in our days would be deemed disgraceful to an imperial crown. Not to mention many other documents, which no less clearly shew the spirit of the 14th century, p.1021. f.

154 Guillelm de Nangis. p.110.

155 “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”—Chalin, p. 33.

156 Jacob. Francischini de Ambrosiis. In the Appendix to the Istorie Pistolesi. Muratori, Tom. XI. p. 528.

157 Gentilis de Fulgineo, Consilia. De Peste cons. I. II. fol. 76. 77. Venet. 1514. fol.

158 “Venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de quibus exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons. I. fol. 76, a.

159 Dr. Maclean’s notion that the doctrine of contagion was first promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III. &c., thus falls to the ground, together with all the arguments founded on it.—See Maclean on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo. 1817, Pt. II. Book II. ch. 3. 4.—Transl. note.

160 Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.—Chalin de Vinario, p.149.

161 See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol.II. P. III.

162 Compare Marx, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad. 1824. 8.

163 Cael. Aurelian. Chron. L. IV. c. l. p.497. Ed. Amman. “Sed hi Ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum, quod a se alienum humanitas approbat medicinÆ.”

164 Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol.II. p.248.

165 Chalin assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by closing their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy of note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, that the continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally esteemed more advantageous and conservative, on account of its being more impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the inferior cause kept off the superior.—Chalin, p. 48.

166 This was called Affluxus, or Forma specifica, and was compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on chaff.—Chalin de Vinario, p.23.

167 Causa universalis agens—causa particularis patiens. To this correspond, in Chalin, the expressions Causa superior et inferior.

168 Purging with alÖetic pills; bleeding; purification of the air by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling to volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the internal use of Armenian bole,—a plague-remedy derived from the Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to resist putridity. Guy de Chauliac appears to have recommended flight to many. Loc. citat. p.115. Compare Chalin, L. II. who gives most excellent precepts on this subject.

169 Auger. de Biterris. Loc. cit.

170 L. I. c. 4. p.39.

171 Fol.32. a. a. O.

172 Galeacii de Sancta Sophia, Liber de Febribus. Venet. 1514, fol. (Printed together with Guilelmus Brixiensis, Marsilius de Sancta Sophia, Ricardus Parisiensis. fol. 29. seq.)

173 Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture.

174 The talented Chalin entertains the same conviction, “Obscurum interdum esse vitium aËris, sub pestis initia et menses primos, hoc est argumento: quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, nec turpi colore foedatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, qualis in montosis et asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, vehementissima sit tamen pestilentia infestaque, etc.” p. 28. The most recent observers of malaria have stated nothing more than this.

175 Compare Enr. di Wolmar, Abhandlung Über die Pest. Berlin, 1827. 8vo.

176 Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48.

177 De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a Jacobo Dalechampio, Lugdun. 1552. 16. p.40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi congressu eorum qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur et gravissime, quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aËris vitio, et eorum qui versantur nobiscum, vitio. Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius accessu in totam modo familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis invehatur.” Compare p. 20, “SolÆ privatorum aedes pestem sentiunt, si adeat qui in pestilenti loco versatus est.”—“Nobis proximi ipsi sumus, nemoque est tanta occoecatus amentia, qui de sua salute potius quam aliorum sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam cita et rapida.” Rather a loose principle, which might greatly encourage low sentiments, and much endanger the honor of the medical profession, but which, in Chalin, who was aware of the impossibility of avoiding contagion in uncleanly dwellings, is so far excusable, that he did not apply it to himself.

178 Morbos omnes pestilentes contagiosos, audacter ego equidem pronuntio et assevero, p.149.

179 Vide preceding note, p.162. 163.

180 Ibid. p.97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prÆtextu, genio plus satis indulgent et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the 14th century.

181 Ibid. p.183. 151.

182 Ibid. p.159. 189.

183 Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s. l., cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa ex ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi propinquorum principaliter.”

184 Valesci de Tharanta, Philonium. Lugdani, 1535. 8. L. VII., c. 18., fol. 401., b. seq.—Compare Astruc, MÉmoires pour servir À l’Histoire de la FacultÉ de MÉdicine de Montpellier, Paris, 1767. 4. p.208.

185 Chronicon Regiense, Muratori, Tom. XVIII. p.82.

186 Adr. Chenot, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen Über die Ärztlichen und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche, Wien, 1798, 8vo. p.146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to barricade the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and to suffer the inhabitants to perish without mercy.—S. MÖhsen, Loc. cit.

187 Chron. Reg. Loc. cit.

188 Muratori, Tom. XVI., p.560.—Compare Chenot, loc. cit. p.146.

189 Papon, loc. cit.

190 Chenot, p.145.

191 Le Bret, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 1775. 4, Part II., Div. 2, p.752.

192 Zagata, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III., p.93.

193 Le Bret, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the year 1700, p.282 and 305.

194 GÖttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p.22.

195 The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’ sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same length of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon term (SÄchsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &c. Compare G. W. Wedel. Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. De Quadragesima Medica. Jenae, 1701. 4, Dec. IV., p. 16.

196 We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous thunders were regarded by the people.

197 For the sake of thy Trinity.

198 An appearance of justice having been given to all later persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we have preferred the German translation in KÖnigshoven’s Chronicle, p. 1029.