  (A.)Every Slave who shall raise, or attempt to raise an Insurrection, in this Province, or shall endeavour to delude or entice any Slave to runaway and leave the Province, every such Slave and Slaves, and his and their accomplices, aiders and abetters, shall, on conviction thereof, as aforesaid, suffer death. Provided always, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the Justices who shall pronounce sentence against such Slaves, by and with the advice and consent of the Freeholders as aforesaid, if several Slaves shall receive sentence at one time, to mitigate and alter the sentence of any Slave, other than such as shall be convicted of homicide of a white person, who they shall think may deserve mercy, and may inflict such corporal punishment (other than death) on any such Slave, as they in discretion shall think fit, any thing herein contained to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding. Provided, that one or more of the said Slaves who shall be convicted of the crimes or offence aforesaid, where several are concerned, shall be executed for example, to deter others from offending in the like kind. A. A. 1740. P. L. 167. (B.)A negro man testified as follows: About the 1st of June, I saw in the public papers a statement that the white people were going to build missionary houses for the blacks, which I carried and showed to Peter, and said, see the good they are going to do for us; when, he said,—What of that?—Have you not heard, that on the 4th of July, the whites are going to create a false alarm of fire, and every black that comes out will be killed, in order to thin them? Do you think they would be so barbarous? (said I) Yes! (said he) I do!—I fear they have a knowledge of an army from San Domingo, and they would be right to do it; to prevent us joining that army, if it should march towards this land! I was then very much alarmed. We then parted, and I saw no more of him till the guards were very strict, (about a fortnight ago.) At that time I saw Peter and Ned Bennett standing and talking together, at the corner of Lambol and Legare-streets. They crossed over and met me by Mrs. Myles’, and Ned Bennett said to me—did you hear what those boys were taken up for the other day? I replied, No! but some say it was for stealing. Ned asked me if I was sure I had never said any thing to the whites about what Peter Poyas had spoken to me about? I replied, No! Says Peter—You never did? No! I answered. Says Ned, to me—How do you stand? At which I struck the tree box with my knuckles and said, as firm as this box—I’ll never say one word against you. Ned then smiled and nodded his head, and said—That will do!—when we all separated. Last Tuesday or Wednesday week, Peter said to me—You see, my lad, how the white people have got to windward of us? You won’t, said I, be able to do any thing. O, yes! (he said) we will! By George we are oblige to! He said, all down this way ought to meet and have a collection to purchase powder. What, said I, is the use of powder—the whites can fire three times to our once. He said, but ’twill be such a dead time of the night, they won’t know what is the matter, and our horse companies will go about the streets and prevent the whites from assembling. I asked him—where will you get The voluntary confession of Rolla, to the Court, made after his trial, but before sentence was passed on him.I know Denmark Vesey, on one occasion, he asked me what news? I told him, none. He replied, we are free, but the white people here won’t let us be so; and the only way is, to raise up and fight the whites. I went to his house one night, to learn where the meetings were held. I never conversed on this subject with Batteau or Ned.—Vesey told me, he was the leader in this plot. I never conversed either with Peter or Mingo. Vesey induced me to join. When I went to Vesey’s house, there was a meeting there, the room was full of people, but none of them white. That night, at Vesey’s, we determined to have arms made, and each man to put in twelve and a half cents towards that purpose. Though Vesey’s room was full, I did not know one individual there. At this meeting, Vesey said, we were to take the Guard-House and Magazines, to get arms; that we ought to rise up against the whites to get our liberties. He was the first to rise up and speak, and he read to us from the Bible, how the children of Israel were delivered out of Egypt from bondage; he said, that the rising would take place last Sunday night week, (the 16th June) and that Peter Poyas was one. (C.)Examination of Sally, a negro woman belonging to Mr. Alexander Howard.I know Jesse, and heard him speak several times about it; one day in particular, he was anxious to see his brother, who has my mother for his wife, and waited until he came, when they conversed together. Jesse said, he had got a horse to go into the country, to bring down men to fight the white people; that he was allowed to pass by two parties of the patrol on the road, but that a third party had brought him back, and that, if there were but five men like him, they would destroy the city. This was on last Sunday week, (the 16th June,) he said, that before 3 o’clock, that night, all the white people would be killed. That, if any person informed, or would not join in the fight, such person would be killed or poisoned. He frequently came into the yard to see his brother, and I threatened to inform, if he came there, and spoke in that way, to get us all into trouble. We never had any quarrel. Examination of Lot, a negro man belonging to Mr. Forrester.I know Jesse; he met me last Sunday week (16th June) at the corner of Boundary street, as I was coming into town; he said, he was going to get a horse to go into the country. From what my master had told me the Thursday before, I distrusted his errand, and gave him a caution. When, as I was going down into town towards Mr. Hibbens’ ferry slip, and conversing with him, he said, you shall see to night, when I come down, what I am going up for, and, if my own father does not assist, I will cut off his head. He said, he was going as far as Goose Creek bridge, and would get a horse if it cost him nine dollars. The church bells were then ringing, and at half past eleven o’clock, same day, I saw him at Mr. Howard’s, and afterwards understood (D.)Examination of Frank, a negro man belonging to Mrs. Ferguson.I know Denmark Vesey, and have been to his house; I have heard him say, that the negroe’s situation was so bad, he did not know how they could endure it; and was astonished they did not rise and fight for themselves, and he advised me to join, and rise. He said, he was going about to see different people, and mentioned the names of Ned, Bennett and Peter Poyas, as concerned with him; that he had spoken to Ned and Peter on this subject, and that they were to go about and tell the blacks, that they were free, and must rise and fight for themselves: that they would take the Magazines and Guard Houses, and the City, and be free; that he was going to send into the country to inform the people there, too; he said, he wanted me to join them. I said, I could not answer. He said, if I would not go into the country for him, he could get others; he said, himself, Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas and Monday Gell, were the principal men, and himself the head man.—He said, they were the principal men to go about and inform the people, and fix them, &c.; that one party would land on South Bay, one about Wappoo and about the Farms; that the party which was to land on South Bay, was to take the Guard-House, and get arms, and then they would be able to go on; that the attack was to commence about 12 o’clock at night; that great numbers would come from all about, and it must succeed, as so many were engaged in it; that they would kill all the whites; that they would leave their masters’ houses, and assemble near the Lines, march down and meet the party which would land on South Bay; that he was going to send a man into the country on a horse, to bring down the country people, and that he would pay for the horse. He gave two dollars to Jesse, to get the horse on Saturday week last, (15th June) about 1 o’clock in the day, and myself and witness (No. 8,) also put in 25 cents a piece, and he told Jesse, if he could not go, he must send some one else. I have seen Ned Bennett at Vesey’s. I one night met at Vesey’s a great number of men, and as they came in, they each handed him some money.—Vesey said, there was a little man, named Jack, who could not be killed, and who would furnish them with arms; he had a charm, and would lead them; that Charles Drayton had promised to be engaged with them. Vesey said, the negroes were living such an abominable life, they ought to rise. I said, I was living well. He said, though I was, others was not, and that it was such fools as I, that were in their way, and would not help them, and that, after all things were well, he would mark me. He said, he did not go with Creighton to Africa, because he had not a will, he wanted to stay and see what he could do for his fellow creatures. I met Ned, Monday, and others, at Denmark Vesey’s, where they were talking about this business. The first time I spoke with Monday Gell, it was one night at Denmark Vesey’s house, where I heard Vesey tell Monday, that he must send some one into the country to bring the people down. Monday said, he had sent up Jack, and told him to tell the people to come (E.)Examination of Witness No. 10, a Negro Man.Peter Poyas was the first man who spoke to me, and asked me to join. I asked him what, the church? He said no, have you not heard, that the blacks were joining, to try and take the country. I asked him, if he thought he had men enough to do it? He said yes, a plenty of men, and the Society will contribute money, with which a white man would purchase guns and powder for them. He said he would call back, and I must consider if I would join them. He called back, and asked me, if I was willing now? Why Peter, said I, you have not got force enough. He said, if I did not join, he would turn all my country people against me. Said I, if so, I’ll join you, but you must not put my name down, when you come out, if I find you strong enough, I’ll join you. Well, said he, if you don’t join you’ll be killed. Peter and Harry Haig called on me afterwards, I was not at home; but the next morning I met Harry, who asked me for my name. I refused it. He said, I would be killed if I did not join. I said, I would join when they came out, if they were stronger than the whites. Harry called on me again, and asked me, if I was willing that the thing would break out soon. I asked him, where they would begin? He said, in Boundary street. At what hour? He said, at 12 o’clock at night, or early in the morning, as soon as the guard is discharged. Jack Pritchard called on me, he is sometimes called Gullah Jack, sometimes Couter Jack, he gave me some dry food, consisting of parched corn and ground nuts, and said, eat that, and nothing else, on the morning when it breaks out, and when you join us as we pass, put into your mouth this crab claw, and you can’t be wounded, and, said he, I give the same to the rest of my troops—if you drop the large crab claw out of your mouth, then put in the small one. Said I, when do you break out, and have you arms. He said, plenty, but they are over Boundary street, we can’t get at them now, but as soon as the patrol was slack, they could get them; this was previous to the 16th June, on which day, he said, they were to break out. On that day he I met Charles Drayton on the 1st of July in the streets, when he said, now get ready, we must break out at once, for we will not let six lives be taken. I asked him, where they would begin? He said, in Boundary street, directly as the patrol and light horse turned in. I said, had you not better wait till after the 4th of July. He said, no, because in the mean time the people would be hanged. Charles said, they had force enough, and we parted. I met him in Market, betwixt 8 and 9 o’clock, on the 2d of July, and said to him, now the people are hanged, I suppose you are sorry you joined in the business. He said yes, and we parted. Peter Poyas told me also, that they had force enough, that some would come from James’ and John’s islands, and some from Christ’s Church Parish, where he generally went over to a meeting to have a talk, and that he had some about and in town, the number of which he would show me from the Society books, if I would only come to the Society. He said, they were (F.)Confession of Harry Haig.Julius Forrest, and myself, always worked together. Gullah Jack calls himself a negro doctor, he induced Julius and myself to join at last, but at first we refused; before the 16th June, Jack appointed to meet us at Bulkley’s Farm; when we got there, Jack was not there, (H.)Confession of Jesse, the slave of Thomas Blackwood, Esqr.; furnished to the Court by the Rev. Dr. D. Hall.I was invited to Denmark Vesey’s house, and when I went, I found several men met together, among whom was Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas, and others, whom I did not know. Denmark opened the meeting by saying, he had an important secret to communicate to us, which we must not disclose to any one, and if we did, we should be put to instant death. He said, we were deprived of our rights and privileges by the white people, and that our church was shut up, so that we could not use it, and that it was high time for us to seek for our rights, and that we were fully able to conquer the whites, if we were only unanimous and courageous, as the St. Domingo people were. He then proceeded to explain his plan, by saying, that they intended to make the attack by setting the governor’s mills on fire, and also some houses near the water, and as soon as the bells began to ring for fire, that they should kill every man, as he came out of his door, and that the servants in the yards should do it, and that it should be done with axes and clubs, and afterwards they should murder the women and children, for he said, God had so commanded it in the Scriptures. At another meeting at Denmark’s, Ned Bennett and Peter Poyas, and several others were present in conversation, some said, they thought it was cruel to kill the ministers, and the women and children, but Denmark Vesey said, he thought it was for our safety, not to spare one white skin alive, for this was the plan they pursued in St. Domingo. He then said to me, Jesse, I want you to go into the country, to enlist as many of the country negroes as possible, to be in readiness to come down to assist us. I told him, I had no horse, and no money to hire one; he then took out two dollars, and gave them to me to hire a horse, and told me to enlist as many as possible. I got the horse the next Sabbath, and started, but the guard was so strict, I could not pass (K.)Confession of Monday Gell.I come out as a man who knows he is about to die—some time after Christmas Vesey passed my door, he called in and said to me, that he was trying to gather the blacks to try and see if any thing could be done to overcome the whites; he asked me to join; I asked him his plan and his numbers; he said he had Peter Poyas, Ned Bennett, and Jack Purcell; he asked me to join; I said no; he left me and I saw him not for some time. About four or five weeks ago as I went up Wentworth street, Frank Ferguson met me, and said he had four plantation’s of people who he was to go for on Saturday, 15th June. How, said I, will you bring them down; he said through the woods; he asked me if I was going towards Vesey’s to ask Vesey to be at home that evening, and he would be there to tell him his success. I asked Jack Purcell to carry this message, he said he would; that same evening at my house I met Vesey’s mulatto boy, he told me Vesey wished to see me, I went with him; when I went into Vesey’s I met Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas, and Frank Ferguson, and Adam, and Gullah Jack; they were consulting about the plan; Frank told Vesey on Saturday, 15th, he would go and bring down the people and lodge them near town in the woods; the plan was to arm themselves by breaking open the stores with arms. I then told Vesey I would join them, after sometime I told them I had some business of my own and asked them to excuse me, I went away, and only then was I ever there. One evening, Perault Strohecker, and Bacchus Hammett brought to my shop a keg, and asked me to let it stay there till they sent for it; I said yes, but did not know the contents; the next evening Gullah Jack came and took away the keg, this was before the 16th June; since I have been in prison I learnt that the keg contained powder. Pharo Thompson is concerned, and he told me, a day or two after Ned and Peter were taken up, if he could get a fifty dollar bill, he would run away; about two Sundays before I was brought here, he asked me, in Archdale-Street, when shall we be like those white people in the church; I said when it pleased God; Sunday before I was taken up, he met me as I came out of Archdale Church, and took me into a stable in said street, and told me he told his master, who had asked him, that he had nothing to do in this affair; which was a lie. William Colcock came to my shop once and said a brother told him that five hundred men were making up for the same purpose. Frank said he was to send to HellHole Swamp to get men. Perault Strohecker is engaged; he used to go of a Sunday on horse back up the road to a man he knows on the same errand. One Sunday he asked me to go with him; I went and Smart Anderson; we went to a small house a little Saby Gaillard is concerned; he met me on the Bay, before the 16th of June and gave me a piece of paper from his pocket; this paper was about the battle that Boyer had in St. Domingo; in a day or two he called on me and asked if I had read it, and said if he had as many men he would do the same too, as he could whip ten white men himself; he frequently came to me to speak about this matter, and at last I had to insult him out of the shop; he and Paris Ball was often together. A week before I was taken up, Paris told me that my name was called. Billy Palmer and Vesey were constantly together; there was once in my shop a long talk between them about this same matter; I begged them to stop it; Vesey told him to try to get as many as he could; he said he would. John Vincent told me that Edward Johnson, a free man, had said, as he was a free man he would have nothing to do with slaves, but the night they began he would join them. I told Charles Drayton what uproar there was about this business, and since we have been here we have talked together. Albert Inglis came to me and asked if I knew any thing about it; I said yes. He asked me if I had joined; I said yes; he said he was one also; he said Adam, a free man wanted to see me, I went with him one night; Adam asked me how many men had joined; I told him what Frank Ferguson had said; he asked me if I believed it; I said yes; he said if he could only find men behind him he would go before. Previous to the 16th, Albert said to me quit the business; I told him I was too far into it, so I must stick to it. I never wrote to St. Domingo Lewis Remoussin called at my shop and asked me to call at his house, he had something to tell me, but I did not go; Jack Glen told me he was engaged. I met Scipio Sims one Sunday, coming from the country, who said he had been near the Savannah’s to Mr. Middleton’s place; I heard afterwards that his errand was on this business. I know John the cooper, who said he was engaged too in this business. William Garner said he was engaged in it and had got twelve or thirteen draymen to join. Sandy Vesey told me he belonged to it too. At Vesey’s house, Frank told Gullah Jack, to put one ball and three buck shot in each cartridge. Mingo Harth acknowledged to me that he had joined, and Peter Poyas told me so too; he, Mingo, told me so several times; Mingo said he was to have his master’s horse on the night of the 16th. Lot Forrester told me frequently that he was one of the company, and I know that he had joined in the business myself. Isaac Harth told me once that he had joined, he knew I was in the business. Morris Brown knew nothing of it, and we agreed not to let him, Harry Drayton, or Charles Corr, know anything about it. —— —— told me in my store that he was to get some powder from his master and give it to Peter Poyas; he seemed to have been a long time engaged in it, and to know a great deal. Joe Jore acknowledged to me once or twice that he had joined, he said he knew some of the Frenchmen concerned; he knew I was in it. (L.)The Confession of Jack Purcell.If it had not been for the cunning of that old villain Vesey, I should not now be in my present situation. He employed every stratagem to induce me to join him. He was in the habit of reading to me all the passages in the newspapers that related to St. Domingo, and apparently every pamphlet he could lay his hands on, that had any connection with slavery. He one day brought me a speech which he told me had been delivered in Congress by a Mr. King on the subject of slavery; he told me this Mr. King was the black man’s friend, that he Mr. King had declared he would continue to speak, write and publish pamphlets against slavery the longest day he lived, until the Southern States consented to emancipate their slaves, for that slavery was a great disgrace to the country. (M.)CONFESSION OF JOHN ENSLOW.Monday Gell led me in it and took me to Vesey’s; there was a large meeting; Vesey told the meeting the people was to rise up and fight the white people for their liberty; we always went to Monday’s house afterwards; Monday did all the writing; I heard they were trying all round the country to Georgetown, Santee, and round to Combahee, &c. about to get people; Peter was also there, he was one; Peter named Poyas’ plantation, where he went to meet; Bellisle Yates I have seen at the meetings, and Adam Yates, Naphur Yates, Dean Mitchell, CÆsar Smith and George (a Stevedore.) At Vesey’s they wanted to make a collection to make pikes for the country people, but the men had no money! Monday Gell said Purcell was one to get horses to send men into the country; I heard a blacksmith was to make pikes. Jack M’Neil is engaged; I have seen them all at Monday’s; Jack said he was one and would try to get men; the plan was to take the Arsenals and Guard Houses for arms, and not to fire the town unless they failed; Monday was writing a letter to St. Domingo, to go by a vessel lying at Gibb’s and Harper’s wharf; the letter was about the sufferings of the blacks, and to know if the people of St. Domingo would help them if they made an effort to free themselves; he was writing this letter in March, I am not certain of the time; Perault was present when Monday wrote the letter, and also a painter, named Prince Righton; I have seen Pompey Haig at Monday’s, but he neither assented or dissented; Jerry Cohen was at Vesey’s, and said to me he was one; I heard from Vesey and Monday that they had engaged men from the country; Peter Poyas said he had sent into the country to his brother to engage men, who would send him an answer; a party was to attack the Guard-House and Arsenal; another the Arsenal on the Neck; another the Naval Stores on Mey’s wharf; another to attack the Magazine; another to meet at Lightwood’s Alley and then try to cut off the companies from meeting at their places of rendezvous; I belong to the African Congregation; on Saturday the 15th June, a man was to be sent into the country to bring down the people, and Rolla was to command the country people from Ashley River at the Bridge; Ned Bennett and John Horry to meet at Mr. Horry’s corner, and Batteau to come down with Vesey’s party. (S)CLASS No. 1.Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and executed.
CLASS No. 2.Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to death, but recommended to the mercy of the Executive, by the Court of Magistrates and Freeholders. ? They have been respited to the 25 day of October, 1822, with a view to the commutation of their punishment to banishment beyond the limits of the United States.
CLASS No. 3.Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to death, but since respited by the Executive, until the 25th of Oct. with a view to the commutation of their punishment, to banishment beyond the limits of the United States.
Comprises those prisoners who were found guilty and sentenced to be, transported, beyond the limits of the United States, by their masters, under the direction of the City Council.
CLASS No. 5.Comprises those who were found guilty and sentenced to be transported, beyond the limits of the State of South-Carolina.
? This man will go out of the U. States at his own request, under the direction of the City Council. CLASS No. 6.Comprises those prisoners who were acquitted by the Court, their guilt not being fully proved. The Court, however, have suggested to their owners, the propriety of transporting them beyond the limits of the United States.
CLASS No. 7.Comprises those prisoners who were acquitted by the Court of Magistrates and Freeholders—and discharged.
CLASS No. 8.Comprises those prisoners who were discharged after their arrest by the Committee of Vigilance, the testimony against them not being sufficient to bring them to trial.
RECAPITULATION.
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