LETTERS. LETTER I.

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To Caspar Hofmann, M.D. Published at Nurenberg, in the ‘Spicilegium Illustrium Epistolarum ad Casp. Hofmannum.’

Your opinion of me, my most learned Hofmann, so candidly given, and of the motion and circulation of the blood, is extremely gratifying to me; and I rejoice that I have been permitted to see and to converse with a man so learned as yourself, whose friendship I as readily embrace as I cordially return it. But I find that you have been pleased first elaborately to inculpate me, and then to make me pay the penalty, as having seemed to you “to have impeached and condemned Nature of folly and error; and to have imputed to her the character of a most clumsy and inefficient artificer, in suffering the blood to become recrudescent, and making it return again and again to the heart in order to be reconcocted, to grow effete as often in the general system; thus uselessly spoiling the perfectly-made blood, merely to find her in something to do.” But where or when anything of the kind was ever said, or even imagined by me—by me, who, on the contrary, have never lost an opportunity of expressing my admiration of the wisdom and aptness and industry of Nature,—as you do not say, I am not a little disturbed to find such things charged upon me by a man of sober judgment like yourself. In my printed book, I do, indeed, assert that the blood is incessantly moving out from the heart by the arteries to the general system, and returning from this by the veins back to the heart, and with such an ebb and flow, in such mass and quantity that it must necessarily move in some way in a circuit. But if you will be kind enough to refer to my eighth and ninth chapters you will find it stated in so many words that I have purposely omitted to speak of the concoction of the blood, and of the causes of this motion and circulation, especially of the final cause. So much I have been anxious to say, that I might purge myself in the eyes of a learned and much respected man,—that I might feel absolved of the infamy of meriting such censure. And I beg you to observe, my learned, my impartial friend, if you would see with your own eyes the things I affirm in respect of the circulation,—and this is the course which most beseems an anatomist,—that I engage to comply with your wishes, whenever a fit opportunity is afforded; but if you either decline this, or care not by dissection to investigate the subject for yourself, let me beseech you, I say, not to vilipend the industry of others, nor charge it to them as a crime; do not derogate from the faith of an honest man, not altogether foolish nor insane, who has had experience in such matters for a long series of years.

Farewell, and beware! and act by me, as I have done by you; for what you have written I receive as uttered in all candour and kindness. Be sure, in writing to me in return, that you are animated by the same sentiments.

NÜrnberg, May 20th, 1636.

LETTER II.

To Paul Marquard Slegel, of Hamburg.

I congratulate you much, most learned sir, on your excellent commentary, in which you have replied in a very admirable manner to Riolanus, the distinguished anatomist, and, as you say, formerly your teacher: invincible truth has, indeed, taught the scholar to vanquish the master. I was myself preparing a sponge for his most recent arguments; but intent upon my work ‘On the Generation of Animals’ (which, but just come forth, I send to you), I have not had leisure to produce it. And now I rather rejoice in the silence, as from your supplement I perceive that it has led you to come forward with your excellent reflections, to the common advantage of the world of letters. For I see that in your most ornate book (I speak without flattery), you have skilfully and nervously confuted all his machinations against the circulation, and successfully thrown down the scaffolding of his more recent opinions. I am, therefore, but little solicitous about labouring at any ulterior answer. Many things might, indeed, be adduced in confirmation of the truth, and several calculated to shed clearer light on the art of medicine; but of these we shall perhaps see further by and by.

Meantime, as Riolanus uses his utmost efforts to oppose the passage of the blood into the left ventricle through the lungs, and brings it all hither through the septum, and so vaunts himself on having upset the very foundations of the Harveian circulation (although I have nowhere assumed such a basis for my doctrine; for there is a circulation in many red-blooded animals that have no lungs), it may be well here to relate an experiment which I lately tried in the presence of several of my colleagues, and from the cogency of which there is no means of escape for him. Having tied the pulmonary artery, the pulmonary veins, and the aorta, in the body of a man who had been hanged, and then opened the left ventricle of the heart, we passed a tube through the vena cava into the right ventricle of the heart, and having, at the same time, attached an ox’s bladder to the tube, in the same way as a clyster-bag is usually made, we filled it nearly full of warm water, and forcibly injected the fluid into the heart, so that the greater part of a pound of water was thrown into the right auricle and ventricle. The result was, that the right ventricle and auricle were enormously distended, but not a drop of water or of blood made its escape through the orifice in the left ventricle. The ligatures having been undone, the same tube was passed into the pulmonary artery, and a tight ligature having been put round it to prevent any reflux into the right ventricle, the water in the bladder was now pushed towards the lungs, upon which a torrent of the fluid, mixed with a quantity of blood, immediately gushed forth from the perforation in the left ventricle; so that a quantity of water, equal to that which was pressed from the bladder into the lungs at each effort, instantly escaped by the perforation mentioned. You may try this experiment as often as you please; the result you will still find to be as I have stated it.

With this one experiment you may easily put an end to all Riolanus’s altercations on the matter, to which he, nevertheless, so entirely trusts, that, without adducing so much as a single experiment in support of his views, he has been led to invent a new circulation, and even so far to commit himself as to say that, unless the old doctrine of the circulation[404] be overturned, his own is inadmissible. We may pardon this distinguished individual for not having sooner discovered a hidden truth; but that he, so well skilled in anatomy as he is, should obstinately contend against a truth illustrated by the clearest light of reason, this surely is argument of his envy—let me not call it by any worse name. But, perhaps, we are still to find an excuse for Riolanus, and to say, that what he has written is not so much of his own motion, as in discharge of the duties of his office, and with a view to stand well with his colleagues. As Dean of the College of Paris, he was bound to see the physic of Galen kept in good repair, and to admit no novelty into the school, without the most careful winnowing, lest, as he says, the precepts and dogmata of physic should be disturbed, and the pathology which has for so many years obtained the sanction of all the learned in assigning the causes of disease, be overthrown. He has been playing the part of the advocate, therefore, rather than of the practised anatomist. But, as Aristotle tells us, it is not less absurd to expect demonstrative arguments from the advocate, than it is to look for persuasive arguments from the demonstrator or teacher. For the sake of the old friendship subsisting between us, moreover, and the high praise which he has lavished on the doctrine of the circulation, I cannot find it in my heart to say anything severe of Riolanus.

I therefore return to you, most learned Siegel, and say, that I wish greatly I had been so full and explicit in what I have said on the subject of anastomosis in my disquisition to Riolanus, as would have left you with no doubts or scruples on the matter. I could wish, also, that you had taken into account not only what I have there denied, but likewise what I have asserted on the transference of the blood from the arteries into the veins; especially as I there seem to have pointed out some cause both for my inquiry and for my negation, to hint at a certain cause. I confess, I say, nay, I even pointedly assert, that I have never found any visible anastomoses. But this was particularly said against Riolanus, who limited the circulation of the blood to the larger vessels only, with which, therefore, these anastomoses, if any such there were, must have been made conformable, viz. of ample size, and distinctly visible. Although it be true, therefore, that I totally deny all anastomoses of this description—anastomoses in the way the word is commonly understood, and as the meaning has come down to us from Galen, viz. a direct conjunction between the orifices of the [visible] arteries and veins—I still admit, in the same disquisition, that I have found what is equivalent to this in three places, namely, in the plexus of the brain, in the spermatic or preparing arteries and veins, and in the umbilical arteries and veins. I shall now, therefore, for your sake, my learned friend, enter somewhat more at large into my reasons for rejecting the vulgar notion of the anastomoses, and explain my own conjectures concerning the mode of transition of the blood from the minute arteries into the finest veins.

All reasonable medical men, both of ancient and modern times, have believed in a mutual transfusion, or accession and recession of the blood between the arteries and the veins; and for the sake of permitting this, they have imagined certain inconspicuous openings, or obscure foramina, through which the blood flowed hither and thither, moving out of one vessel and returning to it again. Wherefore it is not wonderful that Riolanus should in various places find that in the ancients which is in harmony with the doctrine of a circulation. For a circulation in such sort teaches nothing more than that the blood flows incessantly from the veins into the arteries, and from the arteries back again into the veins. But as the ancients thought that this movement took place indeterminately, by a kind of accident, in one and the same place, and through the same channels, I imagine that they therefore found themselves compelled to adopt a system of anastomoses, or fine mouths mutually conjoined, and serving both systems of vessels indifferently. But the circulation which I discovered teaches clearly that there is a necessary outward and backward flow of the blood, and this at different times and places, and through other and yet other channels and passages; that this flow is determinate also, and for the sake of a certain end, and is accomplished in virtue of parts contrived for the purpose with consummate forecast and most admirable art. So that the doctrine of the motion of the blood from the veins into the arteries, which antiquity only understood in the way of conjecture, and which it also spoke of in confused and indefinite terms, was laid down by me with its assured and necessary causes, and presents itself to the understanding as a thing extremely clear, perfectly well arranged, and of approved verity. And then, when I perceived that the blood was transferred from the veins into the arteries through the medium of the heart with singular art, and with the aid of an admirable apparatus of valves, I imagined that the transference from the extremities of the arteries into those of the veins could not be effected without some other admirable artifice, at least wherever there was no transudation through the pores of the flesh. I therefore held the anastomoses of the ancients as fairly open to suspicion, both as they nowhere presented themselves to our eyes, and as no sufficient reason was alleged for anything of the kind.

Since, then, I find a transit from the arteries into the veins in the three places which I have above mentioned, equivalent to the anastomoses of the ancients, and even affording the farther security against any regurgitation into the arteries of the blood once delivered to the veins, and as a mechanism of such a kind is more elaborate and better suited to the circulation of the blood, I have therefore thought that the anastomoses imagined by the ancients were to be rejected. But you will ask, what is this artifice? what these ducts? viz. the small arteries, which are always much smaller—twice, even three times smaller—than the veins which they accompany, which they approach continually more and more, and within the tunics of which they are finally lost. I have been therefore led to conceive that the blood brought thus between the coats of the veins advanced for a certain way along them, and that the same thing took place here which we observe in the conjunction between the ureters and the bladder, and of the biliary duct with the duodenum. The ureters insinuate themselves obliquely and tortuously between the coats of the bladder, without anything in the nature of an anastomosis, yet in such a manner as occasionally affords a passage to blood, to pus, and to calculi; it is easy, moreover, to fill the bladder through them with air or water; but by no effort can you force anything from the bladder into them. I care not, however, to make any question here of the etymology of words; for I am not of opinion that it is the province of philosophy to infer aught as to the works of nature from the signification of words, or to cite anatomical disquisitions before the grammatical tribunal. Our business is not so much to inquire what a word properly signifies, as how it is commonly understood; for use and wont, as in so many other matters, are greatly to be considered in the interpretation of words. It seems to me, therefore, that we are to take especial care not to employ any unusual words, or any common ones already familiarly used, in a sense which is not in accordance with the meaning we purpose to attach to them. You indeed counsel well when you say, “only make sure of the thing, call it what you will.” But when we discover that a thing has hitherto been indifferently or incorrectly explained (as the sequel will show it to have been in the present case), I do not think that the old appellation can ever be well applied to the new fact; by using the old term you are apt to mislead where you desire to instruct. I acknowledge, then, a transit of the blood from the arteries, into the veins, and that occasionally immediate, without any intervention of soft parts; but it does not take place in the manner hitherto believed, and as you yourself would have it, where you say that anastomoses, correctly speaking, rather than an anastomosis, were required, namely, that the vessels may be open on either hand, and give free passage to the blood hither and thither. And hence it comes that you fail in the right solution of the question, when you ask how it happens that with the arteries as patent or pervious as the veins, the blood nevertheless flows only from the former into the latter, never from the latter into the former? For what you say of the impulse of the blood through the arteries does not fully solve the difficulty in the present instance. For if the aorta be tied near the left ventricle of the heart in a living animal, and all the blood removed from the arteries, the veins are still seen full of blood; so that it neither moves back spontaneously into the arteries, nor can it be repelled into these by any force, whilst even in a dead animal it nevertheless falls of its own accord through the finest pores of the flesh and skin from superior into inferior parts. The passage of the blood into the veins is, indeed, effected by the impulse in question, and not by any dilatation of these in the manner of bellows, by which the blood is drawn towards them; but there are no anastomoses of the vessels by conjunction (per copulam), in the way you mention, none where two vessels meeting are conjoined by equal mouths. There is only an opening of the artery into the vein, exactly in the same manner as the ureter opens into the bladder (and the biliary duct opens into the jejunum), by which, whilst the flow of urine is perfectly free towards the bladder, all reflux into the smaller conduits is effectually prevented; the fuller the bladder is, indeed, the more are the sides of the ureters compressed, and the more effectual is all ascent of urine in them prevented. Now, on this hypothesis, it is easy to render a reason for the experiment which I have already mentioned. I add further, that I can in nowise admit such anastomoses as are commonly imagined, inasmuch as the arteries being always much smaller than the veins, it is impossible that their sides can mutually conjoin in such a way as will allow of their forming a common meatus; it seems matter of necessity that things which join in this way should be of equal size. Lastly, these vessels having made a certain circuit, must, at their terminations, encounter one another; they would not, as it happens, proceed straight to the extremities of the body. And the veins, on their part, if they were conjoined with the arteries by mutual inosculations, would necessarily, and by reason of the continuity of parts, pulsate like the arteries.

And now, that I may make an end of my writing, I say, that whilst I think the industry of every one deserving of commendation, I do not remember that I have anywhere bepraised mine own. You, however, most excellent sir, I conceive have deserved high commendation, both for the care you have bestowed on your disquisition on the liver of the ox, and for the judgment you display in your observations. Go on, therefore, as you are doing, and grace the republic of letters with the fruits of your genius, for thus will you render a grateful service to all the learned, and especially to

Your loving
William Harvey.

Written in London, this 26th of March, 1651.

LETTER III.

To the very excellent John Nardi, of Florence.

I should have sent letters to you sooner, but our public troubles in part, and in part the labour of putting to press my work ‘On the Generation of Animals,’ have hindered me from writing. And indeed I, who receive your works—on the signal success of which I congratulate you from my heart—and along with them most kind letters, do but very little to one so distinguished as yourself in replying by a very short epistle. I only write at this time that I may tell you how constantly I think of you, and how truly I store up in my memory the grateful remembrance of all your kindnesses and good offices to myself and to my nephew, when we were each of us severally in Florence. I would wish, illustrious sir, to have your news as soon as convenient:—what you are about yourself, and what you think of this work of mine; for I make no case of the opinions and criticisms of our pretenders to scholarship, who have nothing but levity in their judgments, and indeed are wont to praise none but their own productions. As soon as I know that you are well, however, and that you live not unmindful of us here, I propose to myself frequently to enjoy this intercourse by letter, and I shall take care to transmit other books to you. I pray for many and prosperous years to your Duke; and for yourself a long e??e??a. Farewell, most learned sir, and love in return.

Yours, most truly,
William Harvey.

The 15th of July, 1651.

LETTER IV.

In reply to R. Morison, M.D., of Paris.

Illustrious Sir,—The reason why your most kind letter has remained up to this time unanswered is simply this, that the book of M. Pecquet, upon which you ask my opinion, did not come into my hands until towards the end of the past month. It stuck by the way, I imagine, with some one, who, either through negligence, or desiring himself to see what was newest, has for so long a time hindered me of the pleasure I have had in the perusal. That you may, therefore, at once and clearly know my opinion of this work, I say that I greatly commend the author for his assiduity in dissection, for his dexterity in contriving new experiments, and for the shrewdness which he still evinces in his remarks upon them. With what labour do we attain to the hidden things of truth when we take the averments of our senses as the guide which God has given us for attaining to a knowledge of his works; avoiding that specious path on which the eyesight is dazzled with the brilliancy of mere reasoning, and so many are led to wrong conclusions, to probabilities only, and too frequently to sophistical conjectures on things!

I further congratulate myself on his confirmation of my views of the circulation of the blood by such lucid experiments and clear reasons. I only wish he had observed that the heart has three kinds of motion, namely, the systole, in which the organ contracts and expels the blood contained in its cavities, and next, a movement, the opposite of the former one, in which the fibres of the heart appropriated to motion are relaxed. Now these two motions inhere in the substance of the heart itself, just as they do in all other muscles. The remaining motion is the diastole, in which the heart is distended by the blood impelled from the auricles into the ventricles; and the ventricles, thus replete and distended, are stimulated to contraction, and this motion always precedes the systole, which follows immediately afterwards.

With regard to the lacteal veins discovered by Aselli, and by the further diligence of Pecquet, who discovered the receptacle or reservoir of the chyle, and traced the canals thence to the subclavian veins, I shall tell you freely, since you ask me what I think of them. I had already, in the course of my dissections, I venture to say even before Aselli had published his book,[405] observed these white canals, and plenty of milk in various parts of the body, especially in the glands of younger animals, as in the mesentery, where glands abound; and thence I thought came the pleasant taste of the thymus in the calf and lamb, which, as you know, is called the sweetbread in our vernacular tongue. But for various reasons, and led by several experiments, I could never be brought to believe that that milky fluid was chyle conducted hither from the intestines, and distributed to all parts of the body for their nourishment; but that it was rather met with occasionally and by accident, and proceeded from too ample a supply of nourishment and a peculiar vigour of concoction; in virtue of the same law of nature, in short, as that by which fat, marrow, semen, hair, &c., are produced; even as in the due digestion of ulcers pus is formed, which the nearer it approaches to the consistency of milk, viz. as it is whiter, smoother, and more homogeneous, is held more laudable, so that some of the ancients thought pus and milk were of the same nature, or nearly allied. Wherefore, although there can be no question of the existence of the vessels themselves, still I can by no means agree with Aselli in considering them as chyliferous vessels, and this especially for the reasons about to be given, which lead me to a different conclusion. For the fluid contained in the lacteal veins appears to me to be pure milk, such as is found in the lacteal veins [the milk ducts] of the mammÆ. Now it does not seem to me very probable (any more than it does to Auzotius in his letter to Pecquet) that the milk is chyle, and thus that the whole body is nourished by means of milk. The reasons which lead to a contrary conclusion, viz. that it is chyle, are not of such force as to compel my assent. I should first desire to have it demonstrated to me by the clearest reasonings, and the guarantee of experiments, that the fluid contained in these vessels was chyle, which, brought hither from the intestines, supplies nourishment to the whole body. For unless we are agreed upon the first point, any ulterior, any more operose, discussion of their nature, is in vain. But how can these vessels serve as conduits for the whole of the chyle, or the nourishment of the body, when we see that they are different in different animals? In some they proceed to the liver, in others to the porta only, and in others still to neither of these. In some creatures they are seen to be extremely numerous in the pancreas; in others the thymus is crowded with them; in a third class, again, nothing can be seen of them in either of these organs. In some animals, indeed, such chyliferous canals are nowhere to be discovered (vide Liceti Epist. xiii, tit. ii, p. 83, et Sennerti Praxeos, lib. v, tit. 2, par. 3, cap. 1); neither do they exist in any at all times. But the vessels which serve for nutrition must necessarily both exist in all animals, and present themselves at all times; inasmuch as the waste incurred by the ceaseless efflux of the spirits, and the wear and tear of the parts of the body, can only be supplied by as ceaseless a restoration or nutrition. And then, their very slender calibre seems to render them not less inadequate to this duty than their structure seems to unfit them for its performance: the smaller channels ought plainly to end in larger ones, these in their turn in channels larger still, and the whole to concentrate in one great trunk, which should correspond in its dimensions to the aggregate capacity of all the branches; just such an arrangement as may be seen to exist in the vena portÆ and its tributaries, and farther in the trunk of the tree, which is equal to its roots. Wherefore, if the efferent canals of a fluid must be equal in dimensions to the afferent canals of the same fluid, the chyliferous ducts which Pecquet discovers in the thorax, ought at least to equal the two ureters in dimensions; otherwise they who drink a gallon or more of one of the acidulous waters could not pass off all this fluid in so short a space of time by these vessels into the bladder. And truly, when we see the matter of the urine passing thus copiously through the appropriate channels, I do not see how these veins could preserve their milky colour, and the urine all the while remain without a tinge of whiteness.

I add, too, that the chyle is neither in all animals, nor at all times, of the consistency and colour of milk; and therefore did these vessels carry chyle, they could not always (which nevertheless they do) contain a white fluid in their interior, but would sometimes be coloured yellow, green, or of some other hue (in the same way as the urine is affected, and acquires different colours from eating rhubarb, asparagus, figs, &c.); or otherwise, when large quantities of mineral water were drunk, they would be deprived of almost all colour. Besides, did that white matter pass from the intestines into those canals, or were it attracted from the intestines, the same fluid ought certainly to be discovered somewhere within the intestines themselves, or in their spongy tunics; for it does not seem probable that any fluid by bare and rapid percolation of the intestines could assume a new nature, and be changed into milk. Moreover, were the chyle only filtered through the tunics of the intestines, it ought surely to retain some traces of its original nature, and resemble in colour and smell the fluid contained in the intestines; it ought to smell offensively at least; for whatever is contained in the intestines is tinged with bile, and smells unpleasantly. Some have consequently thought that the body was nourished by means of chyle raised into attenuated vapour, because vapours exhaling in the alembic, even from foetid matters, often do not smell amiss.

The learned Pecquet ascribes the motion of this milky fluid to respiration. For my own part, though strongly tempted to do otherwise, I shall say nothing upon this topic until we are agreed as to what the fluid is. But were we to concede the point (which Pecquet takes for granted without any sufficient reason in the shape of argument), that chyle was continually transported by the canals in question from the intestines to the subclavian veins, in which the vessels he has lately discovered terminate, we should have to say that the chyle before reaching the heart was mixed with the blood which is about to enter the right side of the organ, and that it there obtains a further concoction. But what, some one might with as good reason ask, should hinder it from passing into the porta, then into the liver, and thence into the cava, in conformity with the arrangement which Aselli and others are said to have found? Why, indeed, should we not as well believe that the chyle enters the mouths of the mesenteric veins, and in this way becomes immediately mingled with the blood, where it might receive digestion and perfection from the heat, and serve for the nutrition of all the parts? For the heart itself can be accounted of higher importance than other parts; can be termed the source of heat and of life, upon no other grounds than as it contains a larger quantity of blood in its cavities, where, as Aristotle says, the blood is not contained in veins as it is in other parts, but in an ample sinus and cistern, as it were. And that the thing is so in fact, I find an argument in the distribution of innumerable arteries and veins to the intestines, more than to any other part of the body, in the same way as the uterus abounds with blood-vessels during the period of pregnancy. For nature never acts inconsiderately. In all the red-blooded animals, consequently, which require [abundant] nourishment, we find a copious distribution of mesenteric vessels; but lacteal veins we discover in but a few, and even in these not constantly. Wherefore, if we are to judge of the uses of parts as we meet with them in general and in the greater number of animals, beyond all doubt those filaments of a white colour, and very like the fibres of a spider’s web, are not instituted for the purpose of transporting nourishment, neither is the fluid they contain to be designated by the name of chyle; the mesenteric vessels are rather destined to the duty in question. Because, of that whence an animal is constituted, by that must it necessarily grow, and by that consequently be nourished; for the nutritive and augmentative faculties, or nutrition and growth, are essentially the same. An animal, therefore, naturally grows in the same manner as it receives immediate nutriment from the first. Now it is a most certain fact (as I have shown elsewhere) that the embryos of all red-blooded animals are nourished by means of the umbilical vessels from the mother, and this in virtue of the circulation of the blood. They are not nourished, however, immediately by the blood, as many have imagined, but after the manner of the chick in ovo, which is first nourished by the albumen, and then by the vitellus, which is finally drawn into and included within the abdomen of the chick. All the umbilical vessels, however, are inserted into the liver, or at all events pass through it, even in those animals whose umbilical vessels enter the vena portÆ, as in the chick, in which the vessels proceeding from the yelk always so terminate. In the selfsame way, therefore, as the chick is nourished from a nutriment, (viz. the albumen and vitellus,) previously prepared, even so does it continue to be nourished through the whole course of its independent existence. And the same thing, as I have elsewhere shown, is common to all embryos whatsoever: the nourishment mingled with the blood, is transmitted through their veins to the heart, whence moving on by the arteries, it is carried to every part of the body. The foetus when born, when thrown upon its own resources, and no longer immediately nourished by the mother, makes use of its stomach and intestines just as the chick makes use of the contents of the egg, and vegetables make use of the ground whence they derive concocted nutriment. For even as the chick at the commencement obtained its nourishment from the egg, by means of the umbilical vessels (arteries and veins) and the circulation of the blood, so does it subsequently, and when it has escaped from the shell, receive nourishment by the mesenteric veins; so that in either way the chyle passes through the same channels, and takes its route by the same path through the liver. Nor do I see any reason why the route by which the chyle is carried in one animal should not be that by which it is carried in all animals whatsoever; nor indeed, if a circulation of the blood be necessary in this matter, as it really is, that there is any need for inventing another way.

I must say that I greatly prize the industry of the learned Pecquet, and make much of the receptacle which he has discovered; still it does not present itself to me as of such importance as to force me from the opinion I have already given; for I have myself found several receptacles of milk in young animals; and in the human embryo I have found the thymus so distended with milk, that suspicions of an imposthume were at first sight excited, and I was disposed to believe that the lungs were in a state of suppuration, for the mass of the thymus looked actually larger than the lungs themselves. Frequently, too, I have found a quantity of milk in the nipples of new-born infants, as also in the breasts of young men who were very lusty. I have also met with a receptacle full of milk in the body of a fat and large deer, in the situation where Pecquet indicates his receptacle, of such a size that it might readily have been compared to the abomasus, or read of the animal.

These observations, learned sir, have I made at this time in answer to your letter, that I might show my readiness to comply with your wishes.

Pray present my most kind wishes to Dr. Pecquet and to Dr. Gayant. Farewell, and believe me to be, very affectionately and respectfully,

Yours,
William Harvey.

London, the 28th April, 1652.

LETTER V.

To the most excellent and learned John Nardi, of Florence.

Distinguished and accomplished Sir,—The arrival of your letter lately gave me the liveliest pleasure, and the receipt at the same time of your learned comments upon Lucretius satisfied me that you are not only living and well, but that you are at work among the sacred things of Apollo. I do indeed rejoice to see truly learned men everywhere illustrating the republic of letters, even in the present age, in which the crowd of foolish scribblers is scarcely less than the swarms of flies in the height of summer, and threatens with their crude and flimsy productions to stifle us as with smoke. Among other things that delighted me greatly in your book was that part where I see you ascribe plague almost to the same efficient cause as I do animal generation. Still it must be confessed that it is difficult to explain how the idea, or form, or vital principle should be transfused from the genitor to the genetrix, and from her transmitted to the conception or ovum, and thence to the foetus, and in this produce not only an image of the genitor, or an external species, but also various peculiarities or accidents, such as disposition, vices, hereditary diseases, nÆvi or mother-marks, &c. All of these accidents must inhere in the geniture and semen, and accompany that specific thing, by whatever name you call it, from which an animal is not only produced, but by which it is afterwards governed, and to the end of its life preserved. As all this, I say, is not readily accounted for, so do I hold it scarcely less difficult to conceive how pestilence or leprosy should be communicated to a distance by contagion, by a zymotic element contained in woollen or linen things, household furniture, even the walls of a house, cement, rubbish, &c., as we find it stated in the fourteenth chapter of Leviticus. How, I ask, can contagion, long lurking in such things, leave them in fine, and after a long lapse of time produce its like in another body? Nor in one or two only, but in many, without respect of strength, sex, age, temperament, or mode of life, and with such violence that the evil can by no art be stayed or mitigated. Truly it does not seem less likely that form, or soul, or idea, whether this be held substantive or accidental, should be transferred to something else, whence an animal at length emerges, all as if it had been produced on purpose, and to a certain end, with foresight, intelligence, and divine art.

These are among the number of more abstruse matters, and demand your ingenuity, most learned Nardi. Nor need you plead in excuse your advanced life; I myself, although verging on my eightieth year, and sorely failed in bodily strength, nevertheless feel my mind still vigorous, so that I continue to give myself up with the greatest pleasure to studies of this kind. I send you along with these, three books upon the subject you name.[406] If you will mention my name to his Serene Highness the Duke of Tuscany, with thankfulness for the distinguished honour he did me when I was formerly in Florence, and add my wishes for his safety and prosperity, you will do a very kind thing to

Your devoted and very attached friend,
William Harvey.

30th Nov. 1653.

LETTER VI.

To John Daniel Horst, principal Physician of Hesse-Darmstadt.

Excellent Sir,—I am much pleased to find, that in spite of the long time that has passed, and the distance that separates us, you have not yet lost me from your memory, and I could wish that it lay in my power to answer all your inquiries. But, indeed, my age does not permit me to have this pleasure, for I am not only far stricken in years, but am afflicted with more and more indifferent health. With regard to the opinions of Riolanus, and his decision as to the circulation of the blood, it is very obvious that he makes vast throes in the production of vast trifles; nor do I see that he has as yet satisfied a single individual with his figments. Siegel wrote well and modestly, and, had the fates allowed, would undoubtedly have answered his arguments and reproaches also. But Siegel as I learn, and grieve to learn, died some months ago. As to what you ask of me, in reference to the so-called lacteal veins and thoracic ducts, I reply, that it requires good eyes, and a mind free from other anxieties, to come to any definite conclusion in regard to these extremely minute vessels; to me, however, as I have just said, neither of these requisites is given. About two years ago, when asked my opinion on the same subject, I replied at length, and to the effect that it was not sufficiently determined whether it was chyle or one of the thicker constituents of milk, destined speedily to pass into fat, which flowed in these white vessels; and further that the vessels themselves are wanting in several animals, namely, birds and fishes, though it seems most probable that these creatures are nourished upon the same principles as quadrupeds; nor can any sufficient reason be rendered why in the embryo all nutriment, carried by the umbilical vein, should pass through the liver, but that this should not happen when the foetus is freed from the prison of the womb, and made independent. Besides, the thoracic duct itself, and the orifice by which it communicates with the subclavian vein, appear too small and narrow to suffice for the transmission of all the supplies required by the body. And I have asked myself farther, why such numbers of blood-vessels, arteries, and veins should be sent to the intestines if there were nothing to be brought back from thence? especially as these are mere membraneous parts, and on this account require a smaller supply of blood.

These and other observations of the same tenor I have already made,—not as being obstinately wedded to my own opinion, but that I might find out what could reasonably be urged to the contrary by the advocates of the new views. I am ready to award the highest praise to Pecquet and others for their singular industry in searching out the truth; nor do I doubt but that many things still lie hidden in Democritus’s well that are destined to be drawn up into the light by the indefatigable diligence of coming ages. So much do I say at this time, which, I trust, with your known kindness, you will take in good part. Farewell, learned friend; live happily, and hold me always

Yours, most affectionately,
William Harvey.

London, 1st February, 1654-5.

LETTER VII.

To the distinguished and learned John Dan. Horst, principal Physician at the Court of Hesse-Darmstadt.

Most excellent Sir,—Advanced age, which unfits us for the investigation of novel subtleties, and the mind which inclines to repose after the fatigues of lengthened labours, prevent me from mixing myself up with the investigation of these new and difficult questions: so far am I from courting the office of umpire in this dispute! I was anxious to do you a pleasure lately, when, in reply to your request, I sent you the substance of what I had formerly written to a Parisian physician as my ideas on the lacteal veins and thoracic ducts.[407] Not, indeed, that I was certain of the opinion then delivered, but that I might place these objections such as they were before those who fancy that when they have made a certain progress in discovery all is revealed by them.

With reference to your letters in reply, however, and in so far as the collection of milky fluid in the vessels of Aselli is concerned, I have not ascribed it to accident, and as if there were not certain assignable causes for its existence; but I have denied that it was found at all times in all animals, as the constant tenor of nutrition would seem to require. Nor is it requisite that a matter, already thin and much diluted, and which is to become fat after the ulterior concoction, should concrete in the dead animal. The instance of pus, I have adduced only incidentally and collaterally. The hinge upon which our whole discussion turns is the assumption that the fluid contained in the lacteal vessels of Aselli is chyle. This position I certainly do not think you demonstrate satisfactorily, when you say that chyle must be educed from the intestines, and that it can by no means be carried off by the arteries, veins, or nerves; and thence conclude that this function must be performed by the lacteals. I, however, can see no reason wherefore the innumerable veins which traverse the intestines at every point, and return to the heart the blood which they have received from the arteries, should not, at the same time, also suck up the chyle which penetrates the parts, and so transmit it to the heart; and this the rather, as it seems probable that some chyle passes immediately from the stomach before its contents have escaped into the intestines, (or how account for the rapid recovery of the spirits and strength in cases of fainting?) although no lacteals are distributed to the stomach.

With regard to the letter which you inform me you have addressed to Bartholin, I do not doubt of his replying to you as you desire; nor is there any occasion wherefore I should trouble you farther on that topic. I only say (keeping silence as to any other channels), that the nutritive juice might be as readily transported by the uterine arteries, and distilled into the uterus, as watery fluid is carried by the emulgent arteries to the kidneys. Nor can this juice be spoken of as preternatural; neither ought it to be compared to the vagitus uterinus, seeing that in pregnant women the fluid is always present, the vagitus an incident of very rare occurrence. What you say of the excrements of new-born infants differing from those of the child that has once tasted milk I do not admit; for, except in the particular of colour, I scarcely perceive any difference between them, and conceive that the black hue may fairly be ascribed to the long stay of the fÆces in the bowels.

Your proposal that I should attempt a solution of the true use of these newly-discovered ducts, is an undertaking of greater difficulty than comports with the old man far advanced in years, and occupied with other cares: nor can such a task be well entrusted to several hands, were even such assistance as you indicate at my command;[408] but it is not; Highmore does not live in our neighbourhood, and I have not seen him for a period of some seven years. So much I write at present, most learned sir, trusting it will be taken in good part as coming from yours,

Very sincerely and respectfully,
William Harvey.

London, 13th July 1655 (old style).

LETTER VIII.

To the very learned John Nardi, of Florence, a man distinguished alike for his virtues, life, and erudition.

Most excellent Sir,—I lately received your most agreeable letter, from which I am equally delighted to learn that you are well, that you go on prosperously, and labour strenuously in our chosen studies. But I am not informed whether my letter in reply to yours, along with a few books forwarded at the same time, have come to hand or not. I should be happy to have news on this head at your earliest convenience, and also to be made acquainted with the progress you make in your ‘Noctes Geniales,’ and other contemplated works. For I am used to solace my declining years, and to refresh my understanding, jaded with the trifles of every-day life, by reading the best works of this description. I have again to return you my best thanks for your friendly offices to my nephew when at Florence in former years; and on the arrival in Italy of another of my nephews (who is the bearer of this letter), I entreat you very earnestly that you will be pleased most kindly to favour him with any assistance or advice of which he may stand in need. For thus will you indeed do that which will be very gratifying to me. Farewell, most accomplished sir, and deign to cherish the memory of our friendship, as does most truly the admirer of all your virtues,

William Harvey.

London, Oct. 25th, in the year of the Christian era 1655.

LETTER IX.

To the distinguished, and accomplished John Vlackveld, Physician at Harlem.

Learned Sir,—Your much esteemed letter reached me safely, in which you not only exhibit your kind consideration of me, but display a singular zeal in the cultivation of our art.

It is even so. Nature is nowhere accustomed more openly to display her secret mysteries than in cases where she shows traces of her workings apart from the beaten path; nor is there any better way to advance the proper practice of medicine than to give our minds to the discovery of the usual law of nature, by the careful investigation of cases of rarer forms of disease. For it has been found in almost all things, that what they contain of useful or of applicable, is hardly perceived unless we are deprived of them, or they become deranged in some way. The case of the plasterer[409] to which you refer is indeed a curious one, and might supply a text for a lengthened commentary by way of illustration. But it is in vain that you apply the spur to urge me, at my present age, not mature merely but declining, to gird myself for any new investigation. For I now consider myself entitled to my discharge from duty. It will, however, always be a pleasant sight for me to see distinguished men like yourself engaged in this honorable arena. Farewell, most learned sir, and whatever you do, still love.

Yours, most respectfully,
William Harvey.

London, 24th April 1657.

GENERAL INDEX.

A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, R, S, T, U, V, W, Y, Z

Abdomen of the fowl, its anatomy, 195.
Acetabula of the uterus, 566.
Air-cells of birds described, 174.
Air-cavity of the egg, 214.
Albumen ovi, 211;
two albumens, 212.
is the fluid first consumed, 393.
and vitellus, both serve for the nourishment of the embryo, 393.
uses of the, 444.
Aldrovandus, on the chick, 227.
Allantois, of the, 551.
Amnion, of the, 551.
of the fluid of the, 555.
Anastomosis, 102, 103. Harvey has not succeeded in tracing any between vessels of different orders, except in the choroid plexus, the vasa prÆparantia, and the umbilical chord, 103.
Harvey gives his views of the way in which it is effected, 599.
Anaxagoras, his doctrine of Homoeomerism, 409.
Aneurism, observations on an axillary, as illustrating the pulsations of the arteries, 25.
Argent, Dr., dedication of work on heart and blood to, 5.
Aristotle, his ideas of the manner and order of acquiring knowledge, 158.
writes on the formation of the chick, 226.
on the production of a fruitful egg, 287.
confuted by Harvey, 293.
on the manner in which the efficient cause of the generation of the chick acts, 344.
on the order of the parts in generation, 407.
his distinction of parts into genitalia and instrumenta, 410.
Arteries, contain blood only, 11.
contain the same blood as the veins, 11.
dilate, because filled as bladders, they do not expand like bellows, 12.
motions and pulses of the, 24.
their pulses due to the blood thrown into them by the left ventricle, 25.
their coats have no inherent power of pulsation, 111.
cause of their emptiness, 115.
and veins, all have their origin in the heart, 392.
Artery and accompanying vein, division of, to prove the course of the current in each vessel, 120.
Asthma, use of dry cupping and cold affusion in, 119.
Auricles of the heart, observations on, 26 et seq.
Bass Island, notice of, 208.
Bauhin, C., quoted on the motions of the heart, 26.
Birds, their patience and perseverance in incubation, 220.
Blood, its course from the veins into the arteries, 35.
in the lower animals, 35.
in the foetus, 36.
in the adult it permeates the substance of the lungs from the right to the left ventricle, 40.
quantity of, that passes from the veins to the arteries through the heart, 45, 48, 49, 52.
circular motion of the, 46, 52;
demonstrated from the impossibility of the whole current being supplied by the ingesta, 48.
why so much found in the veins, so little in the arteries, 51.
enters a limb by the arteries, and returns from it by the veins, 54.
its circular and ceaseless motion through the heart demonstrated from the effects of ligatures on the veins, 60.
its circular and ceaseless motion proved by the structure of the valves in the veins, 62.
of the arteries and veins of the same nature or kind, 113.
bright colour of the arterial blood
ascribed to its flowing from a small orifice, 114.
does not flow with equal ease and velocity in all places and through all the tissues, 128.
gives heat to the heart, 137.
cooled in the veins of an extremity, can be felt flowing towards and reaching the heart, 138.
the presence of, in the incubated egg, detected before the pulsation of the punctum saliens, 237.
the primary genital particle, 373.
life resides in the, 376.
is the generative part, 377.
the prime element in the body, 379
the part first formed, 392.
constituents of, 387;
serum, clot, and mucilaginous matter (fibrine), 388.
thin after a meal, 389.
thick after fasting, 389.
coagulation of the serum by heat, 389.
a circular motion of the, in the embryo chick inferred, 396.
Bursa Fabrieii, 183, 192.
Calidum innatum, on the, 119.
not distinct from the blood, 120.
the innate heat of the, 501.
Cassowary, described, 188.
ChalazÆ, 213.
Charles I, dedication of work on the heart and blood to, 1.
Chorion, the, 551.
Chyle, and chyliferous vessels of the, 604.
Chick, production of, from the egg, 225.
Aristotle on, 226.
Fabricius on, 226.
Coiterus on, 226.
Pagismus on, 226.
of the exclusion of the, 264.
how engendered from the egg, 323, 325.
of the matter of the, and how it is produced, 333.
is produced by epigenesis, 336.
arises or is constituted by a principle or soul inherent in the egg, 395.
Cicatricula of the egg, 215.
the most important part of the egg, 215, 396.
the reproductive point in the egg, 332.
the generation of the embryo there begun, 396.
Circulation, Harvey’s first idea of the, 46.
summary view of the, 68.
confirmed by certain probable reasons and considerations, 68.
proved by certain consequences, 71.
confirmed from the structure of the heart in various tribes of animals, 75.
on the, to J. Riolan, 1st Disqui, 89;
2d Disquis, 109.
those who ask to what end? answered, 122.
recapitulation of the facts and arguments contained in the work on the heart and blood, 132.
further illustrated in letter to Slegel, 596.
Cloaca, of the, including the orifice of the hen’s uterus, 180.
Cock, of the, and the particulars most remarkable in, 309.
is the prime efficient of the fruitful egg, 309.
Coiter, on the chick, 227.
Colliquamentum ovi, 232.
Columbus, Harvey refers to him on the pulmonary circulation, 15, 41.
Conception, the opinions of physicians on, shown to be erroneous, 294.
first appearance of, in the deer, 482.
is perfected about the middle of November, 484.
apt to happen just before or immediately after the catamenia, 544.
on, 575.
Conceptions, observations on, 486 et seq.
Conviction, means of acquiring, of physical truths, 130.
Contagion, Harvey ascribes impregnation to a kind of, 321.
nature of, 610.
Deer, taken as illustrating viviparous generation in general, 466.
of the uterus of the female, 467.
intercourse of the hart and hind, buck and doe, 474.
Descartes, Harvey mentions him with thanks, 139.
Diuretic drinks, their rapid effects quoted in illustration of the rapid course of the blood, 40.
Efficient causes of the generation of the chick, 340.
enumeration of, 343.
manner in which the efficient cause acts, according to Aristotle, 344.
Fabricius’s opinion of the, refuted, 350.
of the chick, the inquiry very difficult, 355.
of animals, and its conditions, 360.
Harvey again refers it to a contagion, 363 et seq.;
employed by a cause prior and superior to, and more excellent than, either male or female, 366.
Egg of the hen, chosen as the subject for studying generation, 169.
history of the, 169.
its growth in the ovary, 175.
air-cavity of, 214.
extension of, 201.
increase and nutrition of, 202.
manner in which the yelk is surrounded by the white, 203.
shell of the, 204;
is formed internally, 206.
case of double, or one egg including another, 206.
albumen of, 211.
examination of, after the 1st day’s incubation, 228.
effect of the 2d day’s incubation on the, 232.
3d inspection of the, 234.
4th inspection of the, 243.
5th inspection of the, 252.
6th inspection of the, 256.
inspection of the, after the 10th day, 257.
inspection of the, after the 14th day, 259.
of the nature of the, 270.
is a conception proceeding from male and female, 271, 284.
is a beginning and an end, 271.
corresponds with the seed of a plant, 271.
is an exposed uterus, 272.
includes all that is requisite to reproduction, 274.
differences between the fruitful and the unfruitful, 275.
vital principle or soul of the, 275.
the product of the vital principle, not of the uterus, 279.
of the manner in which a fruitful egg is produced, according to Aristotle, 287;
disputed by Harvey, 293.
the perfect hen’s, is of two colours, 303.
manner in which it is increased by the albumen, 305.
of what the cock and hen severally contribute to the, 307.
manner in which the generation of the chick takes place from the, 323.
the barren, compared to fruit without pips or seeds, 371.
umbilical vessels of the, 392.
uses of the, entire, 442.
uses of the several parts of the, other than the yelk and white, 454.
an, is the common origin of all animals, 456.
Eggs, all animals proceed from, 170, 456.
of animals and seeds of plants identical, 170, 271.
Slegel, P. M., letter to, 596.
Spirits, on the, of physiologists, 115.
not distinct from the blood, 117.
Superfoetation, 527.
Systole and diastole of the heart, observations on, 139.
Tread or treadle of the egg, 213;
not the spermatic fluid, 213;
not the reproductive element, 328, 330.
Twin-bearing eggs, 268.
Umbilical cord, of the, 567.
Umbilical vessels of the egg, 392.
Uterine membranes and humours, 551.
Utero-gestation, term of, 521 et seq.
Uterus of the hen, upper portion of, or ovary, 172;
2d portion of, 179;
3d portion of, 180.
of the fowl, of the access of the seminal fluid of the male to the, 190.
of the fowl, other particulars in the anatomy of, 198.
contains neither blood nor semen when conception takes place, 297.
of the deer, of the change that takes place in the, during the month of September, 476;
of October, 478;
nothing contained in, immediately after the rutting season is over, nor during the month of October, 478;
nor till about the middle of November, 481;
its state during the month of November, 482;
its
state in December, 492;
January and February, 499.
observations on the, 538 et seq.
danger of clots or other foreign matters retained in the, 545.
closure of the orifice of the, 545.
Valves, semilunar, of the pulmonary artery, Galen quoted on their use, 42.
in the veins, their structure proves the necessity of a ceaseless and regular motion of the blood, 62.
their sole action is to prevent the blood from passing out of the greater into the lesser vessels, 64.
experiments on the, 64, 65.
Veins of the arm, experiment on, 64, 65;
with the application of cold, 138.
and vesicula pulsans, formed after the blood, 392.
Velabrum covering the uterine orifice in the hen, deer, &c., 179.
Ventricle of the heart, all the other parts made for that, the right ministering to the left, 77.
left, case of rupture of, 127.
Ventricles, motion, action, and office of the, 31.
Vesalius, mistaken in his ideas of the action of the heart, 23.
Vital principle of the egg, 275, 285.
on a, in the egg, 356.
Vitellus, supplies food to the chick, and is analogous to milk, 393.
Viviparous animals, on the generation of, 461;
illustrated from the hind and doe, 466.
Vlackveld, letter to, 616.
Warmth, restored to parts chilled, by the influx of fresh blood, THE END.
C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS,
BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] A certain MS. of Harvey’s, frequently referred to as bearing the date of 1616, and containing the heads of his first course of Lectures at the College of Physicians on the Heart and Blood, is not now in existence, or at all events is not now to be found. At the present time there are only two MSS. at the British Museum which bear Harvey’s name. Of these, one contains notes on the Muscles, Vessels, and Nerves, and on the Locomotion of Animals; the other may be characterized as a book of Receipts or Prescriptions, and though partly the work of a contemporary, contains notes of cases that occurred after Harvey’s death. The former MS. is as certainly in Harvey’s handwriting as the latter is not. In Dr. Lawrence’s[2] time there must have been a third MS. entitled ‘De Anatomia Universa,’ and it was here, in the index viz. which referred to the principal facts in the anatomy of the heart and of the circulation of the blood, that the dates April 16, 17, 18, an. 1616, were encountered. Mr. Pettigrew (Portrait Gallery, vol. iv, Harvey, p. 8), with the assistance of Sir Fred. Madden, made search for this MS. a few years ago, but failed to meet with it. A renewed search for this important document has been attended with no better success.

[2] Vide his Life of Harvey, prefixed to the edition by the College of Physicians p. xxxi.

[3] The birthday in some of the lives is stated to be the 2d of April, for no better reason apparently than that All-fools’ Day should not lose its character by giving birth to a great man. William Harvey, I believe, was born on the 1st of April.

[4] In the register of William Harvey’s matriculation at Cambridge his father is styled Yeoman Cantianus—Kentish yeoman.

[5] Prefixed to the Latin edition of Harvey’s Works published by the Royal College of Physicians, in two vols. 4to, 1766.

[6] To show the esteem in which the Brothers Harvey were held, I may mention among other things that Ludovic Roberts dedicates his excellent and comprehensive work entitled ‘The Merchant’s Mapp of Commerce’ (Folio, London, 1638) to “The thrice worthy and worshipful William Harvey, Dr. of Physic, John Harvey, Esq., Daniel Harvey, Mercht., Michael Harvey, Mercht., Mathew Harvey, Mercht., Brethren, and John Harvey, Mercht., onely sonne to Mr. Thomas Harvey, Mercht., deceased.” The dedication is quaint, in the spirit of the times, but full of right-mindedness, respectfulness, and love for his former masters and present friends; in which relations the Harveys stood to Roberts. Thomas Harvey died in 1622, as appears by his monumental tablet in St. Peter-le-Poore’s church, in the city of London. Eliab and Daniel lived rich and respected, the former near Chigwell, co. Essex, the latter at Combe, near Croydon, co. Surrey. Michael Harvey retired to Longford, co. Essex. Matthew Harvey died in London.

[7] “Gul. Harvey, Filius ThomÆ Harvey, Yeoman Cantianus, ex Oppido Folkston, educatus in Ludo Literario Cantuar.; natus annos 16, admissus pensionarius minor in commeatum scholarium ultimo die Mai, 1593.” (Regist. Coll. Caii Cantab. 1593.)

[8] Vide On Generation, p. 186. That Harvey outlived his wife is certain from his Will, in which she is affectionately mentioned as his “deare deceased loving wife.” She must have been alive in 1645, the year in which Harvey’s brother John died, and left her £50.

[9] Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, 4to, Francof. ad Moen., 1628.

[10] Aubrey, Lives of Eminent Persons, 8vo, London, 1813.

[11] Ib., vol. ii, p. 383.

[12] Vide Records of Harvey from the Journals of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, pub. by James Paget, 8vo, London, 1846. Harvey, on his appointment to attend the Duke of Lennox, applied to have Dr. Smith chosen his substitute; but the governors proved recusant: “It was thought fit that they should have further knowledge and satisfaction of the sufficiency of the said Mr. Smith;” and they very shortly afterwards gave Dr. Andrews, first, the reversion of Harvey’s office, and by and by they formally appointed him Harvey’s deputy or substitute.

[13] Vide Mr. Paget’s publication already quoted, p. 13.

[14] Vide his procedure for the removal of a sarcocele, ‘On Generation,’ p. 254. “My Lady Howard had a cancer in her breast, which he did cut off and seared.” (Aubrey, Lives, p. 386.) He speaks of having been called to a young woman in labour in a state of coma (On Generation, p. 534); and in another place (Ib. p. 437) he says, in connexion with the subject of labour, ‘Haud inexpertus loquuor,’—I speak not without experience. Vide also p. 545, where he passes his fingers into the uterus and brings away “a mole of the size of a goose’s egg;” and p. 546, where he dilates the uterine orifice with an iron instrument, and uses a speculum, &c.

[15] The embassy left England the 7th of April, and returned about Christmas of the same year. Vide Crowne’s ‘True Relation,’ &c., 4to, London, 1637.

[16] Slegel (P. M.) De Sanguinis Motu Comment., 4to, Hamb. 1650, informs us in his Preface, that, whilst living with Hofmann in 1638, he had sedulously tried to bring him to admit the circulation; Slegel goes on to say, however, that it was in vain, and indeed that Harvey himself had failed to convince him: “Neque tantum valuit Harveus, vel coram (i. e. in his presence) cum salutaret Hofmannum in itinere Germanico, vel literis,” &c. The old man, nevertheless, seems not to have been altogether deaf to reason; Slegel had hopes of him at last had he but lived: “Nec dubito quin concessisset tandem in nostra castra.”

[17] Lives, &c., vol. ii, p. 379.

[18] The author of the life of Harvey in the ‘General Dictionary, Historical and Critical’ (folio, Lond. 1738), the original of all our other lives of Harvey, is certainly in error when he recognizes Harvey as the type of the Physician who takes part in the Dialogue of Hy. Neville’s Plato Redivivus, and assumes that he “relieved his abstruser studies by conversations in politics.” In a third edition of Neville’s work I find it stated that the physician who did so was Dr. Lower.

[19] Feb. 12, an. 164-3/4. “A motion this day made for Dr. Mieklethwayte to be recommended to the warden and masters of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, to be physician, in the place of Dr. Harvey, who hath withdrawn himself from his charge, and is retired to the party in arms against the Parliament.” (Journals of the House of Commons, iii, 397.)

[20] I find a kind of obloquy commonly thrown on the memory of Nathaniel Brent for what is styled his desertion of Charles; but he never deserted Charles; he never belonged to him. Brent, forsooth, had received knighthood at the royal hands in former years; but knighthoods were sometimes forced upon men in those days for the sake of the fees, and often as means of attaching men of mark and likelihood. The truth is that Brent, who was a profound lawyer and scholar, as well as a traveller, was greatly attached to Archbishop Abbott, who had patronized and advanced him through the whole course of his life. In the differences that took place between Abbott, in common with all moderate men, and Archbishop Laud, Brent naturally sided with his friend, led to do so, however, not by blind attachment only, but by natural constitution of mind, which appears to have abhorred the notion of a theocracy in the civil government of England, and to have been unfitted to comprehend the divinity that some conceive to inhere in despotism. Brent was, in fact, a man of such note, that Charles had tried to win him to his party many years before by various attentions and the free gift of knighthood; but this was in times when men were not required to take a side, when they stood naturally neutral. When the time came that it behoved him to show under what flag he meant to fight, Brent was not wanting to his natural bias and to independence. He therefore left Oxford when it was taken possession of by the royal forces, among other adherents of the popular cause, and was simply true to his principles, in nothing false to a patron or benefactor.

[21] “Prithee leave off thy gunning and stay here; I will bring thee into practice.” (Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.)

[22] On the monumental tablet of Thomas, the first of the brothers who died, in the church of St. Peter’s-le-Poore, the mottos, doubtless supplied by a surviving member of the family, show this feeling. The inscription is as follows:

As in a Sheafe of Arrows.
Vis unita fortior.
The band of Love
The Unitor of Brethren.
Here Lyeth the body of Thomas Harvey,
Of London, Merchant,
Who departed this life
The 2nd of Feby. An. Dom.
1622.

(Stow’s London, third edit., fol. Lond. 1633.)

John Harvey, Esq., who died in 1645, left his brother William’s wife £50. Eliab Harvey attended particularly to his brother William’s interests; and William at his death returned Eliab’s kindness by leaving him his residuary legatee.

[23] This rather arduous undertaking in those days was accomplished, according to Aubrey, about the year 1649. But I have found so much to excite doubt in Aubrey’s Notes, that I greatly suspect the accuracy of his statement about the journey to Italy.

[24] De Generatione Animalium, 4to, London, 1651.

[25] This statue perished with the building, in the great fire of London in 1666, and seems never to have been replaced. The hall of the present College of Physicians is not graced as was the old one in Harvey’s time. The only sculptures of Harvey that I know of are busts, in the theatre of the College of Physicians and on his monument in Hempstead church, but of dates posterior to their subject, that at the College of Physicians being apparently after the portrait by Jansen in the library, and, as I am informed, by a sculptor of the name of Seemacher.

[26] Aubrey, l. c. p. 378.

[27] There is much information on the life of Harvey in the inscription upon the copper-plate which was attached to his portrait in the old College of Physicians. I give it entire, anxious to set before the reader every authentic word of his times that was uttered of Harvey. This inscription, but, unless I mistake, abbreviated, may be found in printed letters under the bust of Harvey in the theatre of the Royal College of Physicians:

GULIELMUS HARVÆUS,
Anglus natus, GalliÆ, ItaliÆ, GermaniÆ hospes,
Ubique Amor et Desiderium,
Quem omnis terra expetisset Civem,
MedicinÆ Doctor, Coll. Med. Lond. Socius et Consiliarius,
Anatomes, ChirurgiÆque Professor,
Regis Jacobi FamiliÆ, Caroloque Regi Medicus,
Gestis clarus, omissisque honoribus,
Quorum alios tulit, oblatos renuit alios,
Omnes meruit.
Laudatis priscorum ingeniis par;
Quos honoravit maxime imitando,
Docuitque posteros exemplo.
Nullius lacessivit famam,
Veritatis studens magis quam gloriÆ,
Hanc tamen adeptus
Industria, sagacitate, successu nobilis
Perpetuos sanguinis Æstus
Circulari gyro fugientis, seque sequentis,
Primus promulgavit mundo.
Nec passus ultrÀ mortales sua ignorare primordia,
Aureum edidit de ovo atque pullo librum,
AlbÆ gallinÆ filium.
Sic novis inventis Apollineam ampliavit artem,
Atque nostrum Apollinis sacrarium augustius esse
Tandem voluit;
Suasu enim et cura D. D. Dn?. Francisci Prujeani PrÆsidis
Et Edmundi Smith Electoris
An. MDCLIII,
Senaculum, et de nomine suo MusÆum horto superstruxit,
Quorum alterum plurimis libris et Instrumentis Chirurgicis,
Alterum omnigena supellectile ornavit et instruxit,
MedicinÆ Patronus simul et Alumnus.
Non hic anhela substitit Herois Virtus, impatiens vinci
Accessit porro MunificentiÆ decus:
Suasu enim et consilio Dn?. D???. Edv. Alstoni PrÆsidis,
Anno MDCLVI
Rem nostram angustam prius, annuo LVI. l. reditu auxit,
Paterni Fundi ex asse hÆredem collegium dicens;
Quo nihil Illi charius Nobisve honestius.
Unde Ædificium sartum tectum perennare,
Unde Bibliothecario honorarium suum, suumque Oratori
Quotannis pendi;
Unde omnibus sociis annuum suum convivium,
Et suum denique (quot menses) conviviolum censoribus parari,
Jussit.
Ipse etiam pleno theatro gestiens se hÆreditate exuere,
In manus PrÆsidis syngrapham tradidit.
Interfuitque Orationi veterum Benefactorum novorumque Illicio,
Et Philotesio Epulo;
Illius auspicium et pars maxima;
Hujus conviva simul et convivator.
Sic postquam satis sibi, satis nobis, satis gloriÆ,
Amicis solum non satis, nec satis patriÆ, vixerat,
CoelicolÛm atria subiit
Jun. iii, MDCLVII.
Quem pigebat superis reddere, sed pudebat negare:
Ne mireris igitur Lector,
Si quem marmoreum illic stare vides,
Hic totam implevit tabulam.
Abi et merere alteram.

[28] The Novum Organum appeared in 1620. Though Harvey’s work was not published till 1628, he had developed his subject in 1616, and there is every reason to believe, actually written the ‘Exercit. de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis’ before 1619.

[29] Malpighi, born at Crevalcuore, Bologna, the 10th of March, 1628.

[30] Entitled ‘Exercitationes et Animadversiones in Librum Harvei de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ 4to, London, 1630.

[31] In his work entitled ‘Lapis Lydius de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ folio, Venet. 1635.

[32] Vide Siegel, De Sang. Motu in PrÆf.

[33] Veslingius’s letters may be found in his Observationes AnatomicÆ et Epist. Med. ex schedis pothumis, 12mo, Hafn. 1664. It is much to be regretted that the replies which Harvey doubtless wrote to these epistles have not been preserved.

[34] Animadversiones in J. WalÆi (Drake) Disputationem quam pro Circulatione Sanguinis proposuit, 4to, Amst. 1639. Animad. in Theses quas pro Circulat. Sang. Hen. Regius proposuit, 4to, LeidÆ, 1640.

[35] Spongia qua eluuntur sordes Animad. quas Jac. Primirosius advers. Theses, &c., edidit., 4to, LeidÆ, 1640.

[36] Antidotum adversus Spongiam Venenatam Hen. Regii, 4to, LeidÆ, 1640.

[37] Epist. duÆ ad Th. Bartholinum de Motu Chyli et Sanguinis, 8vo, Leid. 1641.

[38] Epist. Cartesii, 4to, Amst. 1668.

[39] Apologia pro Circuitione Sanguinis, qua respondetur Æmylio Parisano, 8vo, Lond. 1641.

[40] Harvei vita, ad cap. Operum, London, 1766.

[41] De Corde, Amst. 1649; in English, 12mo, Lond. 1653.

[42] A candour for which he was by and by summoned by an adherent of the old school to resign his chair.

[43] De Sanguinis Motu Commentarius, 4to, Hamb. 1650.

[44] Vide p. 596.

[45] Experimenta nova Anatomica. Acced. de Motu Sanguinis Diss., 8vo, Paris, 1651.

[46] Anatomia ex Casp. Bartholini Parent. Institut. ad Sanguinis Circulationem, tertium Reformata, 8vo, Leid. 1651.

[47] Plempius, Fundamenta MedicinÆ, fol. Lovan. 1652, p. 128.

[48] Sanguinis a dextro in sinistrum Cordis Ventriculum defluentis facilis reperta via, fol. Venet. 1639.

[49] Gassendi, ‘De Septo Cordis pervio,’ published in a collection by Severinus PinÆus, 12mo, Leid. 1640.

[50] D. de Marchettis, Anatomia, 8vo, Padova, 1652.

[51] Elementa PhilosophiÆ in PrÆfat.

[52] Thomas Nimmo, Esq., of New Amsterdam, Berbice: “On a passage in Shakespeare’s Julius CÆsar.” The Shakespeare Society’s Papers, vol. ii, p. 109.

[53] Shakespeare died in 1616, the year when Harvey began to lecture at the College of Physicians. Harvey and Shakespeare may very well have been acquainted,—let us hope that they were,—but there is no authority for saying that they were friends.

[54] Comment. super Anatomiam Mundini, 4to, Bonon. 1521.

[55] De Re Anatomica, fol. Venet. 1559.

[56] QuÆstiones PeripateticÆ, fol. Florent. 1569; QuÆst. Medicinales, fol. Venet. 1593; De Plantis, Florent. 1583.

[57] Qua autem ratione fiat alimenti attractio, &c. De Plantis, lib. i, cap. 2, p. 3, 4to, Florent. 1583.

[58] Sprengel, Geschichte der Arzneikunde, ii Abschnitt, 4 Kapitel.

[59] I pass by unnoticed in my text several names that have been very gratuitously associated with the discovery of the circulation, such as that of Father Paul the Venetian, Walter Warner and Mr. Prothero, Honoratus Faber, &c. The claims of Father Paul have been satisfactorily explained by Dr. Ent in his ‘Apology,’ who has shown that instead of Harvey borrowing from the Monk, the Monk, through the Venetian ambassador to London, who was Harvey’s friend, had borrowed from Harvey. The others do not require serious mention. Dr. Freind has given an excellent summary of the entire doctrine of the circulation in his Harveian Oration, to which it is with much pleasure that I refer the reader for other information. I also pass by the still-recurring denials by obtuse and ill-informed individuals of the truth, or of the sufficiency of the evidence of the truth, of the Harveian circulation. Those who can not see, must, contrary to the popular adage, be admitted to be still blinder than those who will not see.

[60] Dr. William Hunter. Introductory Lectures, p. 59, (4to. Lond. 1784,) to which the reader is referred for a singularly inconsistent and extraordinary string of passages.

[61] On the Arteries, Introduction, p. ix.

[62] On Generation, p. 530.

[63] A True Relation, &c., p. 46.

[64] Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 384. In the printed work the phrase runs thus: “Not only danger of thieves, but of wild beasts.” Crowne’s anecdote suggests the proper reading.

[65] De Venis Lacteis. 4to, Milan, 1622.

[66] First Letter to J. D. Horst.

[67] Letters and Lives of Eminent Persons, 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1813.

[68] Vide Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.

[69] On Generation, p. 529.

[70] Ib. p. 182.

[71] Aubrey, 1. c. p. 383.

[72] Epistle Dedicatory to the work on Generation.

[73] Aubrey, p. 383.

[74] Ibid., p. 384.

[75] On Generation, p. 425.

[76] Op. cit. p. 384.

[77] Aubrey, ib. p. 386.

[78] Aubrey gives a positive denial to “the scandall that ran strongly against him (Harvey), viz. that he made himself away, to put himself out of his paine, by opium.” Aubrey proceeds: “The scandall aforesaid is from Sir Charles Scarborough’s saying that he (Harvey) had, towards his latter end, a preparation of opium and I know not what, which he kept in his study to take if occasion should serve, to put him out of his paine, and which Sir Charles promised to give him. This I believe to be true; but do not at all believe that he really did give it him. The palsey did give him an easie passeport.” (1. c. p. 385.)

Harvey, if he meditated anything of the kind above alluded to, would not be the only instance on record of even a strong-minded man shrinking from a struggle which he knows must prove hopeless, from which there is no issue but one. Nature, as the physician knows, does often kill the body by a very lingering and painful process. In his practice he is constantly required to smooth the way for the unhappy sufferer. In his own case he may sometimes wish to shorten it. Such requests as Harvey may be presumed to have made to Scarborough, are frequently enough preferred to medical men: it is needless to say that they are never granted.

[79] On the Tablet placed in Hempstead church to Harvey’s memory are inscribed these words:

GULIELMUS HARVEIUS,
Cui tam colendo Nomini assurgunt omnes AcademiÆ;
Qui diuturnum sanguinis motum
Post tot annorum Millia,
Primus invenit;
Orbi salutem, sibi immortalitatem
Consequutus.
Qui ortum et generationem Animalium solus omnium
A Pseudo-philosophi liberavit.
Cui debet
Quod sibi innotuit humanum Genus, seipsam Medicina.
Sereniss. Majestat. Jacobi et Carolo Britanniarum
Monarchis Archiatrus et charissimus.
Collegii Med. Lond. Anatomes et ChirurgiÆ Professor
Assiduus et felicissimus:
Quibus illustrem construxit Bibliothecam,
Suoque dotavit et ditavit Patrimonio.
Tandem
Post triumphales
Contemplando, sanando, inveniendo
Sudores,
Varias domi forisque statuas,
Quum totum circuit Microcosmum,
MedicinÆ Doctor et Medicorum,
Improles obdormivit,
III Junii anno salutis CI?I?CLVII, Ætat. LXXX.
Annorum et FamÆ satur.

[80] The will of Harvey is without date. But was almost certainly made some time in the course of 1652. He speaks of certain deeds of declaration bearing date the 10th of July, 1651; and he provides money for the completion of the buildings which he has “already begun to erect within the College of Physicians.” Now these structures were finished in the early part of 1653. The will was, therefore, written between July 1651, and Febraury 1653. The codicil is also undated: but we may presume that it was added shortly before Sunday the 28th of December 1656, the day on which Harvey reads over the whole document and formally declares and publishes it as his last will and testament in the presence of his friend Henneage Finch, and his faithful servant John Raby.

[81] Lib. ix, cap. xi, quest. 12.

[82] De Locis Affectis., lib. vi, cap. 7.

[83] De Animal. iii, cap. 9.

[84] De Respirat. cap. 20.

[85] Bauhin, lib. ii, cap. 21. Riolan, lib. viii, cap. 1.

[86] [The reader will observe that Harvey, when he speaks of the heart, always means the ventricles or ventricular portion of the organ.—Ed.]

[87] De Motu Animal. cap. 8.

[88] [The Editor begs here to be allowed to remark on Harvey’s obvious perception of the correspondence between that permanent condition of an organ in the lower, and its transitory condition in the higher animals.—Ed.]

[89] [At the period Harvey indicates, a rudimentary auricle and ventricle exist, but are so transparent that unless with certain precautions their parietes cannot be seen. The filling and emptying of them, therefore, give the appearance of a speck of blood alternately appearing and disappearing.—Ed.]

[90] De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, vi.

[91] Lib. de Spiritu, cap. v.

[92] De Usu partium, lib. vi, cap. 10.

[93] See the Commentary of the learned Hofmann upon the Sixth Book of Galen, ‘De Usu partium,’ a work which I first saw after I had written what precedes.

[94] Aristoteles De Respiratione, lib. ii et iii: De Part. Animal. et alibi.

[95] De Part. Animal. iii.

[96] i. e. Not having red blood.—Ed.

[97] De Part. Animal. lib. iii.

[98] In the book, de Spiritu, and elsewhere.

[99] Encheiridium Anatomicum et Pathologicum. 12mo, Parisiis, 1648.

[100] Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8.

[101] Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 21.

[102] Ib. lib. iii, cap. 8.

[103] Vide Chapter III.

[104] Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 18.

[105] Ibid.

[106] Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8: “The blood incessantly and naturally ascends or flows back to the heart in the veins, as in the arteries it descends or departs from the heart.”

[107] Enchirid. lib. iii, cap. 8.

[108] Lib. iii, cap. 6.

[109] Lib. iii, cap. 6.

[110] Lib. iii, cap. 9.

[111] Lib. iv. cap. 2.

[112] [To those who hesitated to visit him in his kiln or bakehouse (?p??, which some have said should be ?pp?, rendered a dunghill) Heraclitus addressed the words in the text. Aristotle, who quotes them, has been defending the study of the lower animals.—Ed.]

[113] Vide Chapter III, of the Disquisition on the Motion of the Heart and Blood.

[114] Vide Chapter XIV.

[115] De Generat. Animal. lib. iii, cap. x.

[116] Vide Chapter VI, of the Disq. on the Motion of the Heart and Blood.

[117] Vide Chapter III, on the Motion of the Heart and Blood.

[118] Vide Chapter III, on the Motion of the Heart and Blood.

[119] Vide Chapter XI, of the Motion of the Heart, &c.

[120] [This must have been Christmas, 1650, the year after the violent death of the king.—Ed.]

[121] [Doubtless the Exercitatio de Circulatione Sanguinis ad Riolanum; 12mo, Cantab. 1649.—Ed.]

[122] Lib. i, c. 2, 3.

[123] Post. 2.

[124] Epist. 58.

[125] Analyt. post. lib. i, c. 1.

[126] Ib. lib. ii, cap. ult.

[127] Metaph. lib. i, c. 1.

[128] Plato in Gorgias.

[129] De Gen. An. lib. iii, c. 10.

[130] Arist. De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 20.

[131] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, c. 2.

[132] Hist. Animal. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[133] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, c. 8.

[134] Op. cit. p. 3.

[135] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[136] Hist. Anim. lib. v, cap. 5, et lib. vi, cap. 2.

[137] Virgil, Georg. 2.

[138] Ornithol. lib. xx, p. 541.

[139] Gen. Anim. lib. iii.

[140] Op. cit. p. 31.

[141] Op. cit. p. 37.

[142] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, c. 1.

[143] [The word in the original is chyle, for which, in accordance with modern views, chyme is substituted.—Ed.]

[144] Fab. l. c. p. 17.

[145] De Generat. Animal. lib. iii, cap. 2.

[146] Op cit. p. 11.

[147] Loc. cit. p. 13.

[148] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, c. 2, et de Gen. Anim. lib. i, c. 8.

[149] Hist. Anim. lib. x, c. 52.

[150] De Gener. Anim. lib. iii, c. 2.

[151] Loc. cit. p. 22.

[152] Op. cit. p. 23.

[153] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[154] Hist. Anim. et De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, c. 1.

[155] Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. 5.

[156] Ibid. cap. 2.

[157] Op. cit. p. 19.

[158] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[159] Lib. x, cap. 52; lib. ix.

[160] De Re Rust. cap. 5, Scalig. in loc.

[161] De Re Rust. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[162] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2; Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. x, cap. 54.

[163] Ibid.

[164] Op. cit. p. 19.

[165] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[166] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 1.

[167] Op. cit. p. 10.

[168] Aldrovand. Ornithol. lib. xiv, p. 260.

[169] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 21.

[170] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2, 3.

[171] Ornithol. lib. xiv.

[172] Nobil. Exercit. lib. vi.

[173] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[174] Ibid. lib. iii, cap. 2.

[175] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[176] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[177] Ornithologia, lib. xiv, p. 217.

[178] Loc. supra cit.

[179] Ib.

[180] Liber de Anima.

[181] Op cit. p. 217.

[182] De Generat. Animal. lib. iii, cap. 4.

[183] De Gener. Anim. lib. iii, c. 2.

[184] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, c. 2.

[185] Ib. lib. viii, c. 5.

[186] Ib. lib. vi, c. 3.

[187] Hist. Anim. lib. v, c. 19.

[188] De Gener. Animal. lib. iii, c. 9.

[189] Hist. Anim. lib. v, c. 19.

[190] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[191] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[192] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[193] Op. cit. p. 59.

[194] Plin. lib. x, cap. 53. Arist. Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[195] In lib. de nat. pueri.

[196] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[197] Ibid.

[198] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 13.

[199] Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 20.

[200] Loc. cit. p. 47.

[201] De Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[202] De form. foet.

[203] Phys. lib. i, cap. 1.

[204] Gener. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 7.

[205] Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[206] Ibid. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[207] Ibid. lib. i, cap. 20.

[208] [The word anima of the original, which is translated soul above, I shall in what follows generally render vital principle. Ed.]

[209] Op. cit. p. 8.

[210] Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[211] ÆnËid. vi.

[212] Arist. Hist. Anim. lib. v, cap. 32.

[213] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 2.

[214] Ibid. lib. iv, cap. 10.

[215] De Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[216] Hist. Natur. lib. ix, cap. 16.

[217] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 2.

[218] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 2.

[219] Op. cit. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[220] Op. cit. lib. i, cap. 2.

[221] Op. cit. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[222] Ibid.

[223] Fabricius, op. cit. p. 37.

[224] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[225] Metaphys. lib. vii, cap. 8.

[226] De Gener. Anim. lib. iii, c. 7.

[227] Op cit. p. 10.

[228] De Generat. Animal. lib. iii, cap. 1.

[229] De Gener. Animal. lib. iii, cap. 1.

[230] Op. cit. p. 12.

[231] Fabricius, op. cit. p. 12.

[232] Arist. Phys. lib. i, cap. 1.

[233] Ib. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[234] Op. cit.

[235] Op. cit. p. 31.

[236] Arist. Hist. Anim. lib. vi, c. 37.

[237] Op. cit. pp. 38, 39.

[238] Arist. de Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[239] Ibid.

[240] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 1.

[241] Hist. Nat. lib. ix, cap. 50.

[242] Lib. xvii, cap. 10.

[243] Nat. QuÆst. lib. iii, cap. 27.

[244] Op. cit. p. 28.

[245] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 18.

[246] Lib. de Nat. Pueri.

[247] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3, et de Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 1 & 2.

[248] Lib. x, cap. 53.

[249] Op. cit. p. 34.

[250] Op. sup. cit. p. 35.

[251] Hist. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 8.

[252] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[253] Metaph. lib. v, cap. 2; et Phys. lib. ii, tit. 28.

[254] Metaphys. lib. i, c. 2; lib. iv, c. 1.

[255] lb. lib. vii, cap. x.

[256] De Part. Anim. lib. i, cap. 1.

[257] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 20.

[258] Ibid. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[259] Ibid. lib. v, cap. 3.

[260] De Gen. Anim. lib. iv, cap. 2.

[261] Ibid. lib. iv, cap. 4.

[262] De Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 2.

[263] De Gen. Anim. lib. iv, cap. 2; et De Gen. et cor. lib. ii, tit. 30.

[264] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii. cap. 1.

[265] Op. cit. p. 38.

[266] De Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[267] Hist. Animal. lib. vi, cap. 13.

[268] De Gen. et cor. lib. i, cap. 6.

[269] Polit. lib. i, cap. 4.

[270] De Generat. et corr. lib. ii, cap. 10.

[271] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[272] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[273] Ibid. cap. 4.

[274] Op. Eup. cit. p. 28.

[275] Leviticus xvii, 11, 14.

[276] Hist. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 19.

[277] De Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[278] Hist. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 19.

[279] De Anima, lib. i, cap. 2.

[280] De Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. 19; et de Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[281] De Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[282] De Hist. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 19.

[283] Ibid.

[284] De Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[285] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 1.

[286] Op. supra cit. p. 41.

[287] Op. supra cit. p. 43.

[288] Op. cit. p. 44.

[289] Op. cit. ut. sup.

[290] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[291] Ibid.

[292] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[293] Nat. QuÆst. lib. iii, cap. 29.

[294] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[295] Lucret. lib. i.

[296] Loc. sup. cit.

[297] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[298] De Gener. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 4.

[299] Fabricius, Op. cit. p. 46.

[300] Hist. Anim. lib. v, cap. 28.

[301] Metaph. lib. vii, cap. 9.

[302] De Form. Foetu, pp. 19 et 134.

[303] Lib. de Carn. et de Nat. Pueri.

[304] Op. cit. p. 137.

[305] Loc. cit. p. 50.

[306] Lib. x, de usu part.

[307] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 2.

[308] Lib. x, cap. 52.

[309] Plin. ibid.

[310] Lib. x, cap. 52.

[311] Op. supra, id. p. 47.

[312] lb. p. 48.

[313] Op. cit. p. 48.

[314] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 2.

[315] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 2.

[316] Op. cit. p. 34.

[317] Op. cit. p. 54.

[318] Ib. p. 57.

[319] Ib. p. 55.

[320] Op. cit. p. 55.

[321] Op. cit. p. 55.

[322] Hist. Anim. lib. vi, cap. 3.

[323] Hist. Anim. lib. 5, cap. 1.

[324] Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. 5.

[325] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 9.

[326] Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. 5.

[327] Ib. lib. v, cap. 29.

[328] Hist. Anim. lib. v, cap. 30.

[329] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 9.

[330] De Form. Ovi et Pulli, cap. 1.

[331] De Gen. Anim. lib. 1, cap. 18.

[332] Ibid.

[333] Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. v.

[334] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 9.

[335] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 7.

[336] Anthropologia, lib. ii, cap. 34.

[337] Lib. viii, cap. 32.

[338] Hist. Anim. lib. i, cap. 5; et De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 9.

[339] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 9.

[340] Hist. Anim. lib. vii. cap. 7.

[341] Hist. Anim. lib. vii. cap. 7.

[342] Lib. de Nat. Mul., de morb. vulg. et s. v, Aph. 45.

[343] De Part. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[344] Physiologia, lib. iv, cap. 2.

[345] Dictato vii.

[346] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 3.

[347] De Gen. Anim. lib. iv, cap. ultimum.

[348] Lib. xxxvi, cap. 16.

[349] De Abdit. rer. caus. lib. ii, cap. 27.

[350] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 18, et lib. iv, cap. 1.

[351] Lib. iii, de Coelo, cap. 31.

[352] De Gen. et Corrup. lib. ii, cap. 50.

[353] De Form. Foet. cap. ix, p. 40.

[354] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 7.

[355] De Gen. Anim. lib. iv, cap. 8, et lib. vii, cap. 5.

[356] Page 141.

[357] De Gen. Anim. lib. iv, cap. 4 et ult.

[358] Sympos. lib. iii. qu. 10.

[359] Lib. vii, cap. 5.

[360] Hist. Anim. lib. vii. cap. 4.

[361] In Epist. de incerto tempore partus.

[362] Lib. ix, De Nat. Anim. c. ult.

[363] Loco procitato.

[364] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 4.

[365] Ibid.

[366] De Non Part. lib. xv, cap. 7.

[367] P. 142.

[368] Hist. Anim. lib. v, cap. 34.

[369] Lib. vii, cap. 8.

[370] De Form. Foet. p. 142.

[371] De Usu Part. lib. xv, cap. 7.

[372] P. 143.

[373] De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 5.

[374] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 1.

[375] Lib. de Foetu.

[376] Com. in Arist. Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 3.

[377] Lib. de Form. Foet. cap. 1.

[378] Cap. i.

[379] Cap. v.

[380] De Gen. Anim. lib. iii, cap. 9.

[381] Ibid.

[382] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 7.

[383] Hist. Anim. lib. vii, cap. 7.

[384] Cap. iii.

[385] 5 Aphor. xlv.

[386] Lib. de Dissect. Uteri, cap. ult.

[387] Cap. iii.

[388] De Form. Foet. p. 122.

[389] Cap iv.

[390] Hist. Anim. lib. vii. cap. 8.

[391] Op. cit. cap. 2.

[392] Analyt. lib. ii, cap. 35.

[393] Metaphys. lib. i, cap. 2.

[394] Metaphys. lib. i, cap. 2.

[395] Ibid. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[396] Arist. Hist. Animal. lib. vii, cap. 6; et De Gen. Anim. lib. i, cap. 17.

[397] Lib. vii, cap. 11.

[398] Physiologia, lib. vii, cap. 3.

[399] De Part. Anim. lib. i, cap. 1.

[400] Physiologia, lib. ii, tract. 3.

[401] De Gen. Anim. lib. ii, cap. 1.

[402] Ibid. cap. 4.

[403] Arist. de Part. Anim. lib. i, cap. 1.

[404] Harvey’s Doctrine.—Ed.

[405] Published at Milan in 1622.—Ed.

[406] [Nardi had written to Harvey requesting him to select a few of the publications which should give a faithful narrative of the distractions that had but lately agitated England.—Ed.]

[407] [Pecquet described the duct as dividing into two branches, one for each subclavian vein.—Ed.]

[408] [Horst, in the letter to which the above is an answer, had said, “Nobilissime Harveie, &c. Most noble Harvey, I only wish you could snatch the leisure to explain to the world the true use of these lymphatic and thoracic ducts. You have many illustrious scholars, particularly Highmore, with whose assistance it were each to solve all doubts.”—Ed.]

[409] [Vlackveld had sent to Harvey the particulars of a case of diseased bladder, in which that viscus was found after death not larger than “a walnut with the husk,” its walls as thick as the thickness of the little finger, and its inner surface ulcerated.—Ed.]

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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