Coaching enterprise, from the earliest to the latest days of the coaching era, flourished better at Shrewsbury than any other town along the Holyhead Road. An early mention of public coaches is found in Sir William Dugdale’s diary under date of May 2nd, 1659, when he says:—“I set forward towards London by the Coventre coach,” and is followed in June, 1681, by a reference to a journey from London to his country seat in Warwickshire by the “Shrewsbury coach.” This was an extremely deliberate conveyance. It trundled as far as Woburn the first evening and stopped there the night, for at that period when the state of the country was unsettled, and roads uncertain, and infested with bad characters, no one thought of travelling after sundown. The second evening it lay at Hillmorton, near Rugby, and thence proceeded, on the third day, to Coleshill. Sir William alighted there, leaving the coach to reach Shrewsbury by way of Sutton Coldfield, Aldridge Heath, and Wellington in another two days.

By the light of later coaching history, which shows that coaches between London and Shrewsbury were established principally at Shrewsbury to go to London—proving that the desire of country folk for the metropolis was greater than that of Londoners for the country—it would seem that this pioneer coach was also a Shrewsbury venture. It probably did not continue long, for even sixty years later Pennant describes how the able-bodied rode horseback to London, while the rich, who were the only people who travelled frequently, had their own carriages, leaving a very inconsiderable and uncertain number to support a regular conveyance. Thus it is that in 1730, when three Shrewsbury ladies visited the capital, we find them riding horseback, escorted by five gentlemen and six servants. Such goods as then passed between the two places came and went by pack horses, and it is not until 1737 that another glimpse of vehicles plying regularly along the road is obtained. From Shrewsbury in that year began the long-drawn journeys of the “Gee-ho,” whose establishment was due to a very shrewd and enterprising soldier, appropriately named Carter. He had been billeted at the “Pheasant,” on Wyle Cop, where the pack horse business was then located, and so enslaved the heart of the widowed Mrs. Warner, who kept the inn, that she married him. The old house is still on Wyle Cop, changed only in name, and that only by an addition. It is now the “Lion and Pheasant.”

The “Gee-ho” in part supplemented, but in greater measure supplanted, the pack horses. It was chiefly intended to carry goods, and was drawn by eight horses, which, with an extra couple to pull it out of the sloughs, brought the lumbering and creaking vehicle to or from London in seven, eight, or nine days, according to the condition of the roads.

Even in 1749, twelve years later, we do not find the failure of the first stage-coach of 1681 forgotten, for a certain Pryce Pugh, who was then landlord of what his advertisement calls the “Red Lion on Wild Cop,” in drawing attention to his house, mentions room for a hundred horses, and notes the starting of a stage-waggon for London, but says nothing of a coach. The horses, doubtless, were post-horses for riders.

But if passengers were still scarce and not worth the provision of a coach, something could be done, and was done, to expedite the waggons, so that passengers and goods could be conveyed at once. Imagine, then, the stir created by the announcement on October 22nd, 1750, that the “Shrewsbury Flying Stage-waggon will begin to fly on Tuesday next, in five days, winter and summer.” They were, of course, only the poorer classes who were thus catered for——people who had no objection to being wedged in between the rolls of Welsh flannel, the butter and lard, and miscellaneous consignments being conveyed; or else we should not in the same year find a lady, anxious to reach London, riding twenty-two miles to Ivetsey Bank, across country, to catch the Chester and London stage-coach, which, taking six days over the whole journey, would not have brought her to town any sooner.

But times now began to move rapidly, and the close of 1750 saw a new conveyance on the road. This was the “Caravan,” an affair greatly resembling modern gipsy-vans, and fitted up inside with benches for eight, twelve, or even, at a pinch, eighteen persons. It was drawn by “six able horses,” and professed to reach London in four days, but often occupied the whole of five. If it had taken the direct way, instead of wandering off to the Chester road, this promise could have been kept, as it was in 1752, when the proper way was adopted, and Birmingham reached the first night. The fare to London by the “Caravan” was 15s.

The roads were then, under the operation of various Turnpike Acts and the General Highway Act of 1745, beginning to lay aside something of their pristine horrors, and Shrewsbury coaching enterprise was once more aroused to great issues. In April, 1753, the “Birmingham and Shrewsbury Long Coach, with six able horses, in four days,” started from the “Old Red Lion” (the “Lion,” Wyle Cop), and went to the “Bell,” Holborn. The fare was only 18s., not more than 5s. over and above the price of a third-class railway journey that nowadays takes you either way in something less than three hours and three-quarters. Competition began at Shrewsbury in less than three months after the establishment of the “Long Coach,” for in the following June Fowler’s “Shrewsbury Stage-coach in three and a half days” began to set out from the “Raven and Bell” to the “George and White Hart,” Aldersgate Street; fare one guinea, outside half-price. It is not on record how these rivals regarded one another, but they seem to have continued, each going to London once a week, for thirteen years before circumstances warranted the intrusion of a third.

In April, 1764, however, a “Machine” was started, to go three times a week and do the journey in two days, at a fare of 30s. The continually increasing fares up to this point were balanced by the lower hotel expenses on the shorter time taken, and so the “Machine” became popular in summer. But this celerity of motion could not be sustained during the winter, when the journey was extended to three days. In the spring of 1765, when it returned to its fine weather rapidity, it received the name of the “Flying Machine,” with the fare raised to 36s.; but in August, 1772, when its time was reduced to one and a half days, the price came down by a couple of shillings. The reason for this combined acceleration of pace and reduction of fare is instantly apparent—opposition was threatened. It came with the spring of the following year, but did not directly challenge the supremacy of the “Flying Machine,” for the “new Flying Machine,” as it was called, by John Payton, of Stratford-on-Avon, and Robert Lawrence, of the “Raven and Bell,” Shrewsbury, took the Stratford-on-Avon and Oxford route to London, was half a day longer on the journey, and charged 2s. more. The proprietors of the original “Flying Machine” must have felt relieved when those particulars were disclosed; but their nerves received a worse shock in the spring of 1774, for the confederates who had started the “new Flying Machine” re-named it the “London and Shrewsbury New Fly,” and announced several alterations and improvements. It was to perform the journey in a day and a half, to go three times a week, and, fitted “quite in the modern taste” and with steel springs, it offered decided advantages over the old favourite. In addition came the unkind announcement that, “notwithstanding the Fly sets out after the old coach, it will be in London as soon.” How sweet a sop for lazy travellers, none too eager to rise, and how bitter the taunt to the old firm!

It is not to be supposed that they tamely submitted to this impudence. Their reply was soon forthcoming. It stated that the proprietors of the “original London and Salop Machine,” in the modern taste, on steel springs (the Machine, not the proprietors) and bows on the top, called upon all travellers to observe “that the road through Coventry, being several miles nearer than through Oxford, will fully demonstrate the most speedy conveyance to London.” The “bows on the top” were seats for the outsides, who, if carried before, must have been accommodated in the “basket,” a wicker-work structure, hung on behind. Unfortunately for the “original,” it had very determined competitors to deal with. Its business suffered, just as, thirteen years before, it had come upon the scene and cut up the trade of the “Long Coach” and Fowler’s “Shrewsbury Stage.”

The rivals even put on another conveyance, the “Diligence” they called it, conveying three passengers at the express speed of Shrewsbury to London in one day, at £1 11s. 6d. each. This startling innovation was announced to go three times a week.

There were thus in 1776 three modes of getting to London. Rivalry, however, had outrun custom, and discretion had far out-distanced both. The “Original” slipped back to a two days’ journey, twice a week, the “Fly” dropped one weekly journey during the winter, and the “Diligence” soon ceased to run at all.

But Robert Lawrence, the landlord of the “Raven and Bell,” and partner in the newer coaching enterprises with Payton, of Stratford-on-Avon, was a remarkable man. Given a wider sphere of action, there is no knowing to what greatness he might have developed. As it was, he did much for Shrewsbury in his time, and greatly influenced the traffic along the Holyhead Road, from end to end. The route had until then been invariably by way of Chester; but the casual inspection of any map will soon show that that city lies at a considerable distance to the north of a direct line drawn from London to Holyhead, and that Shrewsbury is placed much more centrally. It occurred to Lawrence that the difficulties and dangers of the route by what we now call the Holyhead Road, vi Llangollen and Capel Curig, were much exaggerated, and that time might be saved and the dangerous ferry (as it then was) of Conway missed by avoiding Chester altogether. In that case Shrewsbury would regain much of the trade that belonged to it by virtue of its geographical position.

These prime facts grasped, Lawrence set himself to alter the course that traffic had taken for centuries, and devoted his life to this one aim. It was, as may readily be supposed, no easy matter, and he was obliged to begin his reforms slowly. Thus, on July 3rd, 1779, we find him setting up a post-coach to Holyhead by Wrexham, Mold, St. Asaph, and Conway, three times a week, and in one and a half days, in conjunction with other innkeepers. The fare was £2 2s.

This ceased in 1783, but in the meanwhile, in conjunction with some London innkeepers, he had started the first stage-coach to perform the whole journey between London and Holyhead. This was established in May, 1780, going through Coventry, Castle Bromwich, Birmingham, Walsall, Wolverhampton, Shrewsbury, Llangollen, Corwen, Llanrwst, and Conway. In November of that year Lawrence removed from the “Raven and Bell” to the “Lion,” next door, a larger house, and announced his determination to pursue with unremitting industry the object he had in view, of securing the Chester traffic for Shrewsbury.

This bold pronouncement roused the Chester proprietors and the innkeepers along that route to fury. They threatened Payton with opposition to his Birmingham, Oxford, and London coaches if he did not break his connection with Lawrence, and when Payton declined to listen to them, established themselves as a confederacy at the “Raven and Bell,” just vacated by his partner, and put the “Defiance” coach on the road to London, by Worcester. Lawrence, in his turn, perhaps somewhat alarmed by the storm he had raised, issued an advertisement, thanking the public for their patronage, and entreating further support in his attempts to open up a direct road to Holyhead. Without this encouragement, he said, “several years’ labour and great expense he has been at (together with the great advantage to the town of Shrewsbury) would be entirely lost.”

He was not content with advertising, but travelled largely, and waited upon many people of influence for their interest in obtaining the improvement of the route on which he had set his heart; and prevailed upon several persons who had been upper servants in great English families to establish inns at the several stages. His exertions were not fruitless. Several of the principal travellers began to travel the Shrewsbury route, and not only saved some miles and avoided the Conway ferry, but had the additional advantage of superior accommodation. Lawrence had a powerful ally in the press, and the Shrewsbury Chronicle is early found recording successes. Thus, February 3rd, 1781, the Editor “is happy to inform the publick that the travelling through this town daily increases,” and from that time proceeded to record the names of important personages who passed through, in preference to Chester. In the same year Lawrence still further enlarged his views, and inspired the Chronicle with the statement: “We have not a doubt, from the rapid increase of business on this road, that, if proper application is made, one, if not both, of the Irish mails will pass through the town.” He had, in fact, been making interest with the Post Office to that end. The mails of that day, however, were not coaches, but mounted postboys; the first mail-coach in England not being established until August, 1784.

Lawrence indeed went to surprising lengths, and seems to have constituted himself a species of informal road-authority, to judge from the Shrewsbury Chronicle of April 13th, 1782, in whose columns care is taken to “inform the publick that the new road through Wales, vi Llanrwst, has by the activity of Mr. Lawrence been kept open, notwithstanding most other roads were rendered impassable by the heavy falls of snow.” In the September of that year, Lawrence had another triumph, for Earl Temple, the new Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, travelled by Shrewsbury, and lay at the “Lion,” where he was received in state by the Mayor and Corporation. “His lordship,” we learn, “said he was extremely glad the Shrewsbury road had been recommended to him, as he found it not only considerably nearer, but the accommodations were in every respect perfectly to his satisfaction.”

In February, 1784, we still find Lawrence “determined to use every effort to establish effectually what he has so long laboured at a great expence to accomplish,” but it was not until 1802 that his exertions procured the commencement of a shorter line of road, branching off at Pentre Voelas from his previous route by Llanrwst and Conway and going to Bangor by the present route, vi Bettws and Capel Curig. He was aided in this by the Lord Penrhyn of that time, with whom it had long been a favourite scheme, and who, to ensure its popularity with travellers, built the great inn beside it at Capel Curig. By the completion of this road a saving of eight miles was effected.

Meanwhile Palmer had established mail-coaches, and Lawrence had secured an “Oxford, Birmingham, and Shrewsbury Mail, on Mr. Palmer’s plan,” so early as September 5th, 1785. But it went no further until 1808, when it was extended to Holyhead.

New times, however, had now dawned, and the modernised Holyhead Road was coming into existence, under the control of greater forces than Lawrence could have brought to bear. The Government and Telford between them planned the “New Parliamentary Road,” which by July 1817 was sufficiently advanced for the mails to be sent this way. The “Oxford, Birmingham and Shrewsbury Mail” was therefore discontinued beyond Birmingham, and the “New Holyhead Mail” began to run from London by the present Holyhead Road, in thirty-eight hours. Shrewsbury had at last achieved its due, and the “Chester and Holyhead Mail,” a slower coach, by Northampton and Stafford, was regarded as altogether an inferior affair.