[88] Arrian, i. 7, 16.

[89] Diodor. xvii. 9.

[90] Diodor. xvii. 9.

[91] The attack of Perdikkas was represented by Ptolemy, from whom Arrian copies (i. 8, 1), not only as being the first and only attack made by the Macedonian army on Thebes, but also as made by Perdikkas without orders from Alexander, who was forced to support it in order to preserve Perdikkas from being overwhelmed by the Thebans. According to Ptolemy and Arrian, therefore, the storming of Thebes took place both without the orders, and against the wishes, of Alexander; the capture moreover was effected rapidly with little trouble to the besieging army (? ???s?? d?? ?????? te ?a? ?? ??? p??? t?? ????t?? ???e?e??e?sa, Arr. i. 9, 9): the bloodshed and pillage was committed by the vindictive sentiment of the Boeotian allies.

Diodorus had before him a very different account. He affirms that Alexander both combined and ordered the assault—that the Thebans behaved like bold and desperate men, resisting obstinately and for a long time—that the slaughter afterwards was committed by the general body of the assailants; the Boeotian allies being doubtless conspicuous among them. Diodorus gives this account at some length, and with his customary rhetorical amplifications. Plutarch and Justin are more brief; but coincide in the same general view, and not in that of Arrian. PolyÆnus again (iv. 3 12) gives something different from all.

To me it appears that the narrative of Diodorus is (in its basis, and striking off rhetorical amplifications) more credible than that of Arrian. Admitting the attack made by Perdikkas, I conceive it to have been a portion of the general plan of Alexander. I cannot think it probable that Perdikkas attacked without orders, or that Thebes was captured with little resistance. It was captured by one assault (Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524), but by an assault well-combined and stoutly contested—not by one begun without preparation or order, and successful after hardly any resistance. Alexander, after having offered what he thought liberal terms, was not the man to shrink from carrying his point by force; nor would the Thebans have refused those terms, unless their minds had been made up for strenuous and desperate defence, without hope of ultimate success.

What authority Diodorus followed, we do not know. He may have followed Kleitarchus, a contemporary and an Æolian, who must have had good means of information respecting such an event as the capture of Thebes (see Geier, Alexandri M. Historiarum Scriptores Ætate suppares, Leips. 1844, p. 6-152; and Vossius, De Historicis GrÆcis. i. x. p. 90, ed. Westermann). I have due respect for the authority of Ptolemy, but I cannot go along with Geier and other critics who set aside all other witnesses, even contemporary, respecting Alexander, as worthy of little credit, unless where such witnesses are confirmed by Ptolemy or Aristobulus. We must remember that Ptolemy did not compose his book until after he became king of Egypt, in 306 B.C.; nor indeed until after the battle of Ipsus in 301, according to Geier (p. 1); at least twenty-nine years after the sack of Thebes. Moreover, Ptolemy was not ashamed of what Geier calls (p. 11) the “pious fraud” of announcing, that two speaking serpents conducted the army of Alexander to the holy precinct of Zeus Ammon (Arrian, iii. 3). Lastly, it will be found that the depositions which are found in other historians, but not in Ptolemy and Aristobulus, relate principally to matters discreditable to Alexander. That Ptolemy and Aristobulus omitted, is in my judgment far more probable, than that other historians invented. Admiring biographers would easily excuse themselves for refusing to proclaim to the world such acts as the massacre of the BranchidÆ, or the dragging of the wounded Batiz at Gaza.

[92] Arrian, i. 8; Diodor. xvii. 12, 13.

[93] Diodorus (xvii. 14) and Plutarch (Alexand. 11) agree in giving the totals of 6000 and 30,000.

[94] Arrian, i. 9; Diodor. xvii. 14.

[95] Justin, xi. 4.

[96] Diodor. xvii. 14; Justin, xi. 4: “pretium non ex ementium commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio extenditur.”

[97] Arrian, i. 9, 13. ???? d? etas???s? t?? ????? ???????, ??? d? ?a? ?p?t?e?e? ????a?d??? t? ?at? t?? T?a? d?a?e??a?, ?d??e, etc.

[98] Arrian, i. 9, 10. He informs us (i. 9, 12) that there were many previous portents which foreshadowed this ruin: Diodorus (xvii. 10) on the contrary, enumerates many previous signs, all tending to encourage the Thebans.

[99] Plutarch, Alex. 11. ? ?? p???? ??? ?a? d?a?pas?e?sa ?ates??f?, t? ?? ???? p??sd???sa?t?? a?t?? t??? ?????a? p??e? t??????t? ??p?a???ta? ?a? pt??a?ta? ?t?e?se??, ????? d? ?a? ?a???p?sa???? ?a???es?a? t??? t?? s????? ?????as??.

[100] Arrian, i. 11, 13. To illustrate farther the feeling of the Greeks, respecting the wrath of the gods arising from the discontinuance of worship where it had been long continued—I transcribe a passage from Colonel Sleeman’s work respecting the Hindoos, whose religious feelings are on so many points analogous to those of the HellÊnes:—

“Human sacrifices were certainly offered in the city of Saugor during the whole Mahratta government, up to the year 1800—when they were put a stop to by the local governor, Assa Sahib, a very humane man. I once heard a learned Brahmin priest say, that he thought the decline of his (Assa Sahib’s) family and government arose from this innovation. ‘There is (said he) no sin in not offering human sacrifices to the gods, where none have been offered; but where the gods have been accustomed to them, they are very naturally annoyed when the rite is abolished, and visit the place and the people with all kinds of calamity.’ The priest did not seem to think that there was anything singular in this mode of reasoning: perhaps three Brahmin priests out of four would have reasoned in the same manner.” (Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. i. ch. xv. p. 130).

[101] Plutarch, Alex. 13: compare Justin, xi. 4; and Isokrates ad Philipp. (Or. v. s. 35), where he recommends Thebes to Philip on the ground of pre-eminent worship towards Herakles.

It deserves notice, that while Alexander himself repented of the destruction of Thebes, the macedonizing orator at Athens describes it as a just, though deplorable penalty, brought by the Thebans upon themselves by reckless insanity of conduct (Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524).

[102] Arrian, i. 10, 4.

[103] The name of Diotimus is mentioned by Arrian (i. 10, 6), but not by Plutarch; who names Demon instead of him (Plutarch, Demosth. c. 23) and Kallisthenes instead of Hyperides. We know nothing about Diotimus, except that Demosthenes (De CoronÂ, p. 264) alludes to him along with Charidemus, as having received an expression of gratitude from the people, in requital for a present of shields which he had made. He is mentioned also, along with Charidemus and others, in the third of the Demosthenic epistles, p. 1482.

[104] Arrian, i. 10, 6; Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 847. ???te? a?t?? (Demosthenes) ?pe???? e? ? d???sa?. Diodor. xvii. 15; Plutarch, Demosth. 23.

[105] Livy; ix. 18. “(Alexander), adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fract Macedonum armis, cernente tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, concionari libere ausi sint homines,—id quod ex monumentis orationum patet”, etc.

[106] Plutarch, Phokion, 9-17; Diodor. xvii. 15.

[107] Diodor. xvii. 15. ? d? d??? t??t?? ?? (Phokion) t??? ??????? ???a?e, p??s??t?? ?????? t??? ??????.

[108] Arrian, i. 10, 8; Diodor. xvii. 15; Plutarch, Phokion, 17; Justin, xi. 4; Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 26.

Arrian states that the visit of Demades with nine other Athenian envoys to Alexander, occurred prior to the demand of Alexander for the extradition of the ten citizens. He (Arrian) affirms that immediately on hearing the capture of Thebes, the Athenians passed a vote, on the motion of Demades, to send ten envoys, for the purpose of expressing satisfaction that Alexander had come home safely from the Illyrians, and that he had punished the Thebans for their revolt. Alexander (according to Arrian) received this mission courteously, but replied by sending a letter to the Athenian people, insisting on the surrender of the ten citizens.

Now both Diodorus and Plutarch represent the mission of Demades as posterior to the demand made by Alexander for the ten citizens; and that it was intended to meet and deprecate that demand.

In my judgment, Arrian’s tale is the less credible of the two. I think it highly improbable that the Athenians would by public vote express satisfaction that Alexander had punished the Thebans for their revolt. If the macedonizing party at Athens was strong enough to carry so ignominious a vote, they would also have been strong enough to carry the subsequent proposition of Phokion—that the ten citizens demanded should be surrendered. The fact, that the Athenians afforded willing shelter to the Theban fugitives, is a farther reason for disbelieving this alleged vote.

[109] Plutarch, Phokion, 17; Plutarch, Alexand. 13.

[110] Plutarch, Alex. 14.

[111] Plutarch, Alex. 14.

[112] Diodor. xvi. 7.

[113] Arrian, i. 16, 10; i. 29, 9, about the Grecian prisoners taken at the victory of the Granikus—?s??? d? a?t?? a??a??t??? ??ae, t??t??? d? d?sa? ?? p?da??, e?? ?a?ed???a? ?p?pe?e? ?????es?a?, ?t? pa?? t? ????? d??a?ta t??? ????s??, ?????e? ??te?, ??a?t?a t? ????d? ?p?? t?? a????? ?????t?. Also iii. 23, 15, about the Grecian soldiers serving with the Persians, and made prisoners in Hyrkania—?d??e?? ??? e???a (said Alexander) t??? st?ate??????? ??a?t?a t? ????d? pa?? t??? a?????? pa?? t? d??ata t?? ???????.

Toward the end of October 1812, near Moscow, General Winzingerode, a German officer in the Russian service,—with his aide-de-camp a native Russian, Narishkin,—became prisoner of the French. He was brought to Napoleon—“At the sight of that German general, all the secret resentments of Napoleon took fire. ‘Who are you (he exclaimed)? a man without a country! When I was at war with the Austrians, I found you in their ranks. Austria has become my ally, and you have entered into the Russian service. You have been one of the warmest instigators of the present war. Nevertheless, you are a native of the Confederation of the Rhine: you are my subject. You are not an ordinary enemy: you are a rebel: I have a right to bring you to trial. Gens d’armes, seize this man!’ Then addressing the aide-de-camp of Winzingerode, Napoleon said, ‘As for you, Count Narishkin, I have nothing to reproach you with: you are a Russian, you are doing your duty.’” (SÉgur’s account of the Campaign in Russia, book ix. ch. vi. p. 132.)

Napoleon did not realize these threats against Winzingerode; but his language expresses just the same sentiment as that of Alexander towards the captive Greeks.

[114] Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 14 ???? ?? ??? ? ?a?ed????? d??a?? ?a? ???? ?? ?? p??s???? e??? ?st? t?? ?? s????, ???? ?p???? p??? ??? ?p? ??????? p??? ????????? ... a?t? d? ?a?? a?t?? ?s?e??? ?a? p????? ?a??? ?st? est?.

[115] Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123, 124: compare Olynth. ii. p. 22. I give here the substance of what is said by the orator, not strictly adhering to his words.

[116] Isokrates, in several of his discourses, notes the gradual increase of these mercenaries—men without regular means of subsistence, or fixed residence, or civic obligations. Or. iv. (Panegyr.) s. 195; Or. v. (Philippus), s. 112-142; Or. viii. (De Pace), s. 31-56.

[117] Xenoph. Magist. Equit. ix. 4. ??da d? ??? ?a? ?a?eda??????? t? ?pp???? ????e??? e?d???e??, ?pe? ?????? ?pp?a? p??s??a??? ?a? ?? ta?? ???a?? p??es? pa?ta??? t? ?e???? ??? e?d??????ta.

Compare Demosth. Philippic. i. p. 46; Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 4, 14; Isokrates, Orat. vii. (Areopagit.), s. 93.

[118] For an explanation of the improved arming of peltasts introduced by Iphikrates, see Vol. IX. Ch. lxxv. p. 335 of this History. Respecting these improvements, the statements both of Diodorus (xv. 44) and of Nepos are obscure. MM. RÜstow and KÖchly (in their valuable work, Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens, Aarau, 1852, B. ii. p. 164) have interpreted the statements in a sense to which I cannot subscribe. They think that Iphikrates altered not only the arming of peltasts, but also that of hoplites; a supposition, which I see nothing to justify.

[119] Besides the many scattered remarks in the Anabasis, the CyropÆdia is full of discussion and criticism on military phÆnomena. It is remarkable to what an extent Xenophon had present to his mind all the exigencies of war, and the different ways of meeting them. See as an example, CyropÆd. vi. 2; ii. 1.

The work on sieges, by Æneas (Poliorketica), is certainly anterior to the military improvements of Philip of Macedon: probably about the beginning of his reign. See the preface to it by RÜstow and KÖchly, p. 8, in their edition of Die Griechischen Kriegs-schriftsteller, Leips. 1853. In this work, allusion is made to several others, now lost, by the same author—?a?as?e?ast??? ????, ????st??? ?????, St?at?pede?t???, etc.

[120] See the striking speech addressed by Alexander to the discontented Macedonian soldiers, a few months before his death, at Opis or Susa (Arrian, vii).

... F???pp?? ??? pa?a?a?? ??? p?a??ta? ?a? ?p?????, ?? d?f???a?? t??? p?????? ????ta? ??? t? ??? p??ata ?at? ????a, ?a? ?p?? t??t?? ?a??? a??????? ????????? te ?a? ???a????? ?a? t??? ?????? T????, ??a?da? ?? ??? ??t? t?? d?f?e??? f??e?? ?d??e, ?at??a?e d? ?? t?? ???? ?? t? ped?a, ????????? ?atast?sa? t??? p??s?????? t?? a?????, ?? ? ?????? ?t? ?????t?t? p?ste???ta? ????? ? t? ???e?? ??et? s??es?a?....

In the version of the same speech given by Curtius (x. 10, 23), we find, “Modo sub Philippo seminudis, amicula ex purpur sordent, aurum et argentum oculi ferre non possunt: lignea enim vasa desiderant, et ex cratibus scuta rubiginemque gladiorum”, etc.

Compare the description given by Thucydides, iv. 124, of the army of Brasidas and Perdikkas, where the Macedonian foot are described as ????? ????? t?? a????? p????.

[121] Herodot. viii. 137.

[122] Thucyd. ii. 100; Xenoph. Hellen. v. 2, 40-42.

[123] Respecting the length of the pike of the Macedonian phalanx, see Appendix to this Chapter.

[124] The impression of admiration, and even terror, with which the Roman general Paulus Emilius was seized, on first seeing the Macedonian phalanx in battle array at Pydna—has been recorded by Polybius (Polybius, Fragm. xxix. 6, 11; Livy, xliv. 40).

[125] Harpokration and Photius, v. ?e??ta????, Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 23; Arrian, iv. 23, 1. t?? pe?eta???? ?a??????? t?? ???e??, and ii. 23, 2, etc.

Since we know from Demosthenes that the pezetÆri date from the time of Philip, it is probable that the passage of Anaximenes (as cited by Harpokration and Photius) which refers them to Alexander, has ascribed to the son what really belongs to the father. The term ?ta????, in reference to the kings of Macedonia, first appears in Plutarch, Pelopidas, 27, in reference to Ptolemy, before the time of Philip; see Otto Abel, Makedonien vor KÖnig Philip, p. 129 (the passage of Ælian referred to by him seems of little moment). The term Companions or Comrades had under Philip a meaning purely military, designating foreigners as well as Macedonians serving in his army: see Theopompus, Frag. 249. The term, originally applied only to a select few, was by degrees extended to the corps generally.

[126] Arrian, i. 14, 3; iii. 16, 19; Diodor. xvii. 57. Compare the note of Schmieder on the above passage of Arrian; also Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen, p. 95, 96, and the elaborate note of MÜtzel on Curtius, v. 2, 3. p. 400.

The passage of Arrian (his description of Alexander’s army arrayed at the Granikus) is confused, and seems erroneous in some words of the text; yet it may be held to justify the supposition of six Taxeis of pezetÆri in Alexander’s phalanx on that day. There seem also to be six Taxeis at ArbÊla (iii. 11, 16).

[127] Arrian. Tactic. c. 10; Ælian. Tactic. c. 9.

[128] Curtius, v. 2, 3.

[129] This is to be seen in the arrangement made by Alexander a short time before his death, when he incorporated Macedonian and Persian soldiers in the same lochus; the normal depth of sixteen was retained; all the front ranks or privileged men being Macedonians. The Macedonians were much hurt at seeing their native regimental array shared with Asiatics (Arrian, vii. 11, 5; vii. 23, 4-8).

[130] The proper meaning of ?pasp?sta?, as guards or personal attendants on the prince, appears in Arrian, i. 5, 3; vii. 8, 6.

Neoptolemus, as ?????pasp?st?? to Alexander, carried the shield and lance of the latter, on formal occasions (Plutarch, Eumenes, 1).

[131] Arrian, ii. 4, 3, 4; ii. 20, 5.

[132] Arrian, iv. 30, 11; v. 23, 11.

[133] Arrian, ii. 20, 5; ii. 23, 6; iii. 18, 8.

[134] Droysen and Schmieder give the number of hypaspists in Alexander’s army at Issus, as 6000. That this opinion rests on no sufficient evidence, has been shown by MÜtzel (ad Curtium, v. 2, 3. p. 399). But that the number of hypaspists left by Philip at his death was 6000 seems not improbable.

[135] See Arrian, v. 14, 1; v. 16, 4; Curtius, vi. 9, 22. “Equitatui, optimÆ exercitÛs parti”, etc.

[136] We are told that Philip, after his expedition against the Scythians about three years before his death, exacted and sent into Macedonia 20,000 chosen mares, in order to improve the breed of Macedonian horses. The regal haras were in the neighborhood of Pella (Justin, ix. 2; Strabo, xvi. p. 752, in which passage of Strabo, the details apply to the haras of Seleukus Nikator at Apameia, not to that of Philip at Pella).

[137] Arrian, i. 2, 8, 9 (where we also find mentioned t??? ?? t?? ????e? ?a?ed???a? ?pp?a?), i. 12, 12; ii. 9, 6; iii. 11, 12.

About the ?ppe?? sa??ss?f????, see i. 13, 1.

It is possible that there may have been sixteen squadrons of heavy cavalry, and eight squadrons of the Sarissophori,—each squadron from 180 to 250 men—as RÜstow and KÖchly conceive (p. 243). But there is no sufficient evidence to prove it; nor can I think it safe to assume, as they do, that Alexander carried over with him to Asia just half of the Macedonian entire force.

[138] Arrian, iii. 11, 11; iii. 13, 1; iii. 18, 8. In the first of these passages, we have ??a? as????a? in the plural (iii. 11, 12). It seems too that the different ??a? alternated with each other in the foremost position, or ??e???a for particular days (Arrian, i. 14, 9).

[139] Arrian, iii. 16, 19.

[140] Arrian, iv. 13, 1. ?? F???pp?? ?? ?d? ?a?est????, t?? ?? t??e? ?a?ed???? t??? pa?da?, ?s?? ?? ?????a? ?e??a??sa?t?, ?ata???es?a? ?? ?e?ape?a? t?? as?????. ?? d? pe?? t?? ????? d?a?ta? t?? s?at?? d?a???e?s?a? as??e?, ?a? ????e??? f???sse??, t??t??? ?pet?t?apt?? ?a? ?p?te ??e?a???? as??e??, t??? ?pp??? pa?? t?? ?pp????? de??e??? ??e???? p??s????, ?a? ???a??? ??t?? as???a t?? ?e?s???? t??p??, ?a? t?? ?p? ???? f???t??a? as??e? ???????? ?sa?, etc.

Curtius, viii. 6. 1. “Mos erat principibus Macedonum adultos liberos regibus tradere, ad munia haud multum servilibus ministeriis abhorrentia. Excubabant servatis noctium vicibus proximi foribus ejus Ædis, in qu rex aquiescebat. Per hos pellices introducebantur, alio aditu quam quem armati obsidebant. Iidem acceptos ab agasonibus equos, quum rex ascensurus esset, admovebant; comitabanturque et venantem, et in prÆliis, omnibus artibus studiorum liberalium exculti. PrÆcipuus honor habebatur, quod licebat sedentibus vesci cum rege. Castigandi eos verberibus nullius potestas prÆter ipsum erat. HÆc cohors velut seminarium ducum prÆfectorumque apud Macedonas fuit: hinc habuere posteri reges, quorum stirpibus post multas Ætates Romani opes ademerunt.” Compare Curtius, v. 6, 42; and Ælian, V. H. xiv. 49.

This information is interesting, as an illustration of Macedonian manners and customs, which are very little known to us. In the last hours of the Macedonian monarchy, after the defeat at Pydna (168 B.C.), the pueri regii followed the defeated king Perseus to the sanctuary at Samothrace, and never quitted him until the moment when he surrendered himself to the Romans (Livy, xlv. 5).

As an illustration of the scourging, applied as a punishment to these young Macedonians of rank, see the case of Dekamnichus, handed over by king Archelaus to Euripides, to be flogged (Aristotle, Polit. v. 8, 13).

[141] Curtius, v. 6, 42; Diodor. xvii. 65.

[142] We read this about the youthful Philippus, brother of Lysimachus (Curtius, viii. 2, 36).

[143] Arrian, i. 6, 17.

[144] Demosthenes, De CoronÂ, p. 247.

[145] Livy. xlii. 51; xliv. 46, also the comparison in Strabo, xvi. p. 752, between the military establishments of Seleukus Nikator at Apameia in Syria, and those of Philip at Pella in Macedonia.

[146] Justin, xi. 6. About the debt of 500 talents left by Philip, see the words of Alexander, Arrian, vii. 9, 10. Diodorus affirms (xvi. 8) that Philip’s annual return from the gold mines was 1000 talents; a total not much to be trusted.

[147] Diodor. xvii. 17.

[148] Diodor. xvii. 16.

[149] Justin, xi. 5. “Proficiscens ad Persicum bellum, omnes novercÆ suÆ cognatos, quos Philippus in excelsiorem dignitatis locum provehens imperiis prÆfecerat, interfecit. Sed nec suis, qui apti regno videbantur, pepercit; ne qua materia seditionis procul se agente in Macedoni remaneret.” Compare also xii. 6, where the Pausanias mentioned as having been put to death by Alexander is not the assassin of Philip. Pausanias was a common Macedonian name (see Diodor. xvi. 93).

I see no reason for distrusting the general fact here asserted by Justin. We know from Arrian (who mentioned the fact incidentally in his work t? et? ????a?d???, though he says nothing about it in his account of the expedition of Alexander—see Photius, Cod. 92. p. 220) that Alexander put to death, in the early period of his reign, his first cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas. Much less would he scruple to kill the friends or relatives of Kleopatra. Neither Alexander nor Antipater would account such proceeding anything else than a reasonable measure of prudential policy. By the Macedonian common law, when a man was found guilty of treason, all his relatives were condemned to die along with him (Curtius, vi. 11, 20).

Plutarch (De Fortun Alex. Magn. p. 342) has a general allusion to these precautionary executions ordered by Alexander. Fortune (he says) imposed upon Alexander de???? p??? ??d?a? ??f????? ?a? s???e?e?? d?? f???? ?a? s?d???? ?a? p???? ??????? ?????, ?te?p?stat?? t???? ????sa?.

[150] Kassander commanded a corps of Thracians and PÆonians: Iollas and Philippus were attached to the king’s person (Arrian, vii. 27, 2; Justin, xii. 14; Diodor. xvii. 17).

[151] Justin, xvi. 1, 14. “Antipatrum—amariorem semper ministrum regni, quam ipsos reges, fuisse”, etc.

[152] Plutarch, Alexand. 25-39; Arrian, vii. 12, 12. He was wont to say, that his mother exacted from him a heavy house-rent for his domicile of ten months.

Kleopatra also (sister of Alexander and daughter of Olympias) exercised considerable influence in the government. Dionysius, despot of the Pontic Herakleia, maintained himself against opposition in his government, during Alexander’s life, mainly by paying assiduous court to her (Memnon. Heracl. c. 4. ap. Photium, Cod. 224).

[153] Arrian, i. 11, 9.

[154] The Athenians furnished twenty ships of war. Diodor. xvii. 22.

[155] Arrian, i. 11; Plutarch, Alexand. 15; Justin, xi. 5. The ceremony of running round the column of Achilles still subsisted in the time of Plutarch—??e???e??? ??pa ?a? et? t?? ?ta???? s??a?ad?a?? ?????, ?spe? ???? ?st??, etc. Philostratus, five centuries after Alexander, conveys a vivid picture of the numerous legendary and religious associations connected with the plain of Troy and with the tomb of Protesilaus at ElÆus, and of the many rites and ceremonies performed there even in his time (Philostrat. Heroica, xix. 14, 15. p. 742, ed. Olearius—d????? d? ??????s????? s??????a???, ??a?a????te? t?? ??????a, etc., and the pages preceding and following).

DikÆarchus (Fragm. 19, ed. Didot. ap. AthenÆum, xiii. p. 603) had treated in a special work about the sacrifices offered to AthÊnÊ at Ilium (?e?? t?? ?? ???? ??s?a?) by Alexander, and by many others before him; by Xerxes (Herodot. vii. 43), who offered up 1000 oxen—by Mindarus (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1, 4), etc. In describing the proceedings of Alexander at Ilium, DikÆarchus appears he have dwelt much on the warm sympathy which that prince exhibited for the affection between Achilles and Patroklus: which sympathy DikÆarchus illustrated by characterizing Alexander as f???pa?? ??a???, and by recounting his public admiration for the eunuch BagÔas: compare Curtius, x. i. 25—about BagÔas.

[156] Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. ii. p. 334. ?????? ?p??t?p??a?, da??? ??t?p?????—ta?t?? ???? t????? p????????? ?p? ??a??d??, etc.

Like Achilles, Alexander was distinguished for swiftness of foot (Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. i. p. 331).

[157] Diodor. xvii. 17. Plutarch (Alexand. 15) says that the highest numbers which he had read of, were,—43,000 infantry with 5000 cavalry: the lowest numbers, 30,000 infantry with 4000 cavalry (assuming the correction of Sintenis, tet?a??s??????? in place of pe?ta??s???????, to be well founded, as it probably is—compare Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327).

According to Plutarch (Fort. Al. M. p. 327), both Ptolemy and Aristobulus stated the number of infantry to be 30,000; but Ptolemy gave the cavalry as 5000, Aristobulus, as only 4000. Nevertheless, Arrian—who professes to follow mainly Ptolemy and Aristobulus, whenever they agree—states the number of infantry as “not much more than 30,000; the cavalry as more than 5000” (Exp. Al. i. 11, 4). Anaximenes alleged 43,000 infantry, with 5500 cavalry. Kallisthenes (ap. Polybium. xii. 19) stated 40,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry. Justin (xi. 6) gives 32,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry.

My statement in the text follows Diodorus, who stands distinguished, by recounting not merely the total, but the component items besides. In regard to the total of infantry, he agrees with Ptolemy and Aristobulus: as to cavalry, his statement is a mean between the two.

[158] Plutarch, Alexand. 15.

[159] Arrian, vii. 9, 10—the speech which he puts in the mouth of Alexander himself—and Curtius, x. 2, 24.

Onesikritus stated that Alexander owed at this time a debt of 200 talents (Plutarch, Alex. 15).

[160] Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327; Justin, xi. 6.

[161] Arrian, i. 13, 4.

[162] Arrian, vi. 28, 6; Arrian, Indica, 18; Justin, xv. 3-4. Porphyry (Fragm. ap. Syncellum, Frag. Histor. GrÆc. vol. iii. p. 695-698) speaks of Lysimachus as a Thessalian from Kranon; but this must be a mistake: compare Justin, xv. 3.

[163] Neoptolemus belonged, like Alexander himself, to the Æakid gens (Arrian, ii. 27, 9).

[164] Plutarch, Eumenes, c. 1; Cornelius Nepos, Eumen. c. 1.

[165] Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, Eum. 2, 3, 8, 10.

[166] Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 19, respecting Philip—?? ???? ??? ??????? ??t??, ??d? p??s????t?? ??d?? t??? ????s??, ???? ??d? a????? ??te??e? ??e? ?a??? e?pe??, ???? ??????? ?a?ed????, ??e? ??d? ??d??p?d?? sp??da??? ??d?? ?? p??te??? p??as?a?.

Compare this with the exclamations of the Macedonian soldiers (called Argyraspides) against their distinguished chief Eumenes, calling him ?e?????s?t?? ??e???? (Plutarch, Eumenes, 18).

[167] See, in reference to these incidents, my last preceding volume, Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 441 seq.

[169] Diodor. xvi. 52. About the strength of the fortress of Athens, see Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 2, 11; Diodor. xiii. 64. It had been held in defiance of the Persians, even before the time of Hermeias—Isokrates. Compare also Isokrates, Or. iv. (Panegyr.) s. 167.

[170] Letter of Alexander, addressed to Darius after the battle of Issus, apud Arrian, ii. 14, 7. Other troops sent by the Persians into Thrace (besides those despatched to the relief of Perinthus), are here alluded to.

[171] Demosthenes, Philippic. iv. p. 139, 140; Epistola Philippi apud Demosthen. p. 160.

[172] Diodor. xvii. 5; Justin, x. 3; Curtius, x. 5, 22.

[173] Arrian, ii. 14, 10.

[174] Diodor. xvii. 7.

[175] Arrian, ii. 14, 11.

[176] Diodor. xvii. 7.

[177] Diodor. xvii. 7: compare Arrian, i. 17, 9. ?p? t?? ???a? t?? ??????? ?pe?e?—which doubtless means this region, conquered by Mentor from Hermeias of Atarneus.

[178] Diodor. xvii. 7; PolyÆnus, v. 34, 5.

[179] Diodor. xvii. 7. We read also of military operations near Magnesia between Parmenio and Memnon (PolyÆnus, v. 34, 4).

[180] Diodor. xvii. 18, 19; Arrian, i. 12, 14; i. 16, 5.

[181] Arrian, i. 12, 16; i. 13, 4.

[182] Compare the policy recommended by Memnon, as set forth in Arrian (i. 12, 16), and in Diodorus (xvii. 18). The superiority of Diodorus is here incontestable. He proclaims distinctly both the defensive and the offensive side of Memnon’s policy; which, when taken together, form a scheme of operations no less effective than prudent. But Arrian omits all notice of the offensive policy, and mentions only the defensive—the retreat and destruction of the country; which, if adopted alone, could hardly have been reckoned upon for success, in starving out Alexander, and might reasonably be called in question by the Persian generals. Moreover, we should form but a poor idea of Memnon’s ability, if in this emergency he neglected to avail himself of the irresistible Persian fleet.

I notice the rather this point of superiority of Diodorus, because recent critics have manifested a tendency to place too exclusive a confidence in Arrian, and to discredit almost all allegations respecting Alexander except such as Arrian either certifies or countenances. Arrian is a very valuable historian; he has the merit of giving us plain narrative without rhetoric, which contrasts favorably both with Diodorus and with Curtius; but he must not be set up as the only trustworthy witness.

[183] Arrian, i. 12, 18.

[184] Xenophon, Hellenic. iv. 1, 33.

[185] Strabo, xiii. p. 602. The rivers Skamander, Æsepus, and Granikus, all rise from the same height, called Kotylus. This comes from Demetrius, a native of Skepsis.

[186] Diodor. xvii. 18, 19. ?? ??a???, t?? ?p??e?a? ?ate???????, etc. “prima congressio in campis Adrastiis fuit.” Justin, xi. 6: compare Strabo, xiii. p. 587, 588.

[187] Arrian, i. 14, 3. The text of Arrian is not clear. The name of Kraterus occurs twice. Various explanations are proposed. The words ?ste ?p? t? ?s?? t?? ??p?s?? t??e?? seem to prove that there were three t??e?? of the phalanx (Kraterus, Meleager, and Philippus) included in the left half of the army—and three others (Perdikkas, Koenus, and Amyntas) in the right half; while the words ?p? d?, ? ??at???? t?? ??e???d??? appear wrongly inserted. There is no good reason for admitting two distinguished officers, each named Kraterus. The name of Philippus and his t???? is repeated twice; once in counting from the right of the t??e??,—once again in counting from the left.

[188] Plutarch states that Alexander struck into the river with thirteen squadrons (??a?) of cavalry. Whether this total includes all then present in the field, or only the Companion-cavalry—we cannot determine (Plutarch, Alex. 16).

[189] Diodor. xvii. 19.

[190] Arrian, i. 14, 8. ?????? ?? d? ?f?te?a t? st?ate?ata, ?p? ????? t?? p?ta?? ?fest?te?, ?p? t?? t? ????? ???e?? ?s???a? ????? ?a? s??? ?? p???? ?f? ??at????.

[191] Arrian, i. 14, 9. t??? p??d????? ?pp?a? mean the same cavalry as those who are called (in 14, 2) sa??ss?f????? ?pp?a?, under Amyntas son of ArrhibÆus.

[192] Arrian, i. 14, 10. ??t?? d? (Alexander) ???? t? d????? ???a? ... ?a??e? ?? t?? p????, ????? ?e? pa?ate???? t?? t????, ? pa?e???e t? ?e?a, ??a d? ? ??a????t? a?t? ?? ???sa? ?at? ???a? p??sp?pt??e?, ???? ?a? a?t??, ?? ???st??, t? f??a??? p??s??? a?t???.

Apparently, this passage ????? ?e? pa?ate???? t?? t????, ? pa?e???e t? ?e?a is to be interpreted by the phrase which follows describing the purpose to be accomplished.

I cannot think that the words imply a movement in Échelon, as RÜstow and KÖchly contend (Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens, p. 271)—nor a crossing of the river against the stream, to break the force of the current, as is the opinion of others.

[193] Arrian, i. 15, 5. ?a? pe?? a?t?? (Alexander himself) ???e?st??e? ??? ?a?te??, ?a? ?? t??t? ???a? ?p? ???a?? t?? t??e?? t??? ?a?ed?s? d??a???? ?? ?a?ep?? ?d?.

These words deserve attention, because they show how incomplete Arrian’s description of the battle had before been. Dwelling almost exclusively upon the personal presence and achievements of Alexander, he had said little even about the right half of the army, and nothing at all about the left half of it under Parmenio. We discover from these words that all the t??e?? of the phalanx (not only the three in Alexander’s half, but also the three in Parmenio’s half) passed the river nearly at the same time, and for the most part, with little or no resistance.

[194] Arrian, i. 15, 6-12; Diodor. xvi. 20; Plutarch, Alex. 16. These authors differ in the details. I follow Arrian.

[195] Diodor. xvii. 21.

[196] Arrian, i. 16, 1. Plutarch says that the infantry, on seeing the cavalry routed, demanded to capitulate on terms with Alexander; but this seems hardly probable.

[197] Arrian, i. 16, 4; Diodor. xvii. 21. Diodorus says that on the part of the Persians more than 10,000 foot were killed, with 2000 cavalry; and that more than 20,000 men were made prisoners.

[198] Arrian, i. 16, 5, 6.

[199] Arrian, i. 16, 7, 8.

[200] Arrian, in describing another battle, considers that the proportion of twelve to one, between wounded and killed, is above what could have been expected (v. 24, 8). RÜstow and KÖchly (p. 273) state that in modern battles, the ordinary proportion of wounded to killed is from 8:1 to 10:1.

[201] Arrian, i. 16, 8; Plutarch, Alexand. 16. Aristobulus (apud Plutarch. l.c.) said that there were slain, among the companions of Alexander (t?? pe?? t?? ????a?d???) thirty-four persons, of whom nine were infantry. This coincides with Arrian’s statement about the twenty-five companions of the cavalry, slain.

[202] Arrian, i. 16, 10, 11.

[203] Arrian usually calls the battle of the Granikus an ?pp?a??a (i. 17, 10 and elsewhere).

The battle was fought in the Attic month Thargelion: probably the beginning of May (Plutarch, Camillus, 19).

[204] Æschylus, Pers. 950 seqq.

[205] Arrian, i. 17, 1, 2.

[206] About the almost impregnable fortifications and position of Sardis, see Polybius, vii. 15-18; Herod. i. 84. It held out for nearly two years against Antiochus III. (B.C. 216), and was taken at last only by the extreme carelessness of the defenders; even then, the citadel was still held.

[207] Herodot. vii. 106, 107.

[208] Arrian, i. 17, 5-9; Diodor. xvii. 21.

[209] Arrian, i. 17, 12. Respecting these commotions at Ephesus, which had preceded the expedition of Alexander, we have no information: nor are we told who Heropythus was or under what circumstances he had liberated Ephesus. It would have been interesting to know these facts, as illustrating the condition of the Asiatic Greeks previous to Alexander’s invasion.

[210] Arrian, i. 17, 10-13.

[211] Arrian, i. 18, 5, 6.

[212] Arrian, i. 18, 10-13.

[213] Diodor. xvii. 22.

[214] Diodor. xvii. 23.

[215] Arrian, i. 18, 9-15; i. 20, 2.

[216] Arrian, i. 19; Diodor. xvii. 22.

[217] Arrian, i. 20, 1-4; Diodor. xvii. 22. At the same time, the statement of Diodorus can hardly be correct (xvii. 24), that Alexander sent his battering engines from Miletus to Halikarnassus by sea. This would only have exposed them to be captured by the Persian fleet. We shall see that Alexander reorganized his entire fleet during the ensuing year.

[218] Arrian, i. 23, 11, 12; Diodor. xvii. 24; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.

[219] Arrian, i. 20, 13.

[220] Arrian, i. 20, 5. ??pa?ta ta?ta ????? te a?t?? pa??? ?? p????? pa?es?e???e?, etc.

[221] Compare Arrian, i. 21, 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 25, 26.

[222] Both Arrian, (i. 21, 5) and Diodorus (xvii. 25) mention this proceeding of the two soldiers of Perdikkas, though Diodorus says that it occurred at night, which cannot well be true.

[223] Arrian, i. 21, 7-12.

[224] Diodor. xvii. 25.

[225] The last desperate struggle of the besieged, is what stands described in i. 22 of Arrian, and in xvii. 26, 27 of Diodorus; though the two descriptions are very different. Arrian does not name Ephialtes at Halikarnassus. He follows the Macedonian authors, Ptolemy and Aristobulus; who probably dwelt only on Memnon and the Persians as their real enemies, treating the Greeks in general as a portion of the hostile force. On the other hand, Diodorus and Curtius appear to have followed, in great part, Grecian authors; in whose view eminent Athenian exiles, like Ephialtes and Charidemus, counted for much more.

The fact here mentioned by Diodorus, that Ephialtes drove back the young Macedonian guard, and that the battle was restored only by the extraordinary efforts of the old guard—is one of much interest, which I see no reason for mistrusting, though Arrian says nothing about it. Curtius (v. 2; viii. 1) makes allusion to it on a subsequent occasion, naming Atharrias: the part of his work in which it ought to have been narrated, is lost. On this, as on other occasions, Arrian slurs over the partial reverses, obstructions, and losses, of Alexander’s career. His authorities probably did so before him.

[226] Diodor. xvi. 27; Curtius, v. 1. viii. 2. ... ?? ??? p?es?tat?? t?? ?a?ed????, d?? ?? t?? ?????a? ?p??e?????? t?? ???d????, s??est?ate????? d? F???pp? ... t??? ?? f???a???s? ?e?t????? p????? ??e?d?sa? t?? ??a?d??a?, a?t?? d? s??a????s???te? ?a? s??asp?sa?te?, ?p?st?sa? t??? d?????ta? ?d? ?e???????a?....

[227] Arrian, i. 22, 5.

[228] Arrian, i. 23, 3, 4; Diodor. xvii. 27.

[229] Arrian, i. 23, 11; Diodor. xvii. 7; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.

[230] Arrian, i. 24, 6-9.

[231] Diodor. xvii. 28.

[232] Arrian, i. 24, 11; Plutarch, Alexand. 17.

[233] Arrian, i. 26, 4. ??? ??e? t?? ?e???, ?? a?t?? te ?a? ?? ?f? a?t?? ???????t?, etc. Strabo, xiv. p. 666; Curtius, v. 3, 22.

Plutarch’s words (Alexand. 17) must be taken to mean that Alexander did not boast so much of this special favor from the gods, as some of his panegyrists boasted for him.

[234] Arrian, i. 27, 1-8

[235] Curtius. iii. 1, 8.

[236] Arrian, i. 29, 1-5.

[237] Arrian, ii. 3; Curtius, iii. 2, 17; Plutarch, Alex. 18; Justin, xi. 7.

[238] Arrian, i. 29, 8.

[239] Arrian, ii. 1, 4-9.

[240] Diodor. xvii. 29.

[241] Arrian, ii. 2, 6; Curtius, iii. 3, 19; iii. 4, 8. “Nondum enim Memnonem vit excessisse cognoverat (Alexander)—satis gnarus, cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo moveretur.”

[242] Diodor. xvi. 31.

[243] Diodor. xvii. 30, 31. Diodorus represents the Persian king as having begun to issue letters of convocation for the troops, after he heard the death of Memnon; which cannot be true. The letters must have been sent out before.

[244] Curtius, iii. 2.

[245] Herodot. vii. 56—and the colloquy between Xerxes and Demaratus, vii. 103, 104—where the language put by Herodotus into the mouth of Xerxes is natural and instructive. On the other hand, the superior penetration of Cyrus the younger expresses supreme contempt for the military inefficiency of an Asiatic multitude—Xenophon, Anabas. i. 7, 4. Compare the blunt language of the Arcadian Antiochus—Xen. Hellen. vii. i. 38; and CyropÆd. viii. 8, 20.

[246] Curtius, iii. 2, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 30.

[247] Arrian, ii. 2, 1; ii. 13, 3. Curtius, iii. 3, 1.

[248] Arrian, i. 29. 6.

[249] Arrian, ii. 4, 2; Curtius, iii. 1, 22; Plutarch, Alex. 18.

[250] Respecting this pass, see Vol. IX. Ch. lxix. p. 20 of the present History. There are now two passes over Taurus, from Erekli on the north side of the mountain—one, the easternmost descending upon Adana in Kilikia—the other, the westernmost, upon Tarsus. In the war (1832) between the Turks and Ibrahim Pacha, the Turkish commander left the westernmost pass undefended, so that Ibrahim Pacha passed from Tarsus along it without opposition. The Turkish troops occupied the easternmost pass, but defended themselves badly, so that the passage was forced by the Egyptians (Histoire de la Guerre de Mehemed Ali, par CadalvÈne et Barrault, p. 243).

Alexander crossed Taurus by the easternmost of the two passes.

[251] Xenoph. Anabas. i. 2. 21; Diodor. xiv. 20.

[252] Curtius, iii. 4, 11.

[253] Curtius, iii. 4, 11. “Contemplatus locorum situm (Alexander), non alias dicitur magis admiratus esse felicitatem suam”, etc.

See Plutarch, Demetrius, 47, where Agathokles (son of Lysimachus) holds the line of Taurus against Demetrius PoliorkÊtes.

[254] Arrian, ii. 4, 3-8; Curtius, iii. 4. Curtius ascribes to Arsames the intention of executing what had been recommended by Memnon before the battle of Granikus—to desolate the country in order to check Alexander’s advance. But this can hardly be the right interpretation of the proceeding. Arrian’s account seems more reasonable.

[255] When HephÆstion died of fever at Ekbatana, nine years afterwards, Alexander caused the physician who had attended him to be crucified (Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Arrian, vii. 14).

[256] This interesting anecdote is recounted, with more or less of rhetoric and amplification, in all the historians—Arrian, ii. 4; Diodor. xvii. 31; Plutarch, Alexand. 19; Curtius, iii. 5; Justin, xi. 8.

It is one mark of the difference produced in the character of Alexander, by superhuman successes continued for four years—to contrast the generous confidence which he displayed towards Philippus, with his cruel prejudgment and torture of PhilÔtas four years afterwards.

[257] Arrian, ii. 5, 1; Diodor. xvii. 32; Curtius, iii. 7, 6.

[258] Cyrus the younger was five days in marching from Tarsus to Issus, and one day more from Issus to the gates of Kilikia and Syria.—Xenoph. Anab. i. 4, 1; Vol. IX. Chap. lxix. p. 27 of this history.

[259] Arrian, ii, 5, 11.

[260] Arrian, ii. 6.

[261] Curtius, iii. 3, 24.

[262] Curtius, iii. 7, 1.

[263] Curtius, iii. 7, 8.

[264] From Æschines (cont. Ktesiphont. p. 552) it seems that Demosthenes, and the anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens, received letters at this moment written in high spirits, intimating that Alexander was “caught and pinned up” in Kilikia. Demosthenes (if we may believe Æschines) went about showing these letters, and boasting of the good news which was at hand. Josephus (Ant. Jud. xi. 8, 3) also reports the confident anticipations of Persian success, entertained by Sanballat at Samaria, as well as by all the Asiatics around.

[265] Arrian, ii. 6; Curtius, iii. 8, 2; Diodor. xvii. 32.

[266] Cicero, Epist. ad Famil. xv. 4. See the instructive commentary of MÜtzel ad Curtium, iii. 8, p. 103, 104. I have given in an Appendix to this Volume, some explanatory comments on the ground near Issus.

[267] Plutarch (Alexand. 20) states this general fact correctly; but he is mistaken in saying that the two armies missed one another in the night, etc.

[268] Arrian, ii. 7, 2; Curtius, iii. 8, 14. I have mentioned, a few pages back, that about a fortnight before, Alexander had sent Parmenio forward from Tarsus to secure the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, while he himself marched backward to Soli and Anchilaus. He and Parmenio must have been separated at this time by a distance, not less than eight days of ordinary march. If during this interval, Darius had arrived at Issus, he would have been just between them, and would have cut them off one from the other. It was Alexander’s good luck that so grave an embarrassment did not occur.

[269] Arrian, ii. 7, 8.

[270] Arrian, ii. 7; Curtius, iii. 10; Diodor. xvii. 33.

[271] Kallisthenes called the distance 100 stadia (ap. Polyb. xii. 19). This seems likely to be under the truth.

Polybius criticises severely the description given by Kallisthenes of the march of Alexander. Not having before us the words of Kallisthenes himself, we are hardly in a condition to appreciate the goodness of the criticism; which in some points is certainly overstrained.

[272] Kallisthenes ap. Polybium, xii. 17.

[273] Arrian, ii. 8, 4-13.

[274] Compare Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii. 17.; and Arrian, ii. 8, 8. Considering how narrow the space was, such numerous bodies as these 30,000 horse and 20,000 foot must have found little facility in moving. Kallisthenes did not notice them, as far as we can collect from Polybius.

[275] Arrian, ii. 8, 9. ??s??t??? ??? ?p? f??a???? ?p??? ?d??et? t? ??????, ??a ?t?ss??t?.

The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know the exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth of sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4000 men would stand in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces; and therefore 80,000 men in a breadth of twenty stadia (see the calculation of RÜstow and KÖchly, p. 280, about the Macedonian line). Assuming a depth of twenty-six, 6500 men would stand in the stadium, and therefore 90,000 in a total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that given by Kallisthenes. But there must have been intervals left, greater or less, we know not how many; the covering detachments, which had been thrown out before the river Pinarus, must have found some means of passing through to the rear, when recalled.

Mr. Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the sea varies between one mile and a half (English) and three miles. The fourteen stadia of Kallisthenes are equivalent to nearly one English mile and three-quarters.

Neither in ancient nor in modern times have Oriental armies ever been trained, by native officers, to regularity of march or array—see Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, ch. xxiii. vol. ii. p. 498; Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, vol. i. p. 124.

[276] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. Kallisthenes appears to have reckoned the mercenaries composing the Persian phalanx at 30,000—and the cavalry at 30,000. He does not seem to have taken account of the Kardakes. Yet Polybius in his criticism tries to make out that there was not room for an array of even 60,000; while Arrian enumerates 90,000 hoplites, not including cavalry (Polyb. xii. 18).

[277] Arrian, ii. 9; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii. 17. The slackness of this Persian corps on the flank, and the ease with which Alexander drove them back—a material point in reference to the battle—are noticed by Curtius, iii. 9, 11.

[278] Arrian, ii. 11, 6. e????, ?? e??e? ?p? t?? ??at??, ??? t??? p??t??? ?fe??e, etc.

This simple statement of Arrian is far more credible than the highly wrought details given by Diodorus (xvii. 34) and Curtius (iii. 11, 9) about a direct charge of Alexander upon the chariot of Darius, and a murderous combat immediately round that chariot, in which the horses became wounded and unmanageable, so as to be on the point of overturning it. Chares even went so far as to affirm that Alexander had come into personal conflict with Darius, from whom he had received his wound in the thigh (Plutarch, Alex. 20). Plutarch had seen the letter addressed by Alexander to Antipater, simply intimating that he had received a slight wound in the thigh.

In respect to this point, as to so many others, Diodorus and Curtius have copied the same authority.

Kallisthenes (ap. Polyb. xii. 22) stated that Alexander had laid his plan of attack with a view to bear upon the person of Darius, which is not improbable (compare Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 22), and was in fact realized, since the first successful charge of the Macedonians came so near to Darius as to alarm him for the safety of his own person. To the question put by Polybius—How did Alexander know in what part of the army Darius was?—we may reply, that the chariot and person of Darius would doubtless be conspicuous: moreover the Persian kings were habitually in the centre—and Cyrus the younger, at the battle of Kunaxa, directed the attack to be made exactly against the person of his brother Artaxerxes.

After the battle of Kunaxa, Artaxerxes assumed to himself the honor of having slain Cyrus with his own hand, and put to death those who had really done the deed, because they boasted of it (Plutarch, Artax. 16).

[279] This is the supposition of Mr. Williams, and it appears to me probable though Mr. Ainsworth calls it in question, in consequence of the difficulties of the ground southward of Myriandrus towards the sea. [See Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay on the Cilician and Syrian Gates, Journal of the Geograph. Society, 1838, p. 194]. These Greeks, being merely fugitives with arms in their hands—with neither cavalry nor baggage—could make their way over very difficult ground.

[280] Arrian, ii. 11, 3; Curtius, iii. 11, 13. Kallisthenes stated the same thing as Arrian—that this Persian cavalry had crossed the Pinarus, and charged the Thessalians with bravery. Polybius censures him for it, as if he had affirmed something false and absurd (xii. 18). This shows that the criticisms of Polybius are not to be accepted without reserve. He reasons as if the Macedonian phalanx could not cross the Pinarus—converting a difficulty into an impossibility (xii. 22).

[281] Arrian, ii. 11; Curtius, iii. 11.

[282] Arrian, i. 11, 11; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii 20.

[284] Arrian, ii. 12, 8—from Ptolemy and Aristobulus. Compare Diodor. xvii. 36; Curtius, iii. 11, 24; iii. 12, 17.

[285] Plutarch, Alex. 22. ??? ??? (Alexander) ??? ?t? ???a??? ?? e??e?e??? t?? ?a?e??? ???a??a ? e???e????? ?de??, ???? ??d? t?? ?e???t?? pe?? t?? e???f?a? a?t?? p??sdede????? t?? ?????.

[286] Arrian, ii. 13, 2, 3; Diodor. xvii. 48. Curtius says that these Greeks got away by by-paths across the mountains (Amanus)—which may be true (Curtius, iii. 11, 19).

[287] Arrian, ii. 12, 1; Curtius, iii. 12, 27; Diodor. xvii. 40. The “ArÆ Alexandri, in radicibus Amani”, are mentioned by Cicero (ad Famil. xv. 4) When commanding in Kilikia he encamped there with his army four days.

[288] See this faith put forward in the speech of Xerxes—Herodot. vii. 48; compare the speech of AchÆmenes, vii. 236.

[289] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. ?a? ta?t? ?? d???? ????et? (Darius) t??? ?f? ????a?d??? t? ???? ded???????? (a remarkable expression borrowed from Thucydides, iv. 34). Compare Arrian, ii. 6, 7.

[290] Immediately before the battle of Kunaxa, Cyrus the younger was asked by some of the Grecian Officers, whether he thought that his brother Artaxerxes (who had as yet made no resistance) would fight—“To be sure he will (was the reply) if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not obtain the crown without fighting!” Personal cowardice, in a king of Persia at the head of his army, seemed inconceivable (Xenoph. Anab. i. 7, 9)

[291] Arrian, ii. 5, 8.

[292] Arrian, ii. 13, 4-8.

[293] Diodor. xvii. 48.

[294] Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 5, 11. Curtius seems to mention this vote later, but it must evidently have been passed at the first Isthmian festival after the battle of Issus.

[295] Arrian, ii. 11, 13; Curtius, iii. 13. The words of Arrian (ii. 15, 1)—?p?s? ???sa?ta ?? ?aas???—confirm the statement of Curtius, that this treasure was captured by Parmenio, not in the town, but in the hands of fugitives who were conveying it away from the town.

[296] A fragment of the letter from Parmenio to Alexander is preserved, giving a detailed list of the articles of booty (AthenÆus, xiii. p. 607).

[297] Arrian, ii. 15, 5; Curtius, iii. 13, 13-16. There is some discrepancy between the two (compare Arrian, iii. 24, 7) as to the names of the LacedÆmonian envoys.

[298] See above, in the History, Vol. X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 108; Vol. X. Ch. lxxix. p. 251; and Æschines, Fals. Leg. p. 263. c. 13.

Alexander himself had consented to be adopted by Ada princess of Karia as her son (Arrian, i. 23, 12).

[299] Arrian, ii. 14, 11; ii. 15, 8.

[300] Diodor. xvi. 45.

[301] Arrian, ii. 15, 8; ii. 20, 1. Curtius, iv. 1, 6-16.

[302] Arrian, ii. 14; Curtius, iv. i. 10; Diodor. xvii. 39. I give the substance of this correspondence from Arrian. Both Curtius and Diodorus represent Darius as offering great sums of money and large cessions of territory, in exchange for the restitution of the captives. Arrian says nothing of the kind.

[303] Arrian, ii. 12, 9.

[304] Curtius, iv. 1, 20-25; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus (xvii. 47) tells the story as if it had occurred at Tyre, and not at Sidon; which is highly improbable.

[305] Arrian. iii 15, 9. ?? ??????t?? ?????? p??sse??, ?,t? ?? ?pa?????? ????a?d???. Compare Curtius, iv. 2, 3.

[306] Curtius (ut suprÀ) adds these motives: Arrian asserts nothing beyond the simple request. The statement of Curtius represents what is likely to have been the real fact and real feeling of Alexander.

It is certainly true that Curtius overloads his narrative with rhetorical and dramatic amplification; but it is not less true that Arrian falls into the opposite extreme—squeezing out his narrative until little is left beyond the dry skeleton.

[307] Arrian, ii. 16, 11.

[308] Curtius, iv. 2, 4; Justin, xi. 10. This item, both prudent and probable, in the reply of the Tyrians, is not noticed by Arrian.

[309] Arrian, ii. 16, 11. t??? ?? p??se?? p??? ????? ?p?s? ?p?pe?e?, etc. Curtius, iv. 2, 5. “Non tenuit iram, cujus alioqui potens non erat”, etc.

[310] Diodorus, xvii. 40. ?? d? ??????, ???????? t?? as????? t? ??a??e? t? ????? ??sa?, p??pet?ste??? d?e????sa? a?t?? t?? e?? t?? p???? e?s?d??.

[311] Arrian, i. 18, 4.

[312] Arrian, ii. 24, 10.

[313] This is the view expressed by Alexander himself, in his address to the army, inviting them to undertake the siege of Tyre (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-8).

[314] Arrian, ii. 16, 12. Curtius says (iv. 2, 2), “Tyros facilius societatem Alexandri acceptura videbatur, quam imperium.” This is representing the pretensions of the Tyrians as greater than the fact warrants. They did not refuse the imperium of Alexander, though they declined compliance with one extreme demand.

Ptolemy I. (son of Lagus) afterwards made himself master of Jerusalem, by entering the town on the Sabbath, under pretence of offering sacrifice (Josephus, Antiq. Jud. xii. 1).

[315] Curtius, iv. 2, 7, 8. The site of Tyre at the present day presents nothing in the least conformable to the description of Alexander’s time.

[316] Arrian, ii. 18, 3; ii. 21, 4; ii. 22, 8.

[317] Azemilchus was with Autophradates when Alexander declared hostility against Tyre (Arrian, ii. 15, 10); he was in Tyre when it was captured (Arrian, ii. 24, 8).

[318] Curtius, iv. 2, 10; Arrian, ii. 24, 8; Diodor. xvli. 40, 41. Curtius (iv. 2, 15) says that Alexander sent envoys to the Tyrians to invite them to peace; that the Tyrians not only refused the propositions, but put the deputies to death, contrary to the law of nations. Arrian mentions nothing about this sending of deputies, which he would hardly have omitted to do had he found it stated in his authorities, since it tends to justify the proceedings of Alexander. Moreover it is not conformable to Alexander’s temperament, after what had passed between him and the Tyrians.

[319] Arrian, ii. 18, 19; Diodor. xvii. 42; Curtius, iv. 3, 6, 7.

[320] Arrian. ii. 20, 1-4; Curtius, iv. 2, 14. It evinces how strongly Arrian looks at everything from Alexander’s point of view, when we find him telling us, that that monarch forgave the Phenicians and Cyprians for their adherence and past service in the Persian fleet, considering that they had acted under compulsion.

[321] Arrian, i. 18, 15. In the siege of Tyre (four centuries earlier) by the Assyrian monarch Salmaneser, Sidon and other Phenician towns had lent their ships to the besieger (Menander apud Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ix. 14, 2).

[322] Arrian, ii. 20, 5; Plutarch, Alexander, 24.

[323] Arrian, ii. 20, 9-16; Curtius, iv. 3, 11.

[324] Arrian, ii. 23, 24; Curtius, iv. 4, 11; Diodor. xvii. 46.

[325] Curtius, iv. 4, 15.

[326] This is mentioned both by Curtius (iv. 4, 17) and by Diodorus (xvii. 46). It is not mentioned by Arrian, and perhaps may not have found a place in Ptolemy or Aristobulus; but I see no ground for disbelieving it.

[327] Arrian, iv. 24, 9; Diodorus, xvii. 46.

[328] The resuscitating force of commercial industry is seen by the fact, that in spite of this total destruction, Tyre again rose to be a wealthy and flourishing city (Strabo, xvi. p. 757).

[329] Arrian, ii. 25, 5; Curtius, iv. 5. The answer is more insolent in the naked simplicity of Arrian, than in the pomp of Curtius. Plutarch (Alexand. 29) both abridges and softens it. Diodorus also gives the answer differently (xvii. 54)—and represents the embassy as coming somewhat later in time, after Alexander’s return from Egypt.

[330] Arrian, ii. 17, 4.

[331] Curtius, iv. 5, 14.

[332] Curtius, iv. 5, 14-22; Arrian, iii. 2, 4-8.

[333] Arrian, ii. 26, 5. ?? d? ??a??p???? ????? ?pede?????t?, ?p???? e??a? ?? ??e?? t? te????, d?? ???? t?? ??at??? ???? ??e???d?? ?d??e? a??et??? e??a?, ?s? ?p???te???? ??p???e?? ??? t??? p??e???? t? ????? t? pa?a???? ?p? ??a, ?a? t? ? ??e?? a?s???? e??a? ??, ?e??e??? ?? te t??? ?????a? ?a? ?a?e???.

About the fidelity, and obstinate defensive courage, shown more than once by the inhabitants of Gaza—see Polybius, xvi. 40.

[334] Arrian, ii. 26, 27; Curtius, iv. 6, 12-18; Plutarch, Alexand. 25.

[335] Arrian, ii. 27, 5. ??a ??????a? ?? ????? pa?t??e? t?? p??e??. It is certainly possible, as Droysen remarks (Gesch. Alex. des Grossen, p. 199), that pa?t??e? is not to be interpreted with literal strictness, but only as meaning in many different portions of the walled circuit.

Yet if this had been intended, Arrian would surely have said ??ata in the plural, not ??a.

[336] Diodorus (xvii. 48) states the whole duration of the siege as two months. This seems rather under than over the probable truth.

[337] Curtius, iv. 6, 25-30; Dionys. Hal. De Comp. Verbor. p. 123-125—with the citation there given from Hegesias of Magnesia. Diodorus (xvii. 48, 49) simply mentions Gaza in two sentences, but gives no details of any kind.

Arrian says nothing about the treatment of Batis, nor did he probably find anything about it in Ptolemy or Aristobulus. There are assignable reasons why they should pass it over in silence, as disgraceful to Alexander. But Arrian, at the same time, says nothing inconsistent with or contradicting the statement of Curtius; while he himself recognizes how emulous Alexander was of the proceedings of Achilles (vii. 14, 7).

The passage describing this scene, cited from the lost author Hegesias by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, as an example of bad rhythm and taste, has the merit of bringing out the details respecting the person of Batis, which were well calculated to disgust and aggravate the wrath of Alexander. The bad taste of Hegesias as a writer does not diminish his credibility as a witness.

[338] Arrian. vii. 14, 7.

[339] Arrian, ii. 27. 11. About the circumstances and siege of Gaza see the work of Stark, Gaza and die PhilistÄische KÜste, p. 242, Leip. 1852.

[340] Diodor. xvii. 48; Josephus, Antiq. xi. 4.

[341] Arrian, iii. 1, 3; Curtius iv. 7, 1, 2; Diodor. xvii. 49.

[342] Curtius, iv. 8, 1-4; Plutarch, Alexand. 26.

[343] Arrian, iii. 1, 8; Curtius, iv. 8, 2-6; Diodor. xvii. 52.

[344] Strabo, xvii. p. 793. Other authors however speak of the salubrity of Alexandria less favorably than Strabo: see St. Croix, Examen des Hist. d’ Alexandre, p. 287.

[345] Pseudo-Aristotle, Œconomic. ii. 32.

[346] Arrian, iii. 5, 4-9. Tacitus (Annal. i. 11) says about Egypt under the Romans—“provinciam aditu difficilem, annonÆ fecundam, superstitione et lascivi discordem et mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum”, etc. Compare Polybius ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 797.

[347] Diodor. xvii. 51. te????a d? ?ses?a? t?? ?? t?? ?e?? ?e??se?? t? ??e??? t?? ?? ta?? p???es? ?at?????t?? (answer of the priest of Ammon to Alexander).

[348] Arrian, iii. 3, 2.

[349] Arrian, iii. 3, 12. ?a? ?t? ?? ?e??? t? ???ep??ae? a?t?, ??? ?s????sas?a?, ?t? ?a? t? e???? ta?t? ??e?? t? d? ?t?e??? t?? ????? ?fe????t? ?? ???? ?a? ???? ?p?? a?t?? ?????s?e???.

Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch, Alex. 27; Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814.

[350] Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap. Alexand. Magn. Histor. Scriptor. ed. Geier. p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p. 814.

[351] Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian, hints at the same explanation (vii. 29, 6).

[352] Curtius, iv. 10, 3—“fastidio esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem coelum vanis cogitationibus petere.” Arrian, iii. 26, 1; Curtius, vi. 9, 18; vi. 11, 23.

[353] Curtius, iv. 8, 11.

[354] Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9.

[355] Curtius, iv. 8, 10.

[356] Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian, l.c.

[357] Arrian, iii. 6, 12.

[358] Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius, iv. 9, 12—“undecimis castris pervenit ad Euphraten.”

[359] So Alexander considers Babylon (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-10)—p??????s??t?? ??? t? d???e? ?p? ?a????? te ?a? ?a?e??? ... t?? te ?p? ?a?????? st???? p???s?e?a, etc. This is the explanation of Arrian’s remark, iii. 7, 6—where he assigns the reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus, did not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger marched directly to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana, and Persepolis were more distant, and less exposed to an enemy from the west.

[360] Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 55; Curtius. iv. 9, 17-24. “Magna munimenta regni Tigris atque Euphrates erant”, is a part of the speech put into the mouth of Darius before the battle of Arbela, by Curtius, (iv. 14, 10). Both these great defences were abandoned.

[361] Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch, Alexand. 39.

[362] Arrian, iii. 7, 12; iii. 8, 3. Curtius, iv. 10, 11-18.

[363] Arrian, ii. 13; Curtius, iv. 1, 27-30—“cum in illo statu rerum id quemque, quod occupasset, habiturum arbitraretur” (Amyntas).

[364] Arrian, iii. 1, 3. t?? te ?? ?ss? ???? ?p?? s???? pep?s???? (the satrap of Egypt) ?a? ?a?e??? ?t? a?s??? f??? ?f??e, etc.

[365] Diodor. xvii. 23. Compare Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4, 9; Herodotus, vii. 10.

[366] The praise bestowed upon the continence of Alexander, for refusing to visit Statira the wife of Darius, is exaggerated even to absurdity.

In regard to women, Alexander was by temperament cold, the opposite of his father Philip. During his youth, his development was so tardy, that there was even a surmise of some physical disability (Hieronymus ap. AthenÆ. x. p. 435). As to the most beautiful persons, of both sexes, he had only to refuse the numerous tenders made to him by those who sought to gain his favor (Plutarch, Alex. 22). Moreover, after the capture of Damascus, he did select for himself, from among the female captives, BarsinÊ, the widow of his illustrious rival Memnon; daughter of Artabazus, a beautiful woman of engaging manners, and above all, distinguished, by having received Hellenic education, from the simply Oriental harem of Darius (Plutarch, Alex. 21). In adopting the widow of Memnon as his mistress, Alexander may probably have had present to his imagination the example of his legendary ancestor Neoptolemus, whose tender relations with Andromache, widow of his enemy Hektor, would not be forgotten by any reader of Euripides. Alexander had by BarsinÊ a son called Herakles.

Lastly, Alexander was so absorbed by ambition,—so overcharged with the duties and difficulties of command, which he always performed himself—and so continually engaged in fatiguing bodily effort,—that he had little leisure left for indulgences; such leisure as he had, he preferred devoting to wine-parties with the society and conversation of his officers.

[367] Curtius, iv. 10, 19. “Itineris continui labore animique Ægritudine fatigata”, etc.

Curtius and Justin mention a third embassy sent by Darius (immediately after having heard of the death and honorable obsequies of Statira) to Alexander, asking for peace. The other authors allude only to two tentatives of this kind; and the third seems by no means probable.

[368] Arrian, iii. 7, 7.

[369] Diodorus, xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 9.

[370] Arrian, iii. 8, 12. ?a? ??? ?a? ?sa ???a?a a?t?? ?? ?ppas?a?, ta?t? te ?? p????? ?? ???sa? t??? te ??as?? ?pe?a??e?? e?pet? pep????esa? ?a? t? ?pp? ?pp?s?a.

[371] This is the total given by Arrian as what he found set forth (????et?), probably the best information which Ptolemy and Aristobulus could procure (Arrian, iii. 8, 8).

Diodorus (xvii. 53) says 800,000 foot, 200,000 horse, and 200 scythed chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000 horse. Plutarch (Alex. 31) talks generally of a million of men. Curtius states the army to have been almost twice as large as that which had fought in Kilikia (iv. 9, 3); he gives the total as 200,000 foot, and 45,000 horse (iv. 12, 13).

[372] Diodor. xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 2.

[373] Curtius, iv. 9, 3; Diodor. xvii. 53. Notwithstanding the instructive note of MÜtzel upon this passage of Curtius, the mode in which these chariots were armed is not clear on all points.

[374] The Persian battle order here given by Arrian (iii. 11), is taken from Aristobulus, who affirmed that it was so set down in the official scheme of the battle, drawn up by the Persian officers, and afterwards captured with the baggage of Darius. Though thus authentic as far as it goes, it is not complete, even as to names—while it says nothing about numbers or depth or extent of front. Several names, of various contingents stated to have been present in the field, are not placed in the official return—thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian mountaineers are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii. 8); the KossÆans, by Diodorus (xvii. 59); the Sogdiani, MassagetÆ, BelitÆ, KossÆans, GortyÆ, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtius (iv. 12).

[375] Arrian, iii. 9, 5-7.

[376] Arrian, iii. 9, 2-8. It is not expressly mentioned by Arrian that the baggage, etc. was brought forward from the first camp to the second. But we see that such must have been the fact, from what happened during the battle. Alexander’s baggage, which was plundered by a body of Persian cavalry, cannot have been so far in the rear of the army as the distance of the first camp would require. This coincides also with Curtius, iv. 13, 35. The words ???? ?p??e?pe?? (Arrian, iii. 9, 2), indicate the contemplation of a purpose which was not accomplished—?? ?? ???? p??s??a? t??? p??e???? (iii. 9, 3). Instead of “coming into conflict” with the enemy at break of day—Alexander only arrived within sight of them at break of day; he then halted the whole day and night within sight of their position; and naturally brought up his baggage, having no motive to leave it so far in the rear.

[377] Xenoph. Anabas. iii. 4, 35.

[378] Arrian, iii. 10, 3; Curtius, iv. 13, 4-10.

[379] Arrian, iii. 12, 1-9.

[380] Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. 57; Curtius, iv. 13, 26-30.

[381] Arrian, iii. 12, 2-6; Curtius, iv. 13, 30-32; Diodor. xvii. 57.

[382] Curtius, iv. 13, 36; PolyÆnus, iv. 3, 17.

[383] Arrian, iii. 13, 1-5.

[384] Arrian, iii. 13, 9.

[385] About the chariots. Arrian, iii. 13, 11; Curtius, iv. 15, 14; Diodor. xvii. 57, 58.

Arrian mentions distinctly only those chariots which were launched on Darius’s left, immediately opposite to Alexander. But it is plain that the chariots along the whole line must have been let off at one and the same signal—which we may understand as implied in the words of Curtius—“Ipse (Darius) ante se falcatos currus habebat, quos signo dato universos in hostem effudit” (iv. 14, 3).

The scythed chariots of Artaxerxes, at the battle of Kunaxa, did no mischief (Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 10-20). At the battle of Magnesia, gained by the Romans (B.C. 190) over the Syrian king Antiochus, his chariots were not only driven back, but spread disorder among their own troops (Appian, Reb. Syriac. 33).

[386] See the remarkable passage in the address of Alexander to his soldiers previous to the battle, about the necessity of absolute silence until the moment came for the terrific war-shout (Arrian, iii. 9, 14): compare Thucyd. ii. 89—a similar direction from Phormio to the Athenians.

[387] Arrian, iii. 15, 4. ??te ????t?s? ?t?, ??te ??e?????? t?? ?pp??, ?pe? ?pp?a??a? d???, ?????t?—about the Persian cavalry when driven to despair.

[388] Arrian, iii. 14, 2. ??e d??? te ?a? ??a?a?? ?? ?p? a?t?? ?a?e???—Diodor. xvii. 60. Alexander et? t?? as?????? ???? ?a? t?? ????? t?? ?p?fa?est?t?? ?pp??? ?p? a?t?? ??a??e t?? ?a?e???.

[389] Arrian, iii. 14, 3. ?a? ?????? ?? t??a ?????? ?? ?e?s?? ? ??? ????et?. ?? d? ?? te ?ppe?? ?? ?f? ????a?d??? ?a? a?t?? ????a?d??? e???st?? ????e??t?, ???s??? te ???e???, ?a? t??? ??st??? t? p??s?pa t?? ?e?s?? ??pt??te?, ? te f??a?? ? ?a?ed?????, p???? ?a? ta?? sa??ssa?? pef?????a, ?????e? ?d? a?t???, ?a? p??ta ??? t? de??? ?a? p??a? ?d? f?e?? ??t? ?a?e?? ?fa??et?, p??t?? a?t?? ?p?st???a? ?fe??e?. At Issus, Arrian states that “Darius fled along with the first” (ii. 11, 6); at Arbela here, he states that “Darius was the first to turn and flee;” an expression yet stronger and more distinct. Curtius and Diodorus, who seem here as elsewhere to follow generally the same authorities, give details, respecting the conduct of Darius, which are not to be reconciled with Arrian, and which are decidedly less credible than Arrian’s narrative. The fact that the two kings were here (as at Issus) near, and probably visible, to each other, has served as a basis for much embroidery. The statement that Darius, standing on his chariot, hurled his spear against the advancing Macedonians—and that Alexander also hurled his spear at Darius, but missing him, killed the charioteer—is picturesque and Homeric, but has no air of reality. Curtius and Diodorus tell us that this fall of the charioteer was mistaken for the fall of the king, and struck the Persian army with consternation, causing them forthwith to take flight, and thus ultimately forcing Darius to flee also (Diodor. xvii. 60; Curt. iv. 15, 26-32). But this is noway probable; since the real fight then going on was close, and with hand-weapons.

[390] Arrian, iii. 14, 4.

[391] Diodor. xvii. 60; Curtius, iv. 15, 32, 33. The cloud of dust, and the noise of the whips, are specified both by Diodorus and Curtius.

[392] Curtius, iv. 16, 1; Diodorus, xvii. 59, 60; Arrian, iii. 14, 11. The two first authors are here superior to Arrian, who scarcely mentions at all this vigorous charge of MazÆus, though he alludes to the effects produced by it.

[393] Arrian, iii. 14, 6. He speaks directly here only of the t???? under the command of Simmias; but it is plain that what he says must be understood of the t???? commanded by Kraterus also. Of the six t??e?? or divisions of the phalanx, that of Kraterus stood at the extreme left—that of Simmias (who commanded on this day the t???? of Amyntas son of Andromenes) next to it (iii. 11, 16). If therefore the t???? of Simmias was kept back from pursuit, on account of the pressure upon the general Macedonian left (iii. 14, 6)—À fortiori, the t???? of Kraterus must have been kept back in like manner.

[395] Curtius. iv. 15, 9-11; Diodor. xvii. 59. Curtius and Diodorus represent the brigade of cavalry who plundered the camp and rescued the prisoners, to have been sent round by MazÆus from the Persian right; while Arrian states, more probably, that they got through the break accidentally left in the phalanx, and traversed the Macedonian lines.

[396] Arrian, iii. 14, 10. Curtius represents this brigade as having been driven off by Aretes and a detachment sent expressly by Alexander himself. Diodorus describes it as if it had not been defeated at all, but had ridden back to MazÆus after plundering the baggage. Neither of these accounts is so probable as that of Arrian.

[397] Diodor. xvii. 60. ? ?a?e???? ... ???? ?t???at? t??? a??????, ???sta ?atap?a???ta? t? ?at? t?? ?a?e??? f???. Curtius, iv. 16, 4-7. “Interim ad MazÆum fama superati regis pervenerat. Itaque, quanquam validior erat, tamen fortun partium territus, perculsis languidius instabat.” Arrian, iv. 14, 11; iv. 15, 8.

[398] Arrian, iii. 15, 6. Curtius also alludes to this combat; but with many particulars very different from Arrian (iv. 16, 19-25).

[399] Arrian, iii. 15, 9.

[400] Arrian, iii. 15, 10. Curtius (iv. 16, 12-18) gives aggravated details about the sufferings of the fugitives in passing the river Lykus—which are probably founded on fact. But he makes the mistake of supposing that Alexander had got as far as this river in his first pursuit, from which he was called back to assist Parmenio.

[401] Arrian, iii. 15, 14; Curtius, v. 1, 10.

[402] Arrian, iii. 15, 16; Curtius, iv. 16, 27, Diodor. xvii. 61.

[403] Arrian, iii. 16, 5-11; Diodor. xvii. 64; Curtius, v. 1, 17-20.

[404] Curtius, v. 1, 45; Diodor. xvii. 64.

[405] Arrian states this total of 50,000 talents (iii. 16. 12).

I have taken them as Attic talents; if they were ÆginÆan talents, the value of them would be greater in the proportion of five to three.

[406] Curtius, v. 2, 11; Diodor. xvii. 66.

[407] Arrian, iii. 16, 6-9: compare Strabo, xvi. p. 738.

[408] Arrian, iii. 16, 16; Curtius, v. 1, 44; Diodor. xvii. 64. Curtius and Diodorus do not exactly coincide with Arrian; but the discrepancy here is not very important.

[409] Curtius, v. 1, 42: compare Diodor. xvii. 65; Arrian, iii, 16, 18.

[410] Arrian, iii. 16, 20; Curtius, v. 2, 6; Diodor. xvii. 65. Respecting this reorganization, begun now at Susa and carried farther during the next year at Ekbatana, see RÜstow and KÖchly, Griechisches Kriegswesen, p. 252 seq.

One among the changes now made was, that the divisions of cavalry—which, having hitherto coincided with various local districts or towns in Macedonia, had been officered accordingly—were re-distributed and mingled together (Curtius, v. 2, 6).

[411] Arrian, iii. 17, 1. ??a? d? ?? S??s??, ?a? d?a?? t?? ?as?t????? p?ta??, ????e? e?? t?? ?????? ???.

The Persian Susa was situated between two rivers; the Choaspes (now Kherkha) on the west; the EulÆus or Pasitigris, now Karun, on the east; both rivers distinguished for excellent water. The EulÆus appears to have been called Pasitigris in the lower part of its course—Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges ex Choaspe et EulÆo tantum bibunt.”

Ritter has given an elaborate exposition respecting these two rivers and the site of the Persian Susa (Erdkunde, part ix. book iii. West-Asien, p. 291-320).

[412] Arrian, iii. 17; Curtius. v. 3, 5-12; Diodor. xvii. 67; Strabo, xv. p. 729. It would seem that the road taken by Alexander in this march, was that described by Kinneir, through Bebahan and Kala-Sefid to Schiraz (Geographical Memoir of the Persian Empire, p. 72). Nothing can exceed the difficulties of the territory for military operation.

No certainty is attainable, however, respecting the ancient geography of these regions. Mr. Long’s Map of Ancient Persia shows how little can be made out.

[413] See the instructive notes of MÜtzel—on Quintus Curtius, v. 10, 3; and v. 12, 17, discussing the topography of this region, in so far as it is known from modern travellers. He supposes the Susian Gates to have been near Kala-Sefid, west of the plain of Merdasht or Persepolis. Herein he dissents from Ritter, apparently on good grounds, as far as an opinion can be formed.

[414] Arrian, iii. 18, 1-14; Curtius, v. 4, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 68.

[415] Diodor. xvii. 71.

[416] Arrian, iii. 18, 16; Curtius, v. 4, 5; Diodor. xvii. 69.

[417] Xenoph. Anabas. i. 9, 13. Similar habits have always prevailed among Orientals. “The most atrocious part of the Mohammedan system of punishment, is, that which regards theft and robbery. Mutilation, by cutting off the hand or the foot, is the prescribed remedy for all higher degrees of the offence” (Mill, History of British India, book iii. ch. 5. p. 447).

“Tippoo Saib used to cut off the right hands and noses of the British camp-followers that fell into his hands” (Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. i. p. 380. ch. xi.).

A recent traveller notices the many mutilated persons, female as well as male, who are to be seen in the northern part of Scinde (Burton, Scenes in Scinde, vol. ii. p. 281).

[418] Diodor. xvii. 69; Curtius, v. 5; Justin, xi. 14. Arrian does not mention these mutilated captives; but I see no reason to mistrust the deposition of the three authors by whom it is certified. Curtius talks of 4000 captives; the other two mention 800. Diodorus calls them —?????e? ?p? t?? p??te??? as????? ???stat?? ?e????te?, ??ta??s??? ?? s?ed?? t?? ?????? ??te?, ta?? d? ?????a?? ?? p?e?st?? ?? ?e???a??te?, ????t???as???? d? p??te?, etc. Some ????past?? p??? as???a d?? s?f?a? are noticed in Xenoph. Mem. iv. 2, 33; compare Herodot. iii. 93; iv. 204. I have already mentioned the mutilation of the Macedonian invalids, taken at Issus by Darius.

Probably these Greek captives were mingled with a number of other captives, Asiatics and others, who had been treated in the same manner. None but the Greek captives would be likely to show themselves to Alexander and his army, because none but they would calculate on obtaining sympathy from an army of Macedonians and Greeks. It would have been interesting to know who these captives were, or how they came to be thus cruelly used. The two persons among them, named by Curtius as spokesmen in the interview with Alexander, are—Euktemon, a KymÆan—and TheÆtÊtus, an Athenian.

[419] Diodor. xvii. 70. p???s??t?t?? ??s?? t?? ?p? t?? ?????, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 2, 3.

[420] Arrian, iii. 18, 18; Diodor. xvii. 70; Curtius, v. 6, 1; Strabo, xv. p. 731.

[421] This amount is given both by Diodorus (xvii. 71) and by Curtius (v. 6, 9). We see however from Strabo that there were different statements as to the amount. Such overwhelming figures deserve no confidence upon any evidence short of an official return. At the same time, we ought to expect a very great sum, considering the long series of years that had been spent in amassing it. Alexander’s own letters (Plutarch, Alex. 37) stated that enough was carried away to load 10,000 mule carts and 5000 camels.

To explain the fact, of a large accumulated treasure in the Persian capitals, it must be remarked, that what we are accustomed to consider as expenses of government, were not defrayed out of the regal treasure. The military force, speaking generally, was not paid by the Great King, but summoned by requisition from the provinces, upon which the cost of maintaining the soldiers fell, over and above the ordinary tribute. The king’s numerous servants and attendants received no pay in money, but in kind; provisions for maintaining the court with its retinue were furnished by the provinces, over and above the tribute. See Herodot. i. 192; and iii. 91—and a good passage of Heeren, setting forth the small public disbursement out of the regal treasure, in his account of the internal constitution of the ancient Persian Empire (Ideen Über die Politik and den Verkehr der VÖlker der alten Welt, part i. Abth. 1. p. 511-519).

Respecting modern Persia, Jaubert remarks (Voyage en ArmÉnie et en Perse, Paris, 1821, p. 272, ch. 30)—“Si les sommes que l’on verse dans le trÉsor du Shah ne sont pas exorbitantes, comparativement À l’Étendue et À la population de la Perse, elles n’en sortent pas non plus que pour des dÉpenses indispensables qui n’en absorbent pas la moitiÉ. Le reste est converti en lingots, en pierreries, et en divers objets d’une grande valeur et d’un transport facile en cas d’ÉvÈnement: ce qui doit suffire pour empÊcher qu’on ne trouve exagÉrÉs les rapports que tous les voyageurs ont faits de la magnificence de la cour de Perse. Les Perses sont assez clairvoyans pour pÉnÉtrer les motifs rÉels qui portent Futteh Ali Shah À thÉsauriser.”

When Nadir-Shah conquered the Mogul Emperor Mohammed, and entered Delhi in 1739,—the imperial treasure and effects which fell into his hands is said to have amounted to £32,000,000 sterling, besides heavy contributions levied on the inhabitants (Mill, History of British India, vol. ii, B. iii, ch. 4, p. 403).—Runjeet Sing left at his death (1839) a treasure of £8,000,000 sterling: with jewels and other effects to several millions more. [The Punjaub, by Col. Steinbach, p. 16. London, 1845].

Mr. Mill remarks in another place, that “in Hindostan, gold, silver, and gems are most commonly hoarded, and not devoted to production” (vol. i, p. 254, B. ii. ch. 5).

Herodotus (iii. 96) tells us that the gold and silver brought to the Persian regal treasure was poured in a melted state into earthern vessels; when it cooled, the earthern vessel was withdrawn, and the solid metallic mass left standing; a portion of it was cut off when occasion required for disbursements. This practice warrants the supposition that a large portion of it was habitually accumulated, and not expended.

[422] Arrian, iii. 18, 17. He does not give the amount which I transcribe from Curtius, v. 6, 10.

[423] Diodor. xvii. 70. ?? ?a?ed??e? ?p?esa?, t??? ?? ??d?a? p??ta? f??e???te?, t?? d? ?t?se?? d?a?p????te?, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 6.

[424] Diodor. xvii. 70, 71; Curtius, v. 6, 3-7. These two authors concur in the main features of the massacre and plunder in Persepolis, permitted to the soldiers of Alexander. Arrian does not mention it; he mentions only the deliberate resolution of Alexander to burn the palace or citadel, out of revenge on the Persian name. And such feeling, assuming it to exist, would also naturally dictate the general license to plunder and massacre. Himself entertaining such vindictive feeling, and regarding it as legitimate, Alexander would either presume it to exist, or love to kindle it, in his soldiers; by whom indeed the license to plunder would be sufficiently welcomed, with or without any antecedent sentiment of vengeance.

The story (told by Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch, Alex. 38) that Alexander, in the drunkenness of a banquet, was first instigated by the courtesan Thais to set fire to the palace of Persepolis, and accompanied her to begin the conflagration with his own hand—may perhaps be so far true, that he really showed himself in the scene and helped in the burning. But that his resolution to burn was deliberately taken, and even maintained against the opposition of esteemed officers, is established on the authority of Arrian.

[425] Plutarch, Alexand. 37. F???? ?? ??? ??ta??a p???? t?? ???s?????? ?e??s?a? s???pese? ???fe? ??? a?t??, ?? ?????? a?t? t??t? ??s?te?e?? ????e?e? ?p?sf?ttes?a? t??? ?????p???? ???sat?? d? e??e?? p????? ?s?? ?? S??s???, t?? d? ????? ?atas?e??? ?a? t?? p???t?? ?????s???a? f?s? ?????? ??????? ?e??es?, ?a? pe?ta??s????a?? ?a?????. That ??ta??a means Persepolis, is shown by the immediately following comparison with the treasure found at Susa.

[426] Diod. xvii. 73; Curtius, v. 6, 12-20.

[427] Curtius, v. 6, 11.

[428] Arrian, iii. 16, 1-4.

[429] Compare the language addressed by Alexander to his weary soldiers, on the banks of the Hyphasis (Arrian, v. 26), with that which Herodotus puts into the mouth of Xerxes, when announcing his intended expedition against Greece (Herodot. vii. 8).

[430] I see no reason for doubting that the Ekbatana here meant is the modern Hamadan. See a valuable Appendix added by Dr. Thirlwall to the sixth volume of his History of Greece, in which this question is argued against Mr. Williams.

Sir John Malcolm observes—“There can hardly be said to be any roads in Persia; nor are they much required, for the use of wheel carriages has not yet been introduced into that kingdom. Nothing can be more rugged and difficult than the paths which have been cut over the mountains by which it is bounded and intersected” (ch. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 525).

In this respect, indeed, as in others, the modern state of Persia must be inferior to the ancient; witness the description given by Herodotus of the road between Sardis and Susa.

[431] Arrian, iii. 19, 2-9; iii. 20, 3.

[432] Arrian, iii. 19, 5.

[433] Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor. xvii. 80. Diodorus had before stated (xvii. 66, 71) the treasure in Susa as being 49,000 talents, and that in Persepolis as 120,000. Arrian announces the treasure in Susa as 50,000 talents—Curtius gives the uncoined gold and silver alone as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The treasure of both places was transported to Ekbatana.

[434] Arrian, iii. 20, 4.

[435] Curtius, v. 23, 12.

[436] Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v. 27, 7.

[437] Arrian, iii. 24, 1. ?d? ??? a?t? ?a? ?ppa???t?sta? ?sa? t????.

See the remarks of RÜstow and KÖchly upon the change made by Alexander in his military organization about this period, as soon as he found that there was no farther chance of a large collected Persian force, able to meet him in the field (Geschichte des Griech. Kriegswesens, p. 252 seq.).

The change which they point out was real,—but I think they exaggerate it in degree.

[438] The passes called the Caspian Gates appear to be those described by Morier, Fraser, and other modern travellers, as the series of narrow valleys and defiles called Ser-Desch, Sirdari, or Serdara Kahn,—on the southernmost of the two roads which lead eastward from Teheran towards Damaghan, and thence farther eastward towards Mesched and Herat. See the note of MÜtzel in his edition of Curtius, v. 35, 2, p. 489; also Morier, Second Journey through Persia, p. 363; Fraser’s Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan, p. 291.

The long range of mountains, called by the ancients Taurus, extends from Lesser Media and Armenia in an easterly direction along the southern coast of the Caspian Sea. Its northern declivity, covered by prodigious forests with valleys and plains of no great breadth reaching to the Caspian, comprehends the moist and fertile territories now denominated Ghilan and Mazanderan. The eastern portion of Mazanderan was known in ancient times as Hyrkania, then productive and populous; while the mountain range itself was occupied by various rude and warlike tribes—Kadusii, Mardi, Tapyri, etc. The mountain range, now called Elburz, includes among other lofty eminences the very high peak of Demavend.

The road from Ekbatana to Baktra, along which both the flight of Darius and the pursuit of Alexander lay, passed along the broken ground skirting the southern flank of the mountain range Elburz. Of this broken ground the Caspian Gates formed the worst and most difficult portion.

[439] Arrian, iii. 20, 21.

[440] Masistes, after the shocking outrage upon his wife by Queen Amestris, was going to Baktria to organize a revolt: see Herodot. ix. 113—about the importance of that satrapy.

[441] Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin (xi. 15) specifies the name of the place—Thara. Both he and Curtius mention the golden chain (Curtius, 34, 20). Probably the conspirators made use of some chains which had formed a part of the ornaments of the royal wardrobe. Among the presents given by Darius son of Hystaspes to the surgeon Demokedes, there were two pairs of golden chains—????eta? d? ?? ?a?e??? ped??? ???s??? d?? ?e??es??—Herodot. iii. 130: compare iii. 15. The Persian king and grandees habitually wore golden chains round neck and arms.

[442]

Court conspiracies and assassinations of the prince, however were not unknown either among the AchÆmenidÆ or the ArsakidÆ.

[443] This account of the remarkable incidents immediately preceding the death of Darius, is taken mainly from Arrian (iii. 21), and seems one of the most authentic chapters of his work. He is very sparing in telling what passed in the Persian camp; he mentions indeed only the communications made by the Persian deserters to Alexander.

Curtius (v. 27-34) gives the narrative far more vaguely and loosely than Arrian, but with ample details of what was going on in the Persian camp. We should have been glad to know from whom these details were borrowed. In the main they do not contradict the narrative of Arrian, but rather amplify and dilute it.

Diodorus (xvii. 73), Plutarch (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi. 15) give no new information.

[444] Arrian (iii. 22) gives an indulgent criticism on Darius, dwelling chiefly upon his misfortunes, but calling him ??d?? t? ?? p????a, e?pe? t??? ????, a??a?? te ?a? ?? f?e???e?, etc.

[445] Curtius, vi. 5, 10; vi. 6, 15. Diodor. xvii. 74. Hekatompylus was an important position, where several roads joined (Polyb. x. 28). It was situated on one of the roads running eastward from the Caspian Gates, on the southern flank of Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its locality cannot be fixed with certainty: Ritter (Erdkunde, part viii. 465, 467) with others conceives it to have been near Damaghan; Forbiger (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, vol. ii. p. 549) places it further eastward, near Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long notes it on his map, as site unknown.

[446] This was attested by his own letters to Antipater, which Plutarch had seen (Plutarch, Alexand. 47). Curtius composes a long speech for Alexander (vi. 7, 9).

[447] Arrian, iii. 23, 15.

[448] Arrian, iii. 24, 4. In reference to the mountain tribes called Mardi, who are mentioned in several different localities—on the parts of Mount Taurus south of the Caspian, in Armenia, on Mount Zagros, and in Persis proper (see Strabo, xi. p. 508-523; Herodot. i. 125), we may note, that the Nomadic tribes, who constitute a considerable fraction of the population of the modern Persian Empire, are at this day found under the same name in spots widely distant: see Jaubert, Voyage en ArmÉnie et en Perse, p. 254.

[449] Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, 9. An Athenian officer named Demokrates slew himself in despair, disdaining to surrender.

[450] See a curious passage on this subject, at the end of the CyropÆdia of Xenophon.

[451] Arrian, iii. 25, 3-8. Droysen and Dr. Thirlwall identify Susia with the town now called TÛs or Toos, a few miles north-west of Mesched. Professor Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 177) thinks that this is too much to the west, and too far from Herat: he conceives Susia to be Zuzan, on the desert side of the mountains west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (notes on the historical results deducible from discoveries in Afghanistan, p. 14) places it at Subzawar, south of Herat, and within the region of fertility.

TÛs seems to lie in the line of Alexander’s march, more than the other two places indicated; Subzawar is too far to the south. Alexander appears to have first directed his march from Parthia to Baktria (in the line from Asterabad to Baikh through Margiana), merely touching the borders of Aria in his route.

[452] Artakoana, as well as the subsequent city of Alexandria in Ariis, are both supposed by Wilson to coincide with the locality of Herat (Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 152-177).

There are two routes from Herat to Asterabad, at the south-east corner of the Caspian; one by Schahrood which is 533 English miles; the other by Mesched, which is 688 English miles (Wilson, p. 149).

[453] Arrian, iii. 25; Curtius, vi. 24, 36. The territory of the Drangi, or Zarangi, southward from Aria, coincides generally with the modern Seistan, adjoining the lake now called Zareh, which receives the waters of the river Hilmend.

[454] Arrian, iii. 25, 6; Curtius, iv. 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.

[455] Curtius, vi. 7, 2. “Dimnus, modicÆ apud regem auctoritates et gratiÆ, exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat nomen, amore flagrabat, obsequio uni sibi dediti corporis vinctus.” Plutarch, Alex. 49; Diodor. xvii. 79.

[456] Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch, Alex. 49. The latter says that Dimnus resisted the officer sent to arrest him, and was killed by him in the combat.

[457] Curtius, vi. 7, 33. “Philotas respondit, Cebalinum quidem scorti sermonem ad se detulisse, sed ipsum tam levi auctori nihil credidisse—veritum, ne jurgium inter amatorem et exoletum non sine risu aliorum detulisset.”

[458] Plutarch, Alexand. 48.

[459] Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49. ???? d? a?t?? ????a?d??? ?? p??? p????? ?????? ?t???a?e d?ae?????? (Philotas).... ? ?? ??? F???ta? ?p????e??e??? ??t?? ????e?, ?a? s???? t? ??t????? p???? ?a? p??? ????? ?a? e?a?a???a? ??ata ?a? ?????? ?at? t?? as????? ??ep?t?de???? p????e???.

Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus recognized these previous communications made to Alexander against Philotas in Egypt, but stated that he did not believe them (Arrian, iii. 26, 1).

[460] Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48; Curtius, vi. 11, 3.

[461] Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed. Didot, ap. AthenÆum, xii. p. 539; Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even Eumenes enriched himself much; though being only secretary, and a Greek, he could not take the same liberties as the great native Macedonian generals (Plutarch, Eumenes, 2).

[462] Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius, vi. 8.

[463] Curtius, vi. 8, 16. “Invitatus est etiam Philotas ad ultimas sibi epulas et rex non coenare modo, sed etiam familiariter colloqui, cum eo quam damnaverat, sustinuit.”

[464] Arrian, iii. 26, 2. ???e? d? ?t??ea??? e?sa????a? e?? ?a?ed??a? F???ta?, ?a? ?at?????sa? a?t?? ?s????? ????a?d???, etc. Curtius, vi. 9, 13; Diodorus, xvii, 80.

[465] Curtius, vi. 9, 30.

[466] Curtius, vi. 11, 8. “Tum vero universa concio accensa est, et a corporis custodibus initium factum, clamantibus, discerpendum esse parricidam manibus eorum. Id quidam Philotas, qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo animo audiebat.”

[467] Curtius, vi. 9, 30; vi. 11, 11.

[468] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.

[469] Curtius, vi. 11, 15, “Per ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote et damnatus et inimicis in gratiam regis torquentibus, laceratur. Ac primo quidam, quanquam hinc ignis, illinc verbera, jam non ad quÆstionem, sed ad poenam, ingerebantur, non vocem modo, sed etiam gemitus habuit in potestate; sed postquam intumescens corpus ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos ferre non poterat”, etc.

[470] Curtius, vi. 11, 20.

[471] Strabo, xv. p. 724; Diodor. xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 2, 11-18.

[472] Curtius, vii. 2, 27. The proceedings respecting Philotas and Parmenio are recounted in the greatest detail by Curtius; but his details are in general harmony with the brief heads given by Arrian from Ptolemy and Aristobulus—except as to one material point. Plutarch (Alex. 49), Diodorus (xvii. 79, 80), and Justin (xii. 5), also state the fact in the same manner.

Ptolemy and Aristobulus, according to the narrative of Arrian, appear to have considered that Philotas was really implicated in a conspiracy against Alexander’s life. But when we analyze what they are reported to have said, their opinion will not be found entitled to much weight. In the first place, they state (Arrian, iii. 26, 1) that the conspiracy of Philotas had been before made known to Alexander while he was in Egypt, but that he did not then believe it. Now eighteen months had elapsed since the stay in Egypt; and the idea of a conspiracy going on for eighteen months is preposterous. That Philotas was in a mood in which he might be supposed likely to conspire, is one proposition; that he actually did conspire is another; Arrian and his authorities run the two together as if they were one. As to the evidence purporting to prove that Philotas did conspire, Arrian tells us that “the informers came forward before the assembled soldiers and convicted Philotas with the rest by other indicia not obscure, but chiefly by this—that Philotas confessed to have heard of a conspiracy going on, without mentioning it to Alexander, though twice a day in his presence”—?a? t??? ???t?? t?? ????? pa?e????ta? ??e????a? F???ta? te ?a? t??? ?f? a?t?? ?????? te ???????? ??? ?fa??s?, ?a? ???sta d? ?t? a?t?? F???ta? pep?s?a? ??—s???f?, etc. What these other indicia were, we are not told; but we may see how slender was their value, when we learn that the non-revelation admitted by Philotas was stronger than any of them. The non-revelation, when we recollect that Nikomachus was the only informant (Arrian loosely talks of ???t??, as if there were more), proves absolutely nothing as to the complicity of Philotas, though it may prove something as to his indiscretion. Even on this minor charge, Curtius puts into his mouth a very sufficient exculpation. But if Alexander had taken a different view, and dismissed or even confined him for it, there would have been little room for remark.

The point upon which Arrian is at variance with Curtius, is, that he states “Philotas with the rest to have been shot to death by the Macedonians”—thus, seemingly contradicting, at least by implication, the fact of his having been tortured. Now Plutarch, Diodorus, and Justin, all concur with Curtius in affirming that he was tortured. On such a matter, I prefer their united authority to that of Ptolemy and Aristobulus. These two last-mentioned authors were probably quite content to believe in the complicity of Philotas upon the authority of Alexander himself; without troubling themselves to criticise the proofs. They tell us that Alexander vehemently denounced (?at?????sa? ?s?????) Philotas before the assembled soldiers. After this, any mere shadow or pretence of proof would be sufficient. Moreover, let us recollect that Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to be one of the confidential body guards (s?at?f??a?e?), out of this very conspiracy, real or fictitious; he was promoted to the post of the condemned Demetrius (Arrian, iii. 27. 11).

How little Ptolemy and Aristobulus cared to do justice to any one whom Alexander hated, may be seen by what they say afterwards about the philosopher Kallisthenes. Both of them affirmed that the pages, condemned for conspiracy against Alexander, deposed against Kallisthenes as having instigated them to the deed (Arrian, iv. 14, 1). Now we know, from the authority of Alexander himself, whose letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand. 55), that the pages denied the privity of any one else—maintaining the project to have been altogether their own. To their great honor, the pages persisted in this deposition, even under extreme tortures—though they knew that a deposition against Kallisthenes was desired from them.

My belief is, that Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, and Justin, are correct in stating that Philotas was tortured. Ptolemy and Aristobulus have thought themselves warranted in omitting this fact, which they probably had little satisfaction in reflecting upon. If Philotas was not tortured, there could have been no evidence at all against Parmenio—for the only evidence against the latter was the extorted confession of Philotas.

[473] Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33.

[474] Contrast the conduct of Alexander towards Philotas and Parmenio, with that of Cyrus the younger towards the conspirator Orontes, as described in Xenophon, Anabas. i. 6.

[475] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.

[476] Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor. xvii. 80; Justin, xii. 5.

[477] Arrian, iii. 27, 8.

[478] Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About the geography, compare Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua, p. 173-178. “By perambulator, the distance from Herat to Kandahar is 371 miles; from Kandahar to Kabul, 309: total 688 miles (English).” The principal city in Drangiana (Seiestan) mentioned by the subsequent Greek geographers is, Prophthasia; existing seemingly before Alexander’s arrival. See the fragments of his mensores, ap. Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn. p. 135; Pliny, H. N. vi. 21. The quantity of remains of ancient cities, still to be found in this territory, is remarkable. Wilson observes this (p. 154).

[480] Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius, vii. 5, 1.

[481] Arrian, iii. 29, 4; Strabo, xi. p. 509. Evidently Ptolemy and Aristobulus were much more awe-struck with the Oxus, than with either the Tigris or the Euphrates. Arrian (iv. 6, 13) takes his standard of comparison, in regard to rivers, from the river Peneius in Thessaly.

[482] Curtius, vii. 5, 19. The exactness of Quintus Curtius, in describing the general features of Baktria and Sogdiana, is attested in the strongest language by modern travellers. See Burnes’s Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8. p. 211, 2nd edit.; also Morier, Second Journey in Persia, p. 282.

But in the geographical details of the country, we are at fault. We have not sufficient data to identify more than one or two of the localities mentioned, in the narrative of Alexander’s proceedings, either by Curtius or Arrian. That Marakanda is the modern Samarkand—the river Polytimetus, the modern Kohik—and Baktra or Zariaspa the modern Balkh—appears certain; but the attempts made by commentators to assign the site of other places are not such as to carry conviction.

In fact, these countries, at the present moment, are known only superficially as to their general scenery; for purposes of measurement and geography, they are almost unknown; as may be seen by any one who reads the Introduction to Erskine’s translation of the Memoirs of Sultan Baber.

[483] Arrian. iii. 30, 5-10. These details are peculiarly authentic, as coming from Ptolemy, the person chiefly concerned.

Aristobulus agreed in the description of the guise in which Bessus was exhibited, but stated that he was brought up in this way by Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows this version. Diodorus also gives an account very like it, mentioning nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).

[484] Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de Ser Numinis VindictÂ, p. 557 B; Strabo xi. p. 518: compare also xiv. p. 634, and xvii. p. 814. This last-mentioned passage of Strabo helps us to understand the peculiarly strong pious fervor with which Alexander regarded the temple and oracle of BranchidÆ. At the time when Alexander went up to the oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the purpose of affiliating himself to Zeus Ammon, there came to him envoys from Miletus, announcing that the oracle at BranchidÆ, which had been silent ever since the time of Xerxes, had just begun to give prophecy, and had certified the fact that Alexander was the son of Zeus, besides many other encouraging predictions.

The massacre of the BranchidÆ by Alexander was described by Diodorus, but was contained in that part of the seventeenth book which is lost; there is a great lacuna in the MSS. after cap. 83. The fact is distinctly indicated in the table of contents prefixed to Book xvii.

Arrian makes no mention of these descendants of the BranchidÆ in Sogdiana, nor of the destruction of the town and its inhabitants by Alexander. Perhaps neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, said anything about it. Their silence is not at all difficult to explain, nor does it, in my judgment, impeach the credibility of the narrative. They do not feel under obligation to give publicity to the worst acts of their hero.

[485] The Delphian oracle pronounced, in explaining the subjugation and ruin of Kroesus king of Lydia, that he had thereby expiated the sin of his ancestor in the fifth generation before (Herodot. i. 91: compare vi. 86). Immediately before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, the LacedÆmonians called upon the Athenians to expel the descendants of those who had taken part in the Kylonian sacrilege, 180 years before; they addressed this injunction with a view to procure the banishment of Perikles, yet still t??? ?e??? p??t?? t??????te? (Thucyd. i. 125-127).

The idea that the sins of fathers were visited upon their descendants, even to the third and fourth generation, had great currency in the ancient world.

[486] Diodor. xiii. 62. See Vol. X. Ch. lxxxi. p 413 of this History.

[487] Pliny, H. N. vi. 16. In the Meteorologica of Aristotle (i. 13, 15-18) we read that the rivers Bahtrus, Choaspes, and Araxes flowed from the lofty mountain Parnasus (Paropamisus?) in Asia; and that the Araxes bifurcated, one branch forming the Tanais, which fell into the Palus MÆotis. For this fact he refers to the ??? pe???d?? current in his time. It seems plain that by the Araxes Aristotle must mean the Jaxartes. We see, therefore, that Alexander and his companions, in identifying the Jaxartes with the Tanais, only followed the geographical descriptions and ideas current in their time. Humboldt remarks several cases in which the Greek geographers were fond of supposing bifurcation of rivers (Asie Centrale, vol. ii. p. 291).

[488] Arrian, iv. 1, 5.

[489] Arrian, iii. 30, 17.

[490] Arrian, iv. 1, 3

[491] Arrian, iv. 3, 17; Curtius, vii. 6, 25.

[492] Arrian. iv. 5, 6; Curtius, vii. 9.

[493] Arrian, iv. 6, 11; Curtius, vii. 9, 22. The river, called by the Macedonians Polytimetus (Strabo, xi. p. 518), now bears the name of Kohik or Zurufshan. It rises in the mountains east of Samarkand, and flowing westward on the north of that city and of Bokhara. It does not reach so far as the Oxus; during the full time of the year, it falls into a lake called Karakul; during the dry months, it is lost in the sands, as Arrian states (Burnes’s Travels, vol. ii. ch. xi. p. 299. ed. 2nd.).

[494] Arrian, iv. 7, 1; Curtius, vii. 10, 12.

[495] Arrian, iv. 7, 5.

[496] After describing the scene at Rome, when the Emperor Galba was deposed and assassinated in the forum, Tacitus observes—“Plures quam centum et viginti libellos prÆmia exposcentium, ob aliquam notabilem illÀ die operam, Vitellius posteÀ invenit, omnesque conquiri et interfici jussit: non honore GalbÆ, sed tradito principibus more, munimentum ad prÆsens, in posterum ultionem” (Tacitus, Hist. i. 44).

[497] Arrian, i. 17, 3; iii. 16, 8. Curtius, iii. 12, 6; v. 1, 44.

[498] Curtius (vii. 10, 15) mentions six cities (oppida) founded by Alexander in these regions; apparently somewhere north of the Oxus, but the sites cannot be made out. Justin (xii. 5) alludes to twelve foundations in Baktria and Sogdiana.

[499] Arrian, iv. 16, 4; Curtius, vii. 10, 1. “Sogdiana regio magn ex parte deserta est; octingenta ferÈ stadia in latitudinem vastÆ solitudines tenent.”

Respecting the same country (Sogdiana and Baktria), Mr. Erskine observes (Introduction to the Memoirs of Sultan Baber, p. xliii.):—“The face of the country is extremely broken, and divided by lofty hills; even the plains are diversified by great varieties of soil,—some extensive districts along the Kohik river, nearly the whole of Ferghana (along the Jaxartes), the greater part of Kwarizm along the branches of the Oxus, with the large portions of Balkh, Badakshan, Kesh, and Hissar, being of uncommon fertility; while the greater part of the rest is a barren waste, and in some places a sandy desert. Indeed the whole country north of the Oxus has a decided tendency to degenerate into desert, and many of its most fruitful spaces are nearly surrounded by barren sands; so that the population of all these districts still, as in the time of Baber, consists of the fixed inhabitants of the cities and fertile lands, and of the unsettled and roving wanderers of the desert, who dwell in tents of felt, and live on the produce of their flocks.”

[500] Arrian, iv. 8, 7.

[501] Plutarch, Alexand. 51. Nothing can be more touching than the words put by Plutarch into the mouth of Kleitus—???? ??d? ??? ?a???e?, ????a?d?e, t??a?ta t??? t?? p???? ?????e???, a?a????e? d? t??? ?d? te?????ta? p??? ?p?de?? ??d??a?? ??d??? ?a???????? ?a?ed??a?, ?a? ?e?s?? de?????? ??a t? as??e? p??s????e?.

[502] Arrian, iv. 8, 8. ?????? ???? ?e (????a?d???) ?atap???a? a?t?, ???? t? ??? p??? ???? ?a?ed???? e??a? t? ???a, etc.

[503] Arrian, iv. 8; Curtius, viii. 1; Plutarch, Alexand. 50, 51; Justin, xii. 6.

The description given by Diodorus was contained in the lost part of his seventeenth book; the table of contents, prefixed thereunto, notes the incident briefly.

All the authors describe in the same general way the commencement, progress, and result, of this impressive scene in the banqueting hall of Marakanda; but they differ materially in the details. In giving what seems to me the most probable account, I have borrowed partly from all, yet following mostly the account given by Arrian from Ptolemy, himself present. For Arrian’s narrative down to sect. 14 of c. 8 (before the words ???st?????? d?) may fairly be presumed to be derived from Ptolemy.

Both Plutarch and Curtius describe the scene in a manner more dishonorable to Alexander than Arrian; and at the same time (in my judgment) less probable. Plutarch says that the brawl took its rise from a poet named Pierion singing a song which turned into derision those Macedonians who had been recently defeated in Sogdiana; that Alexander and those around him greatly applauded this satire; that Kleitus protested against such an insult to soldiers, who, though unfortunate, had behaved with unimpeachable bravery; that Alexander then turned upon Kleitus saying, that he was seeking an excuse for himself by extenuating cowardice in others; that Kleitus retorted by reminding him of the preservation of his life at the Granikus. Alexander is thus made to provoke the quarrel by aspersing the courage of Kleitus, which I think noway probable; nor would he be likely to encourage a song of that tenor.

Curtius agrees with Arrian in ascribing the origin of the mischief to the extravagant boasts of Alexander and his flatterers, and to their depreciation of Philip. He then tells us that Kleitus, on hearing their unseemly talk, turned round and whispered to his neighbor some lines out of the AndromachÊ of Euripides (which lines Plutarch also ascribes to him, though at a later moment); that Alexander, not hearing the words, asked what had been said, but no one would tell him; at length Kleitus himself repeated the sentiment in language of his own. This would suit a literary Greek; but an old Macedonian officer half intoxicated, when animated by a vehement sentiment, would hardly express it by whispering a Greek poetical quotation to his neighbor. He would either hold his tongue, or speak what he felt broadly and directly. Nevertheless Curtius has stated two points very material to the case, which do not appear in Arrian. 1. It was Alexander himself, not his flatterers, who vilipended Philip; at least the flatterers only did so after him, and following his example. The topic would be dangerous for them to originate, and might easily be carried too far. 2. Among all the topics touched upon by Kleitus, none was so intolerable as the open expression of sympathy, friendship, and regret for Parmenio. This stung Alexander in the sorest point of his conscience; he must have known that there were many present who sympathized with it; and it was probably the main cause which worked him up to phrenzy. Moreover we may be pretty sure that Kleitus, while expatiating upon Philip, would not forget Philip’s general in chief and his own old friend, Parmenio.

I cannot believe the statement of Aristobulus, that Kleitus was forced by his friends out of the hall, and afterward returned to it of his own accord, to defy Alexander once more. It seems plain from Arrian that Ptolemy said no such thing. The murderous impulse of Alexander was gratified on the spot, and without delay, as soon as he got clear from the gentle restraint of his surrounding friends.

[504] Arrian, iv. 9, 4; Curtius, viii. 2, 2.

[505] Curtius, viii. 2, 12. “Quoque minus cÆdis puderet, jure interfectum Clitum Macedones decernunt; sepultur quoque prohibituri, ni rex humari jussisset.”

In explanation of this monstrous verdict of the soldiers, we must recollect that the safety of the whole army (now at Samarcand, almost beyond the boundary of inhabited regions, ??? t?? ?????????) was felt to depend on the life of Alexander. Compare Justin, xii. 6, 15.

[506] Arrian, iv. 9, 6. Alexander imagined himself to have incurred the displeasure of Dionysus by having sacked and destroyed the city of Thebes, the supposed birth-place and favorite locality of that god (Plutarch, Alex. 13).

The maddening delusion brought upon men by the wrath of Dionysus is awfully depicted in the BacchÆ of Euripides. Under the influence of that delusion, AgavÊ, mother of Pentheus, tears her son in pieces and bears away his head in triumph, not knowing what is in her hands. Compare also Eurip. Hippolyt. 440-1412.

[507] Arrian, iv. 9, 10; Plutarch. Alex. 52.

[508] Curtius, viii. 2, 13—“decem diebus ad confirmandum pudorem apud Maracanda consumptis”, etc.

[509] Curtius, viii. 2, 20-30.

[510] Arrian, iv. 17, 11. Curtius (viii. 3) gives a different narrative of the death of Spitamenes.

[511] Arrian, iv. 18, 19.

[512] Arrian, iv. 21. Our geographical knowledge does not enable us to verify these localities, or to follow Alexander in his marches of detail.

[513] Curtius, viii. 5, 1; Arrian, iv. 22, 2.

[514] Arrian, iv. 10, 7-9. Curtius (viii. 5, 9-13) represents the speech proposing divine honors to have been delivered, not by Anaxarchus, but by another lettered Greek, a Sicilian named Kleon. The tenor of the speech is substantially the same, as given by both authors.

[515] Kallisthenes had composed three historical works—1. Hellenica—from the year 387-357 B.C. 2. History of the sacred war—from 357-346 B.C. 3. ?? ?at? ????a?d???. His style is said by Cicero to have been rhetorical; but the Alexandrine critics included him in their Canon of Historians. See Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn. p. 6-9.

[516] See the observation ascribed to him expressing envy towards Achilles for having been immortalized by Homer (Arrian, i. 12, 2).

[517] It is said that Ephorus, Xenokrates, and Menedemus, all declined the invitation of Alexander (Plutarch, De Stoicorum Repugnantiis, p. 1043). Respecting Menedemus, the fact can hardly be so: he must have been then too young to be invited.

[518] Arrian, iv. 10, 2; Plutarch, Alex. 53, 54. It is remarkable that TimmÆus denounced Kallisthenes as having in his historical work flattered Alexander to excess (Polybius, xii. 12). Kallisthenes seems to have recognized various special interpositions of the gods, to aid Alexander’s successes—see Fragments 25 and 36 of the Fragmenta Callisthenis in the edition of Didot.

In reading the censure which Arrian passes on the arrogant pretensions of Kallisthenes, we ought at the same time to read the pretensions raised by Arrian on his own behalf as an historian (i. 12, 7-9)—?a? ?p? t?de ??? ?pa??? ?a?t?? t?? p??t?? ?? t? f??? t? ????d?, e?pe? ?a? ????a?d??? t?? ?? t??? ?p????, etc. I doubt much whether Kallisthenes pitched his self-estimation so high. In this chapter, Arrian recounts, that Alexander envied Achilles for having been fortunate enough to obtain such a poet as Homer for panegyrist; and Arrian laments that Alexander had not, as yet, found an historian equal to his deserts. This, in point of fact, is a reassertion of the same truth which Kallisthenes stands condemned for asserting—that the fame even of the greatest warrior depends upon his commemorators. The boastfulness of a poet is at least pardonable, when he exclaims, like Theokritus, Idyll. xvi. 73—

[519] Plutarch, Alex. 55.

[520] Arrian, iv. 11. ?p? s?f?? te ?a? pa?de?se? ??e???d?? s????ta.

[521] Arrian, iv. 12, 7. f???at? ??att?? ???? ?pe??.

[522] Arrian, iv. 12, 1. ????sa? ?? e?a??st? ????a?d???, ?a?ed?s? d? p??? ???? e?pe??....

Curtius, viii. 5, 20. “Æquis auribus Callisthenes velut vindex publicÆ libertatis audiebatur. Expresserat non assensionem modo, sed etiam vocem, seniorum prÆcipuÈ quibus gravis erat inveterati moris externa mutatio.”

[523] There was no sentiment more deeply rooted in the free Grecian mind, prior to Alexander’s conquests, than the repugnance to arrogant aspirations on the part of the fortunate man, swelling himself above the limits of humanity—and the belief that such aspirations were followed by the Nemesis of the gods. In the dying speech which Xenophon puts into the mouth of Cyrus the Great, we find—“Ye gods, I thank you much, that I have been sensible of your care for me, and that I have never in my successes raised my thoughts above the measure of man” (CyropÆd. viii. 7, 3). Among the most striking illustrations of this sentiment is, the story of Solon and Croesus (Herodot. i. 32-34).

I shall recount in the next chapter examples of monstrous flattery on the part of the Athenians, proving how this sentiment expired with their freedom.

[524] Plutarch, Alexand. 54. He refers to Hermippus, who mentions what was told to Aristotle by Stroebus, the reader attendant on Kallisthenes.

[525] Arrian, iv. 13; Curtius, viii. 6, 7.

[526] Arrian, iv. 13, 13.

[527] Arrian, iv, 14, 4. Curtius expands this scene into great detail; composing a long speech for Hermolaus, and another for Alexander (viii. 6, 7, 8).

He says that the soldiers who executed these pages, tortured them first, in order to manifest zeal for Alexander (viii. 8, 20).

[528] “Quem, si Macedo esset (Callisthenem), tecum introduxissem, dignissimum te discipulo magistrum: nunc Olynthio non idem juris est” (Curtius. viii. 8, 19—speech of Alexander before the soldiers addressing Hermolaus especially).

[529] Plutarch, Alexand. 55; Arrian, iv. 10, 4.

[530] Plutarch, Alex. 55. ?a?t?? t?? pe?? ????a?? ??de?? ??d? d?? t?? ?s??t?? ??????? ?a???s?????? ?ate?pe?. ???? ?a? ????a?d??? a?t?? e???? ???f?? ??ate?? ?a? ?tt??? ?a? ????t? f?s? t??? pa?da? asa????????? ?????e??, ?? a?t?? ta?ta p???e?a?, ????? d? ??de?? s??e?de??. ?ste??? d? ???f?? p??? ??t?pat???, ?a? t?? ?a???s????? s??epa?t?as?e???, ?? ?? pa?d??, f?s??, ?p? t?? ?a?ed???? ?ate?e?s??sa?, t?? d? s?f?st?? ??? ????s?, ?a? t??? ??p??a?ta? a?t??, ?a? t??? ?p?de??????? ta?? p??es? t??? ??? ?p????e???ta? ... ??t????? ?? ?e t??t??? ?p??a??pt?e??? p??? ???st?t????, etc.

About the hostile dispositions of Alexander towards Aristotle, see Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 64. de FortunÂ, p. 598.

Kraterus was at this time absent in Sogdiana, engaged in finishing the suppression of the resistance (Arrian, iv. 22, 1). To him, therefore, Alexander would naturally write.

This statement, from the pen of Alexander himself, distinctly contradicts and refutes (as I have before observed) the affirmation of Ptolemy and Aristobulus as given by Arrian (iv. 14, 1)—that the pages deposed against Kallisthenes.

[531] Arrian, iv. 14, 5. Curtius also says—“Callisthenes quoque tortus interiit, initi consilii in caput regis innoxius, sed haudquaquam aulÆ et assentantium accommodatus ingenio (viii. 8, 21).” Compare Plutarch, Alex. 55.

This is the statement of Ptolemy; who was himself concerned in the transactions, and was the officer through whom the conspiracy of the pages had been revealed. His partiality might permit him to omit or soften what was discreditable to Alexander, but he may be fully trusted when he records an act of cruelty. Aristobulus and others affirmed that Kallisthenes was put in chains and carried about in this condition for some time; after which he died of disease and a wretched state of body. But the witnesses here are persons whose means of information we do not know to be so good as those of Ptolemy; besides that, the statement is intrinsically less probable.

[532] See the language of Seneca, Nat. QuÆst. vi. 23; Plutarch, De Adulator. et Amici Discrimine, p. 65; Theophrast. ap. Ciceron. Tusc. Disp. iii. 10.

Curtius says that this treatment of Kallisthenes was followed by a late repentance on the part of Alexander (viii. 8, 23). On this point there is no other evidence—nor can I think the statement probable.

[533] Arrian, iv. 22, 4.

[534] Arrian, iv. 22, 8-12.

[535] Respecting the rock called Aornos, a valuable and elaborate article, entitled “Gradus ad Aornon” has been published by Major Abbott in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. iv. 1854. This article gives much information, collected mainly by inquiries on the spot, and accompanied by a map, about the very little known country west of the Indus, between the Kabool river on the south, and the Hindoo-Koosh on the north.

Major Abbott attempts to follow the march and operations of Alexander, from Alexandria ad Caucasum to the rock of Aornos (p. 311 seq.). He shows highly probable reason for believing that the Aornos described by Arrian is the Mount Mahabunn, near the right bank of the Indus (lat. 34° 20´), about sixty miles above its confluence with the Kabool river. “The whole account of Arrian of the rock Aornos is a faithful picture of the Mahabunn. It was the most remarkable feature of the country. It was the refuge of all the neighboring tribes. It was covered with forest. It had good soil sufficient for a thousand ploughs, and pure springs of water everywhere abounded. It was 4125 feet above the plain, and fourteen miles in circuit. The summit was a plain where cavalry could act. It would be difficult to offer a more faithful description of the Mahabunn. The side on which Alexander scaled the main summit had certainly the character of a rock. But the whole description of Arrian indicates a table mountain” (p. 341). The Mahabunn “is a mountain table, scarped on the east by tremendous precipices, from which descends one large spur down upon the Indus between Sitana and Umb” (p. 340).

To this similarity in so many local features, is to be added the remarkable coincidence of name, between the town Embolima, where Arrian states that Alexander established his camp for the purpose of attacking Aornos—and the modern names Umb and Balimah (between the Mahabunn and the Indus)—“the one in the river valley, the other on the mountain immediately above it” (p. 344). Mount Mahabunn is the natural refuge for the people of the neighborhood from a conqueror, and was among the places taken by Nadir Shah (p. 338).

A strong case of identity is thus made out between this mountain and the Aornos described by Arrian. But undoubtedly it does not coincide with the Aornos described by Curtius, who compares Aornos to a Meta (the conical goal of the stadium), and says that the Indus washed its base,—that at the first assault several Macedonian soldiers were hurled down into the river. This close juxtaposition of the Indus has been the principal feature looked for by travellers who have sought for Aornos; but no place has yet been found answering the conditions required. We have here to make our election between Arrian and Curtius. Now there is a general presumption in Arrian’s favor, in the description of military operations, where he makes a positive statement; but in this case, the presumption is peculiarly strong, because Ptolemy was in the most conspicuous and difficult command for the capture of Aornos, and was therefore likely to be particular in the description of a scene where he had reaped much glory.

[536] Arrian, iv. 30, 13. ? st?at?? a?t? ?d?p??e? t? p??s? ???sa, ?p??a ????? ??ta t? ta?t? ????a, etc.

The countries here traversed by Alexander include parts of Kafiristan, Swart, Bajore, Chitral, the neighborhood of the Kameh and other affluents of the river Kabul before it falls into the Indus near Attock. Most of this is Terra Incognita even at present; especially Kafiristan, a territory inhabited by a population said to be rude and barbarous, but which has never been conquered—nor indeed ever visited by strangers. It is remarkable, that among the inhabitants of Kafiristan,—as well as among those of Badakshan, on the other or northern side of the Hindoo-Koosh—there exist traditions respecting Alexander, together with a sort of belief that they themselves are descended from his soldiers. See Ritter’s Erdkunde, part vii. book iii. p. 200 seq.; Burnes’s Travels, vol. iii. ch. 4. p. 186, 2nd ed.; Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 194 seq.

[537] Arrian, iv. 30, 16; v. 7, 2.

[538] The halt of thirty days is mentioned by Diodorus, xvii. 86. For the proof that these operations took place in winter, see the valuable citation from Aristobulus given in Strabo (xv. p. 691).

[539] Arrian. v. 19, 1. ????a?d??? d? ?? p??s????ta ?p??et?, p??s?ppe?sa? p?? t?? t??e?? s?? ??????? t?? ?ta???? ?pa?t? t? ????, ?a? ?p?st?sa? t?? ?pp??, t? te ??e??? ??a?a?e? ?p?? p??te p??e?? ???sta ??a????, ?a? t? ?????? t?? ?????, ?a? ?t? ?? ded???????? t? ???? ?fa??et?, etc.

We see here how Alexander was struck with the stature and personal beauty of Porus, and how much these visual impressions contributed to determine, or at least to strengthen, his favorable sympathies towards the captive prince. This illustrates what I have observed in the last chapter, in recounting his treatment of the eunuch Batis after the capture of Gaza; that the repulsive appearance of Batis greatly heightened Alexander’s indignation. With a man of such violent impulses as Alexander, these external impressions were of no inconsiderable moment.

[540] These operations are described in Arrian, v. 9. v. 19 (we may remark that Ptolemy and Aristobulus, though both present, differed on many points, v. 14); Curtius, viii. 13, 14; Diodor. xvii. 87, 88. According to Plutarch (Alex. 60), Alexander dwelt much upon the battle in his own letters.

There are two principal points—Jelum and Julalpoor—where high roads from the Indus now cross the Hydaspes. Each of these points have been assigned by different writers, as the probable scene of the crossing of the river by Alexander. Of the two Jelum (rather higher up the river than Julalpoor) seems the more probable. Burnes points out that near Jelum the river is divided into five or six channels with islands (Travels, vol. ii. ch. 2. p. 50, 2nd ed.). Captain Abbott (in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, Dec. 1848) has given an interesting memoir on the features and course of the Hydaspes a little above Jelum, comparing them with the particulars stated by Arrian, and showing highly plausible reasons in support of this hypothesis—that the crossing took place near Jelum.

Diodorus mentions a halt of thirty days, after the victory (xvii. 89), which seems not probable. Both he and Curtius allude to numerous serpents, by which the army was annoyed between the Akesines and the Hydraotes (Curtius, ix. 1, 11).

[541] Arrian states (v. 19, 5) that the victory over Porus was gained in the month Munychion of the archon Hegemon at Athens—that is, about the end of April, 326 B.C. This date is not to be reconciled with another passage, v. 9, 6—where he says that the summer solstice had already passed, and that all the rivers of the Punjab were full of water, turbid and violent.

This swelling of the rivers begins about June; they do not attain their full height until August. Moreover, the description of the battle, as given both by Arrian and by Curtius, implies that it took place after the rainy season had begun (Arrian, v. 9, 7; v. 12, 5. Curtius, viii. 14, 4).

Some critics have proposed to read Metageitnion (July-August) as the month, instead of Munychion; an alteration approved by Mr. Clinton and received into the text by Schmieder. But if this alteration be admitted, the name of the Athenian archon must be altered also; for Metageitnion of the archon Hegemon would be eight months earlier (July-August, 327 B.C.); and at this date Alexander had not as yet crossed the Indus, as the passage of Aristobulus (ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691) plainly shows—and as Droysen and MÜtzel remark. Alexander did not cross the Indus before the spring of 326 B.C. If, in place of the archon Hegemon, we substitute the next following archon ChremÊs (and it is remarkable that Diodorus assigns the battle to this later archonship, xvii. 87), this would be July-August 326 B.C.; which would be a more admissible date for the battle than the preceding month of Munychion. At the same time, the substitution of Metageitnion is mere conjecture; and seems to leave hardly time enough for the subsequent events. As far as an opinion can be formed, it would seem that the battle was fought about the end of June or beginning of July 326 B.C. after the rainy season had commenced; towards the close of the archonship of Hegemon, and the beginning of that of Chremes.

[542] Arrian, v. 20; Diodor. xvii. 95. Lieut. Wood (Journey to the source of the Oxus, p. 11-39) remarks that the large rivers of the Punjab change their course so often and so considerably, that monuments and indications of Alexander’s march in that territory cannot be expected to remain, especially in ground near rivers.

[543] Arrian, v. 20.

[544] Arrian, v, 23, 24; Curtius, ix. 1, 15.

[545] Curtius, ix. 2, 3; Diodor. xvii. 93; Plutarch, Alex. 62.

[546] Curtius, ix. 3, 11 (speech of Koenus). “Quoto cuique lorica est? Quis equum habet? Jube quÆri, quam multos servi ipsorum persecuti sint, quid cuique supersit ex prÆdÂ. Omnium victores, omnium inopes sumus.”

[547] Aristobulus ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691-697. ?es?a? s??e???. Arrian, v, 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 93. ?e???e? ?????? ?ate?????sa? ?f? ???a? ?d?????ta, ?a? ???ta? s??e?e?? ?a? ?e?a???? ?at?s??pt??, etc.

[548] In the speech which Arrian (v. 25, 26) puts into the mouth of Alexander, the most curious point is, the geographical views which he promulgates. “We have not much farther now to march (he was standing on the western bank of the Sutledge) to the river Ganges, and the great Eastern Sea which surrounds the whole earth. The Hyrkanian (Caspian) Sea joins on to this great sea on one side, the Persian Gulf on the other; after we have subdued all those nations which lie before us eastward towards the Great Sea, and northward towards the Hyrkanian Sea, we shall then sail by water first to the Persian Gulf, next round Libya to the pillars of Herakles; from thence we shall march back all through Libya, and add it to all Asia as parts of our empire.” (I here abridge rather than translate).

It is remarkable, that while Alexander made so prodigious an error in narrowing the eastern limits of Asia, the Ptolemaic geography, recognized in the time of Columbus, made an error not less in the opposite direction, stretching it too far to the East. It was upon the faith of this last mistake, that Columbus projected his voyage of circumnavigation from Western Europe, expecting to come to the eastern coast of Asia from the West, after no great length of voyage.

[550] Arrian, v. 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 95.

[551] Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. 691—until the rising of Arkturus. Diodorus says, 70 days (xvii. 73), which seems more probable.

[552] Diodor. xvii. 95; Curtius, ix. 3, 21.

[553] The voyage was commenced a few days before the setting of the Pleiades (Aristobulus, ap. Strab. xv. p. 692).

For the number of the ships, see Ptolemy ap. Arrian, vi. 2, 8.

On seeing crocodiles in the Indus, Alexander was at first led to suppose that it was the same river as the Nile, and that he had discovered the higher course of the Nile, from whence it flowed into Egypt. This is curious, as an illustration of the geographical knowledge of the time (Arrian, vi. 1, 3).

[554] Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. 692. Aristobulus said that the downward voyage occupied ten months; this seems longer than the exact reality. Moreover Aristobulus said that they had no rain during all the voyage down, through all the summer months: Nearchus stated the contrary (Strabo, l.c.).

[555] Curtius, ix. 4, 15; Diodor. xvii 98.

[556] Arrian, vi. 7, 8.

[557] This last stronghold of the Malli is supposed, by Mr. Cunningham and others, to have been the modern city of Multan. The river Ravee or Hydraotes is said to have formerly run past the city of Multan into the Chenab or Akesines.

[558] Arrian, vi. 9, 10, 11. He notices the great discrepancy in the various accounts given of this achievement and dangerous wound of Alexander.

Compare Diodor. xvii. 98, 99; Curtius, ix. 4, 5; Plutarch, Alex. 63.

[559] Arrian, xi. 13.

[560] Arrian, xi. 15, 5.

[561] Arrian, xi. 17, 6; Strabo, xv. p. 721.

[562] Arrian, xi. 18, 19; Curtius, ix. 9. He reached Pattala towards the middle or end of July, pe?? ????? ?p?t???? (Strabo, xv. p. 692).

The site of Pattala has been usually looked for near the modern Tatta. But Dr. Kennedy, in his recent ‘Narrative of the Campaign of the Army of the Indus in Scinde and Kabool’ (ch. v. p. 104), shows some reasons for thinking that it must have been considerably higher up the river than Tatta; somewhere near Sehwan. “The delta commencing about 130 miles above the sea, its northern apex would be somewhere midway between Hyderabad and Sehwan; where local traditions still speak of ancient cities destroyed, and of greater changes having occurred than in any other part of the course of the Indus.”

The constant changes in the course of the Indus, however (compare p. 73 of his work), noticed by all observers, render every attempt at such identification conjectural—see Wood’s Journey to the Oxus, p. 12.

[563] Arrian, vi. 24, 2; Strabo, xv. p. 723.

[564] Arrian, vi. 25, 26; Curtius. ix. 10; Plutarch, Alex. 66.

[565] Curtius, ix. 10; Diodor. xvii. 106; Plutarch, Alex. 67. Arrian (vi. 28) found this festal progress mentioned in some authorities, but not in others. Neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus mentioned it. Accordingly Arrian refuses to believe it. There may have been exaggerations or falsities as to the details of the march; but as a general fact, I see no sufficient ground for disbelieving it. A season of excessive license to the soldiers, after their extreme suffering in Gedrosia, was by no means unnatural to grant. Moreover, it corresponds to the general conception of the returning march of Dionysus in antiquity, while the imitation of that god was quite in conformity with Alexander’s turn of sentiment.

I have already remarked, that the silence of Ptolemy and Aristobulus is too strongly insisted on, both by Arrian and by others, as a reason for disbelieving affirmations respecting Alexander.

Arrian and Curtius (x. 1) differ in their statements about the treatment of Kleander. According to Arrian, he was put to death; according to Curtius, he was spared from death, and simply put in prison, in consequence of the important service which he had rendered by killing Parmenio with his own hand; while 600 of his accomplices and agents were put to death.

[566] Nearchus had begun his voyage about the end of September, or beginning of October (Arrian, Indic. 21; Strabo, xv. p. 721).

[567] Arrian, vi. 28, 7; Arrian, Indica, c. 33-37.

[568] Arrian, vi. 28, 12-29, 1.

[569] Plutarch, Alex. 69; Arrian, vi. 29, 17; Strabo, xv. p. 730.

[570] Arrian, vi. 30, 2; Curtius, x. 1, 23-38. “Hic fuit exitus nobilissimi Persarum, nec insontis modo, sed eximiÆ quoque benignitatis in regem.” The great favor which the beautiful eunuch Bagoas (though Arrian does not mention him) enjoyed with Alexander, and the exalted position which he occupied, are attested by good contemporary evidence, especially the philosopher DikÆarchus—see AthenÆ. xiii. p. 603; DikÆarch. Fragm. 19. ap. Hist. GrÆc. Fragm. Didot, vol. ii. p. 241. Compare the Fragments of Eumenes and Diodotus (Ælian, V. H. iii. 23) in Didot, Fragm. Scriptor. Hist. Alex. Magni, p. 121; Plutarch De Adul. et Amic. Discrim. p. 65.

[571] Arrian, vi. 30; Curtius, x. 1, 22-30.

[572] Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hellen. B.C. 325, also Append. p. 232) places the arrival of Alexander in Susiana, on his return march, in the month of February B.C. 325; a year too early, in my opinion. I have before remarked on the views of Mr. Clinton respecting the date of Alexander’s victory over Porus on the Hydaspes, where he alters the name of the month as it stands in the text of Arrian (following Schmieder’s conjecture), and supposes that battle to have occurred in August B.C. 327 instead of April B.C. 326. Mr. Clinton antedates by one year all the proceedings of Alexander subsequent to his quitting Baktria for the last time in the summer of B.C. 327. Dr. Vincent’s remark—“that the supposition of two winters occurring after Alexander’s return to Susa is not borne out by the historians” (see Clinton. p. 232), is a perfectly just one; and Mitford has not replied to it in a satisfactory manner. In my judgment, there was only an interval of sixteen months (not an interval of twenty-eight months, as Mr. Clinton supposes) between the return of Alexander to Susa and his death at Babylon (Feb. 324 B.C. to June 323 B.C.).

[573] Arrian, vii. 5. 9; Arrian, Indica, c. 42. The voluntary death of Kalanus the Indian Gymnosophist must have taken place at Susa (where Diodorus places it—xvii. 107), and not in Persis; for Nearchus was seemingly present at the memorable scene of the funeral pile (Arrian, vii. 3, 9)—and he was not with Alexander in Persis.

[574] Plutarch, Alexand. 68.

[575] Arrian, vii. 4, 2-5; Diodor. xvii. 108; Curtius, x. 1, 7. “Coeperat esse prÆceps ad reprÆsentanda supplicia, item ad deteriora credenda” (Curtius, x. 1, 39).

[576] Plutarch, Alex. 68.

[577] Diodor. xvii. 106-111.

[578] Among the accusations which reached Alexander against this satrap, we are surprised to find a letter addressed to him (?? t? p??? ????a?d??? ?p?st???) by the Greek historian Theopompus; who set forth with indignation the extravagant gifts and honors heaped by Harpalus upon his two successive mistresses—PythionikÊ and Glykera; celebrated HetÆrÆ from Athens. These proceedings Theopompus describes as insults to Alexander (Theopompus ap. AthenÆ. xiii. p. 586-595; Fragment. 277, 278 ed. Didot).

The satyric drama called ????, represented before Alexander at a period subsequent to the flight of Harpalus, cannot have been represented (as AthenÆus states it to have been) on the banks of the Hydaspes, because Harpalus did not make his escape until he was frightened by the approach of Alexander returning from India. At the Hydaspes, Alexander was still on his outward progress; very far off, and without any idea of returning. It appears to me that the words of AthenÆus respecting this drama—?d?da?e ?????s??? ??t?? ?p? t?? ?d?sp?? t?? p?ta?? (xiii, p. 595)—involve a mistake or misreading; and that it ought to stand ?p? t?? ???sp?? t?? p?ta??. I may remark that the words Medus Hydaspes in Virgil, Georg. iv. 211, probably involve the same confusion. The Choaspes was the river, near Susa; and this drama was performed before Alexander at Susa during the Dionysia of the year 324 B.C., after Harpalus had fled. The Dionysia were in the month Elaphebolion; now Alexander did not fight Porus on the Hydaspes until the succeeding month Munychion at the earliest—and probably later. And even if we suppose (which is not probable) that he reached the Hydaspes in Elaphebolion, he would have no leisure to celebrate dramas and a Dionysiac festival, while the army of Porus was waiting for him on the opposite bank. Moreover it is no way probable that, on the remote Hydaspes, he had any actors or chorus, or means of celebrating dramas at all.

[579] Arrian, vii. 18, 2; vii. 23, 9-13.

[580] Arrian, vii. 4, 6-9. By these two marriages, Alexander thus engrafted himself upon the two lines of antecedent Persian Kings. Ochus was of the AchÆmenid family, but Darius Codomannus, father of Statira, was not of that family; he began a new lineage. About the overweening regal state of Alexander, outdoing even the previous Persian kings, see Phylarchus ap. AthenÆ. xii. p. 539.

[581] Chares ap. AthenÆ. xii. p. 538.

[582] Arrian, vii. 6, 3. ?a? t??? ????? ?? t? ??? t? ?e?s??? p??????ta? ?? p??? ???? ?e??s?a? t??? p?????? a?t??, ??d? t?? ????t?? ?st?? ???, etc.

[583] Arrian, vii. 5; Plutarch, Alexand. 70; Curtius, x. 2, 9; Diodor. xvii. 109.

[584] Diodor. xvii. 108. It must have taken some time to get together and discipline these young troops; Alexander must therefore have sent the orders from India.

[585] Arrian, vii. 6.

[586] Arrian, vii. 7.

[587] Arrian, vii. 9, 10; Plutarch, Alex. 71; Curtius, x. 2; Justin, xii. 11.

[588] See the description given by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 29) of the bringing round of the Vitellian army,—which had mutinied against the general Fabius Valens:—“Tum Alphenus Varus, prÆfectus castrorum, deflagrante paulatim seditione, addit consilium—vetitis obire vigilias centurionibus, omisso tubÆ sono, quo miles ad belli munia cietur. Igitur torpere cuncti, circumspectare inter se attoniti, et id ipsum, quod nemo regeret, paventes; silentio, patientiÂ, postremo precibus et lacrymis veniam quÆrebant. Ut vero deformis et fiens, et prÆter spem incolumis, Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor; versi in lÆtitiam (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes gratantesque, circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”

Compare also the narrative in Xenophon (Anab. i. 3) of the embarrassment of the Ten Thousand Greeks at Tarsus, when they at first refused to obey Klearchus and march against the Great King.

[589] Arrian, vii. 11.

[590] Arrian, vii. 12, 1-7; Justin, xii. 12. Kraterus was especially popular with the Macedonian soldiers, because he had always opposed, as much as he dared, the Oriental transformation of Alexander (Plutarch, Eumenes, 6).

[591] Arrian, vii. 19. He also sent an officer named Herakleides to the shores of the Caspian sea, with orders to construct ships and make a survey of that sea (vii. 16).

[592] Arrian, vii. 13, 2; Diodor. xvii. 110. How leisurely the march was may be seen in Diodorus.

The direction of Alexander’s march from Susa to Ekbatana, along a frequented and good road which Diodorus in another place calls a royal road (xix. 19), is traced by Ritter, deriving his information chiefly from the recent researches of Major Rawlinson. The larger portion of the way lay along the western side of the chain of Mount Zagros, and on the right bank of the river Kerkha (Ritter, Erdkunde, part ix. b. 3. p. 329, West Asia).

[593] Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, Eumenes, 2.

[594] Arrian, vii. 14; Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Diodor. xvii. 110. It will not do to follow the canon of evidence tacitly assumed by Arrian, who thinks himself authorized to discredit all the details of Alexander’s conduct on this occasion, which transgress the limits of a dignified, though vehement sorrow.

When Masistius was slain, in the Persian army commanded by Mardonius in Boeotia, the manes of the horses were cut, as token of mourning: compare also Plutarch, Pelopidas, 33; and Euripid. Alkestis, 442.

[595] See the curious extracts from Ephippus the Chalkidian,—seemingly a contemporary, if not an eye-witness (ap. AthenÆ. xii. p. 537, 538)—e?f??a d? ?a? s??? ?ate??e p??ta? ?p? d???? t??? pa???ta?? ?f???t?? ??? ?? (Alexander) ?a? f??????? ?d??e? ??? e??a? e?a????????, etc.

[596] I translate here, literally, Plutarch’s expression—??? d? p?????? pa??????? t? p???? ???e???, ?spe? ?p? ???a? ?a? ??????s??? ?????p?? ?????e, ?a? t? ??ssa??? ????? ?atest???at?, p??ta? ??d?? ?p?sf?tt??. ???t? d? ?fa?st????? ??a??s?? ??a?e?t? (Plutarch, Alexand. 72: compare PolyÆnus, iv. 3, 31).

[597] Arrian, vii. 15; Plutarch, Alex. 72; Diodor. xvii. 111. This general slaughter, however, can only be true of portions of the KossÆan name; for KossÆans occur in after years (Diodor. xix. 19.).

[598] Pliny, H. N. iii. 9. The story in Strabo, v. p. 232, can hardly apply to Alexander the Great. Livy (ix. 18) conceives that the Romans knew nothing of Alexander even by report, but this appears to me not credible.

On the whole, though the point is doubtful, I incline to believe the assertion of a Roman embassy to Alexander. Nevertheless, there were various false statements which afterwards became current about it—one of which may be seen in Memnon’s history of the Pontic Herakleia ap. Photium, Cod. 224; Orelli Fragment. Memnon, p. 36. Kleitarchus (contemporary of Alexander), whom Pliny quotes, can have had no motive to insert falsely the name of Romans, which in his time was nowise important.

[599] Arrian, vii. 15; Justin, xii. 13; Diodor. xvii. 113. The story mentioned by Justin in another place (xxi. 6) is probably referable to this season of Alexander’s career. A Carthaginian named Hamilkar Rhodanus, was sent by his city to Alexander; really as an emissary to acquaint himself with the king’s real designs, which occasioned to the Carthaginians serious alarm—but under color of being an exile tendering his services. Justin says that Parmenio introduced Hamilkar—which must, I think, be an error.

[600] Arrian, vii. 19, 1; vii. 23, 3.

[601] Arrian, vii. 19, 5-12; Diodor. xvii. 112.

[602] Arrian, vii. 20, 15; Arrian, Indica, 43. To undertake this circumnavigation, Alexander had despatched a ship-master of Soli in Cyprus, named Hiero; who becoming alarmed at the distance to which he was advancing, and at the apparently interminable stretch of Arabia towards the south, returned without accomplishing the object.

Even in the time of Arrian, in the second century after the Christian era, Arabia had never been circumnavigated, from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea—at least so far as his knowledge extended.

[603] Arrian, vii. 19, 11.

[604] Arrian, vii. 22, 2, 3; Strabo, xvi. p. 741.

[605] Arrian, vii. 21, 11. p???? ?????d??s? te ?a? ?te???se.

[606] Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even when performing the purely military operation of passing these soldiers in review, inspecting their exercise, and determining their array,—Alexander sat upon the regal throne, surrounded by Asiatic eunuchs; his principal officers sat upon couches with silver feet, near to him (Arrian, vii. 24, 4). This is among the evidences of his altered manners.

[607] Diodorus, xvii. 115; Plutarch, Alex. 72.

[608] Arrian, vii. 23, 8.

[609] Diodor. xvii. 114, 115: compare Arrian, vii. 14, 16; Plutarch, Alexand. 75.

[610] Arrian, vii. 23, 10-13; Diod. xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks indeed, in this passage, of the p??? or funeral pile in honor of HephÆstion, as if it were among the vast expenses included among the memoranda left by Alexander (after his decease) of prospective schemes. But the funeral pile had already been erected at Babylon, as Diodorus himself had informed us.

What Alexander left unexecuted at his decease, but intended to execute if he had lived, was the splendid edifices and chapels in HephÆstion’s honor—as we see by Arrian, vii. 23, 10. And Diodorus must be supposed to allude to these intended sacred buildings, though he has inadvertently spoken of the funeral pile. Kraterus, who was under orders to return to Macedonia, was to have built one at Pella.

The Olynthian Ephippus had composed a book pe?? t?? ?fa?st????? ?a? ??e???d??? taf??, of which there appear four or five citations in AthenÆus. He dwelt especially on the luxurious habits of Alexander, and on his unmeasured potations—common to him with other Macedonians.

[611] Arrian, vii. 23, 9-14. ?a? ??e???e? ??d?? ?a??, ?a? p???? ?d???ata ?d???sa?t? ?? ????pt?, ?p?st???e? ?p?st????.... ?? ??? ?ata??? ??? (??e?e t? ???ata) t? ?e?? t? ?? ????pt? ?a??? ?ates?e?as??a ?a? t? ???a t? ?fa?st?????, e?te t? p??te??? ???t??a?, ?f?s? se t??t??, ?a? t????p??, ?p?????? ?? ???t??, ??d?? pe?s? ?? ??? ??a??.—In the oration of Demosthenes against Dionysodoras (p. 1285), Kleomenes appears as enriching himself by the monopoly of corn exported from Egypt: compare Pseudo-Aristot. Œconom. c. 33. Kleomenes was afterwards put to death by the first Ptolemy, who became king of Egypt (Pausanias, i. 6, 3).

[612] Plutarch, Alex. 74; Diodor. xvii. 114.

[613] Arrian, vii. 16, 9; vii. 17, 6. Plutarch, Alex. 73. Diodor. xvii. 112.

[614] Arrian, vii. 22, 1. ??t?? d? ?? ??e????a? d? t?? ?a?da??? a?te?a?, ?t? ??d?? pep????? e?? ?? ?a????? ??a?? (???? ?f?? ??? ???sa? ??? ?a?????? p??? t? pa?e??) ???p?e? a???? ?at? t? ??? ?a????, etc.

The uneasiness here caused by these prophecies and omens, in the mind of the most fearless man of his age, is worthy of notice as a psychological fact, and is perfectly attested by the authority of Aristobulus and Nearchus. It appears that Anaxarchus and other Grecian philosophers encouraged him by their reasonings to despise all prophecy, but especially that of the ChaldÆan priests; who (they alleged) wished to keep Alexander out of Babylon in order that they might continue to possess the large revenues of the temple of Belus, which they had wrongfully appropriated; Alexander being disposed to rebuild that ruined temple, and to re-establish the suspended sacrifices to which its revenues had been originally devoted (Arrian, vii. 17; Diodor. xvii. 112). Not many days afterwards, Alexander greatly repented of having given way to these dangerous reasoners, who by their sophistical cavils set aside the power and the warnings of destiny (Diodor. xvii. 116).

[615] Arrian, vii. 24, 25. Diodorus states (xvii. 117) that Alexander, on this convivial night, swallowed the contents of a large goblet called the cup of Herakles, and felt very ill after it; a statement repeated by various other writers of antiquity, and which I see no reason for discrediting, though some modern critics treat it with contempt. The royal Ephemerides, or Court Journal, attested only the general fact of his long potations and the long sleep which followed them: see AthenÆus, x. p. 434.

To drink to intoxication at a funeral, was required as a token of respectful sympathy towards the deceased—see the last words of the Indian Kalanus before he ascended the funeral pile—Plutarch, Alexander, 69.

[616] These last two facts are mentioned by Arrian (vii. 26, 5) and Diodorus (xvii. 117), and Justin (xii. 15): but they found no place in the Court Journal. Curtius (x. v. 4) gives them with some enlargement.

[617] The details, respecting the last illness of Alexander, are peculiarly authentic, being extracted both by Arrian and by Plutarch, from the Ephemerides RegiÆ, or short Court Journal; which was habitually kept by his secretary Eumenes, and another Greek named Diodotus (AthenÆ. x. p. 434): see Arrian, vii. 25, 26; Plutarch, Alex. 76.

It is surprising that throughout all the course of this malady no mention is made of any physician as having been consulted. No advice was asked; if we except the application to the temple of Serapis, during the last day of Alexander’s life. A few months before, Alexander had hanged or crucified the physician who attended HephÆstion in his last illness. Hence it seems probable that he either despised or mistrusted medical advice, and would not permit any to be invoked. His views must have been much altered since his dangerous fever at Tarsus, and the successful treatment of it by the Akarnanian physician Philippus.

Though the fever (see some remarks from LittrÉ attached to Didot’s Fragm. Script. Alex. Magn. p. 124) which caused Alexander’s death is here a plain fact satisfactorily made out, yet a different story was circulated some time afterwards, and gained partial credit (Plutarch De InvidiÂ, p. 538), that he had been poisoned. The poison was said to have been provided by Aristotle,—sent over to Asia by Antipater through his son Kassander,—and administered by Iollas (another son of Antipater), Alexander’s cupbearer (Arrian, vii. 27, 2; Curtius, x. 10, 17; Diodor. xvii. 118; Justin, xii. 13). It is quite natural that fever and intemperance (which latter moreover was frequent with Alexander) should not be regarded as causes sufficiently marked and impressive to explain a decease at once so unexpected and so momentous. There seems ground for supposing, however, that the report was intentionally fomented, if not originally broached, by the party-enemies of Antipater and Kassander—especially by the rancorous Olympias. The violent enmity afterwards displayed by Kassander against Olympias, and all the family of Alexander helped to encourage the report. In the life of Hyperides in Plutarch, (Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849) it is stated, that he proposed at Athens public honors to Iollas for having given the poison to Alexander. If there is any truth in this, it might be a stratagem for casting discredit on Antipater (father of Iollas), against whom the Athenians entered into the Lamian war, immediately after the death of Alexander.

[618] Plutarch, Phokion, 22; Demetrius Phaler. De Elocution. s. 300. ?? t?????e? ????a?d???, ? ??d?e? ????a???—??e ??? ?? ? ???????? t?? ?e????.

[619] Dionysius, despot of the Pontic Herakleia, fainted away with joy when he heard of Alexander’s death, and erected a statue of ?????a or Comfort (Memn. Heracl. Fragm. ap. Photium, Cod. 224. c. 4).

[620] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524. c. 43. ??????t?? t? t?? ??e?p?st?? ?a? ?p??sd???t?? ?f? ??? ?? ?????e?! ?? ??? ??? ?? ?e?? ?????p???? e???ae?, ???? e?? pa?ad???????a? t??? ?s?????? e?? ??? ?f?e?. ??? ? ?? t?? ?e?s?? as??e??, ? t?? ???? d?????a? ?a? t?? ????sp??t?? ?e??a?, ? ??? ?a? ?d?? t??? ?????a? a?t??, ? t???? ?? ta?? ?p?st??a?? ???fe?? ?t? desp?t?? ?st?? ?p??t?? ?????p?? ?f? ????? ?????t?? ???? d??????, ??? ?? pe?? t?? ?????? ?t???? e??a? d?a?????eta?, ???? ?d? pe?? t?? t?? s?at?? s?t???a?;

Compare the striking fragment, of a like tenor, out of the lost work of the Phalerean Demetrius—?e?? t?? t????—Fragment. Histor. GrÆcor. vol. ii. p. 368.

[621] Herodot. vii. 56.

[622] Cicero, Philippic. v. 17, 48.

[623] See Histoire de Timour-Bec, par Cherefeddin Ali, translated by Petit de la Croix, vol. i. p. 203.

[624] This is the remark of his great admirer Arrian, vii. 1, 6.

[625] Livy, ix. 17-19. A discussion of Alexander’s chances against the Romans—extremely interesting and beautiful, though the case appears to me very partially set forth. I agree with Niebuhr in dissenting from Livy’s result; and with Plutarch in considering it as one of the boons of fortune to the Romans, that Alexander did not live long enough to attack them (Plutarch de Fortun Romanor. p. 326).

Livy however had great reason for complaining of those Greek authors (he calls them “levissimi ex GrÆcis”) who said that the Romans would have quailed before the terrible reputation of Alexander, and submitted without resistance. Assuredly his victory over them would have been dearly bought.

[626] Alexander of Epirus is said to have remarked, that he, in his expeditions into Italy, had fallen upon the ??d????t?? or chamber of the men; while his nephew (Alexander the Great), in invading Asia, had fallen upon the ???a?????t?? or chamber of the women (Aulus Gellius, xvii. 21; Curtius, viii. 1, 37).

[627] Arrian, vii. 28, 5.

[628] Diodor. xviii. 4.

[629] Arrian, iv. 15, 11.

[630] Arrian, vii. 19, 12. ?? d? ??????, ?? ?? ?? d??e?, ?p??st?? ?? t?? ?t?s?a? t? ?e? ????a?d???. Compare vii. 1, 3-7; vii. 15, 6, and the speech made by Alexander to his soldiers on the banks of the Hyphasis, when he was trying to persuade them to march forward, v. 26 seq. We must remember that Arrian had before him the work of Ptolemy, who would give, in all probability, the substance of this memorable speech from his own hearing.

[631] Arrian, vii. 1, 8. s? d? ?????p?? ??, pa?ap??s??? t??? ??????, p??? ?e d?, ?t? p???p????? ?a? ?t?s?a???, ?p? t?? ???e?a? t?sa?t?? ??? ?pe?????, p???ata ???? te ?a? pa????? ??????.

[632] Arrian, vii. 4, 4, 5.

[633] Herodot. iii. 15. Alexander offered to Phokion (Plutarch, Phok. 18) his choice between four Asiatic cities, of which (that is, of any one of them) he was to enjoy the revenues; just as Artaxerxes Longimanus had acted towards Themistokles, in recompense for his treason. Phokion refused the offer.

[634] See the punishment of Sisamnes by Kambyses (Herodot. v. 25).

[635] The rhetor Aristeides, in his Encomium on Rome, has some good remarks on the character and ascendancy of Alexander, exercised by will and personal authority, as contrasted with the systematic and legal working of the Roman empire (Orat. xiv. p. 332-360, vol. i. ed. Dindorf).

[636] Xenoph. CyropÆd. viii. 6, 21; Anabas. i. 7, 6; Herodot. vii. 8, 13: compare Arrian, v. 26, 4-10.

[637] Diodor. xviii. 4. ???? d? t??t??? p??e?? s??????s??? ?a? s??t?? eta????? ?? t?? ?s?a? e?? t?? ????p??, ?a? ?at? t???a?t??? ?? t?? ????p?? e?? t?? ?s?a?, ?p?? t?? e??sta? ?pe????? ta?? ?p??a?a?? ?a? ta?? ???e??ses?? e?? ?????? ?????a? ?a? s???e????? ?atast?s?.

[638] See the effect produced upon the Ionians by the false statement of HistiÆus (Herodot. vi. 3) with Wesseling’s note—and the eagerness of the PÆonians to return (Herod. v. 98; also Justin, viii. 5).

Antipater afterwards intended to transport the Ætolians in mass from their own country into Asia, if he had succeeded in conquering them (Diodor. xviii. 25). Compare Pausanias (i. 9, 8-10) about the forcible measures used by Lysimachus, in transporting new inhabitants, at Ephesus and Lysimacheia.

[640] Among other eulogists of Alexander, it is sufficient to name Droysen—in his two works, both of great historical research—Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen—and Geschichte des Hellenismus oder der Bildung des Hellenischen Staaten Systemes (Hamburg, 1843). See especially the last and most recent work, p. 27 seqq., p. 651 seqq.—and elsewhere passim.

[641] Plutarch, Alex. 55-74.

[642] Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p. 329. ????a?d??? d? t? ???? t? ????? pa??s?e?? ?? ???, ?? ???st?t???? s??e???e?e? a?t?, t??? ?? ????s?? ??e??????, t??? d? a?????? desp?t???? ???e??? ... ???? ?????? ??e?? ?e??e? ???st?? ?a? d?a??a?t?? t?? ???? ??????, ??? t? ???? ? s????e, t??? ?p???? ?a??e???, e?? t? a?t? s??e?e???? t? pa?t????e?, etc.

Strabo (or Eratosthenes, see Strabo, i. p. 66) and Plutarch understand the expression of Aristotle erroneously—as if that philosopher had meant to recommend harsh and cruel treatment of the non-Hellenes, and kind treatment only towards Greeks. That Aristotle could have meant no such thing, is evident from the whole tenor of his treatise on Politics. The distinction really intended is between a greater and a less measure of extra-popular authority—not between kind and unkind purposes in the exercise of authority. Compare Tacitus, Annal. xii. 11—the advice of the Emperor Claudius to the Parthian prince Meherdates.

[643] Aristot. Politic. i. 1, 5; vii. 6, 1. See the memorable comparison drawn by Aristotle (Polit. vii. 6) between the Europeans and Asiatics generally. He pronounces the former to be courageous and energetic, but wanting in intelligence or powers of political combination; the latter to be intelligent and clever in contrivance, but destitute of courage. Neither of them have more than a “one-legged aptitude” (f?s?? ????????); the Greek alone possesses both the courage and intelligence united. The Asiatics are condemned to perpetual subjection; the Greeks might govern the world could they but combine in one political society.

[644] Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p. 328. The stay of Alexander in these countries was however so short, that even with the best will he could not have enforced the suppression of any inveterate customs.

[645] Plutarch, Fortun. Al. M. p. 328. Plutarch mentions, a few lines afterwards, Seleukeia in Mesopotamia, as if he thought that it was among the cities established by Alexander himself. This shows that he has not been exact in distinguishing foundations made by Alexander, from those originated by Seleukus and the other Diadochi.

The elaborate article of Droysen (in the Appendix to his Geschichte des Hellenismus, p. 588-651), ascribes to Alexander the largest plans of colonization in Asia, and enumerates a great number of cities alleged to have been founded by him. But in regard to the majority of these foundations, the evidence upon which Droysen grounds his belief that Alexander was the founder, appears to me altogether slender and unsatisfactory. If Alexander founded so many cities as Droysen imagines, how does it happen that Arrian mentions only so comparatively small a number? The argument derived from Arrian’s silence, for rejecting what is affirmed by other ancients respecting Alexander, is indeed employed by modern authors (and by Droysen himself among them), far oftener than I think warrantable. But if there be any one proceeding of Alexander more than another, in respect of which the silence of Arrian ought to make us suspicious—it is the foundation of a new colony; a solemn act, requiring delay and multiplied regulations, intended for perpetuity, and redounding to the honor of the founder. I do not believe in any colonies founded by Alexander, beyond those comparatively few which Arrian mentions, except such as rest upon some other express and good testimony. Whoever will read through Droysen’s list, will see that most of the names in it will not stand this test. The short life, and rapid movements, of Alexander, are of themselves the strongest presumption against his having founded so large a number of colonies.

[646] Diodor. xvii. 99; xviii. 7. Curtius, ix. 7, 1. Curtius observes (vii. 10, 15) respecting Alexander’s colonies in Sogdiana—that they were founded “velut frÆni domitarum gentium; nunc originis suÆ oblita serviunt, quibus imperaverunt.”

[647] See the plain-spoken outburst of the Thurian Antileon, one of the soldiers in Xenophon’s Ten Thousand Greeks, when the army reached Trapezus (Xenoph. Anabas. v. 1, 2).

[648] Appian, Syriac. 32.

[649] This is the sense in which I have always used the word Hellenism, throughout the present Work.

With Droysen, the word Hellenismus—Das Hellenistische Staatensystem—is applied to the state of things which followed upon Alexander’s death; to the aggregate of kingdoms into which Alexander’s conquests become distributed, having for their point of similarity the common use of Greek speech, a certain proportion of Greeks both as inhabitants and as officers, and a partial streak of Hellenic culture.

I cannot but think that such an employment of the word is misleading. At any rate, its sense must be constantly kept in mind, in order that it may not be confounded with hellenism in the stricter meaning.

[650] Strabo, xvii. p. 797, ? ???? ???????, ?e????? ?? t? p??e? (Alexandria), de??tteta? t?? ta?t? ?at?stas??, etc.

The Museum of Alexandria (with its library) must be carefully distinguished from the city and the people. It was an artificial institution, which took its rise altogether from the personal taste and munificence of the earlier Ptolemies, especially the second. It was one of the noblest and most useful institutions recorded in history, and forms the most honorable monument of what Droysen calls the hellenistic period, between the death of Alexander and the extension of the Roman empire into Asia. But this Museum, though situated at Alexandria, had no peculiar connection with the city or its population; it was a College of literary Fellows (if we may employ a modern word) congregated out of various Grecian towns. Eratosthenes, Kallimuchus, Aristophanes, Aristarchus, were not natives of Alexandria.

[651] Diodor. xviii. 4. Pausanias (ii. 1. 5) observes that Alexander wished to cut through Mount Mimas (in Asia. Minor), but that this was the only one, among all his undertakings, which did not succeed. “So difficult is it (he goes on) to put force upon the divine arrangements”, t? ?e?a ??sas?a?. He wished to cut through the isthmus between Teos and KlazomenÆ, so as to avoid the navigation round the cliffs of Mimas (s??pe??? ??f?e?ta ??a?t??—Aristophan. Nub. 274) between Chios and ErythrÆ. Probably this was among the projects suggested to Alexander, in the last year of his life. We have no other information about it.

[652] Arrian, v. 26, 2.

[653] Herodot. iv. 44: compare iii. 102. That Arrian had not present to his memory this narrative of Herodotus, is plain from the last chapter of his Indica; though in his history of Alexander he alludes several times to Herodotus. Some authors have concluded from Arrian’s silence that he disbelieved the fact: if he had disbelieved it, I think that he would have mentioned the statement of Herodotus nevertheless, with an intimation that he did not think it worthy of credit. Moreover, Arrian’s disbelief (even granting that such was the state of his mind) is not to be held as a conclusive disproof of the story. I confess that I see no sufficient reason for discrediting the narrative of Herodotus—though some eminent modern writers are of an opposite opinion.

[654] Pliny, H. N. viii. 17; AthenÆus, ix. p. 398. See Schneider’s Preface to his edition of Aristotle’s HistoriÆ De Animalibus, p. xxxix. seq.

[655] Plutarch, Alexand. 8.

[656] Aristot. Physic. iv. 3. p. 210 a. 21. ?t? ?? ?? as??e? t? t?? ???????, ?a? ???? ?? t? p??t? ????t???.

[657] Demosthen. Olynthiac. iii. p. 36.

[658] Arrian, ii. 1.

[659] Æschines cont. Ktesiph. p. 552.

[660] Vita Demosthenis ap. Westermann, Scriptt. Biograph. p. 301. f?????? ?atast?sa?t?? ????a?d??? ?? ta?? T?a?? et? t? ?atas???a? t??? T?a????, etc.

[661] Pausanias, i. 25, 4.

[662] “Since Macedonian dominion became paramount (observes Demosthenes, De CoronÂ, p. 331), Æschines and men of his stamp are in full ascendency and affluence—I am impotent: there is no place at Athens for free citizens and counsellors, but only for men who do what they are ordered, and flatter the ruling potentate.”

[663] Arrian, i. 29, 8.

[664] Plutarch, Phokion, 30.

[665] See the remarkable decree in honor of Lykurgus, passed by the Athenian people seventeen or eighteen years after his death, in the archonship of Anaxikrates, B.C. 307 (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 852). The reciting portion of this decree, constituting four-fifths of the whole, goes over the public conduct of Lykurgus, and is very valuable.

It seems that the twelve years of financial administration exercised by Lykurgus, are to be taken probably, either from 342-330 B.C.—or four years later, from 338-326 B.C. Boeckh leaves the point undetermined between the two. Droysen and Meier prefer the earlier period—O. MÜller the later. (Boeckh, Urkunden Über das Attische Seewesen, also the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p. 114-118).

The total of public money, recorded by the Inscription as having passed through the hands of Lykurgus in the twelve years, was 18,900 talents = £4,340,000, or thereabouts. He is said to have held, besides, in deposit, a great deal of money entrusted to him by private individuals. His official duties as treasurer were discharged, for the first four years, in his own name: during the last eight years, in the names of two different friends.

[666] Plutarch, Phokion, 28.

[667] Æschines (adv. Ktesiph. p. 635) mentions this mission of Ktesiphon to Kleopatra. He also (in the same oration, p. 550) charges Demosthenes with having sent letters to Alexander, soliciting pardon and favor. He states that a young man named Aristion, a friend of Demosthenes, was much about the person of Alexander, and that through him the letters were sent. He cites as his authority the seamen of the public Athenian vessel called Paralus, and the Athenian envoys who went to Alexander in Phenicia in the spring or summer of 331 B.C. (compare Arrian, iii. 6, 3). Hyperides also seems to have advanced the like allegation against Demosthenes—see Harpokration, v. ???st???.

The fragments of the oration of Hyperides in defence of Euxenippus (recently published by Mr. Churchill Babington), delivered at some period during the reign of Alexander, give general evidence of the wide-spread feeling of jealous aversion to the existing Macedonian ascendancy. Euxenippus had been accused of devotion to Macedonia; Hyperides strenuously denies it, saying that Euxenippus had never been in Macedonia, nor ever conversed with any Macedonian who came to Athens. Even boys at school (says Hyperides) know the names of the corrupt orators, or servile flatterers, who serve Macedonia—Euxenippus is not among them (p 11, 12).

[668] Plutarch, Camill. 19; Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, Agis, 3.

[669] Arrian, i. 16, 11: compare Pausan. vii. 10, 1.

[670] Arrian, ii. 13, 4.

[671] Arrian, iii. 6, 4; Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 1, 39. It is to this war in Krete, between Agis and the Macedonian party and troops, that Aristotle probably alludes (in the few words contained, Politica, ii. 7, 8), as having exposed the weakness of the Kretan institutions—see Schneider’s note on the passage. At least we do not know of any other event, suitable to the words.

[672] Alexander, as soon as he got possession of the Persian treasures at Susa (about December 331 B.C.), sent a large remittance of 3000 talents to Antipater, as means for carrying on the war against the LacedÆmonians (Arrian, iii. 16. 17). The manifestations of Agis in Peloponnesus had begun in the spring of 331 B.C. (Arrian, iii. 6, 4); but his aggressive movements in Peloponnesus did not assume formidable proportions until the spring of 330 B.C. At the date of the speech of Æschines against Ktesiphon (August 330 B.C.), the decisive battle by which Antipater crushed the forces of Agis had only recently occurred; for the LacedÆmonian prisoners were only about to be sent to Alexander to learn their fate (Æsch. adv. Kt. p. 524). Curtius (vii. 1, 21) is certainly mistaken in saying that the contest was terminated before the battle of Arbela. Moreover, there were LacedÆmonian envoys, present with Darius until a few days before his death (July 330 B.C.), who afterwards fell into the hands of Alexander (Arrian iii. 24, 7); these men could hardly have known of the prostration of their country at home. I suppose the victory of Antipater to have taken place about June 330 B.C.—and the Peloponnesian armament of Agis to have been got together about three months before (March 330 B.C.).

Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. App. c. 4. p. 234) discusses the chronology of this event, but in a manner which I cannot think satisfactory. He seems inclined to put it some months earlier. I see no necessity for construing the dictum ascribed to Alexander (Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15) as proving close coincidence of time between the battle of Arbela and the final defeat of Agis.

[673] Alexander in Media, when informed of the whole affair after the death of Agis, spoke of it with contempt as a battle of frogs and mice, if we are to believe the dictum of Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15.

[674] Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. p. 553. ? d? ????a?d??? ??? t?? ???t?? ?a? t?? ????????? ?????? de?? p?s?? e?e?st??e?, etc.

[675] Diodor. xvii. 62; Deinarchus cont. Demosthen. s. 35.

[676] Plutarch, Reipubl. Gerend. PrÆcept. p. 818.

[677] This is what we make out, as to the conduct of Demosthenes, from Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 553.

It is however difficult to believe, what Æschines insinuates, that Demosthenes boasted of having himself got up the LacedÆmonian movement—and yet that he made no proposition or suggestion for countenancing it. Demosthenes can hardly have lent any positive aid to the proceeding, though of course his anti-Macedonian feelings would be counted upon, in case things took a favorable turn.

Deinarchus (ut suprÀ) also accuses Demosthenes of having remained inactive at this critical moment.

[678] Curtius, vi. 1, 15-20; Diodor. xvii. 63-73. After the defeat, a suspensive decree was passed by the Spartans, releasing from ?t??a those who had escaped from the battle—as had been done after Leuktra (Diodor. xix. 70).

[679] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524.

[680] Curtius, vii. 4, 32.

[681] Among the various documents, real or pretended, inserted in the oration of Demosthenes De CoronÂ, there appears one (p. 266) purporting to be the very decree moved by Ktesiphon; and another (p. 243) purporting to be the accusation preferred by Æschines. I have already stated that I agree with Droysen in mistrusting all the documents annexed to this oration; all of them bear the name of wrong archons, most of them names of unknown archons; some of them do not fit the place in which they appear. See my preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxix. p. 424; Ch. xc. p. 456-486.

We know from the statement of Æschines himself that the motion of Ktesiphon was made after the appointment of Demosthenes to be one of the inspectors of the fortifications of the city; and that this appointment took place in the last month of the archon ChÆrondas (June 337 B.C.—see Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 421-426). We also know that the accusation of Æschines against Ktesiphon was preferred before the assassination of Philip, which took place in August 336 B.C. (Æschin. ib. p. 612, 613). It thus appears that the motion of Ktesiphon (with the probouleuma which followed upon it) must have occurred some time during the autumn or winter of 337-336 B.C.—that the accusation of Æschines must have been handed in shortly after it—and that this accusation cannot have been handed in at the date borne by the pseudo-document, p. 243—the month Elaphebolion of the archon ChÆrondas, which would be anterior to the appointment of Demosthenes. Moreover, whoever compares the so-called motion of Ktesiphon, as it stands inserted Demosth. De CoronÂ, p. 266, with the words in which Æschines himself (Adv. Ktesiph. p. 631. ??e? t?? ????? t?? ??f?sat?? ?p???s?, see also p. 439) describes the exordium of that motion, will see that it cannot be genuine.

[682] Demosthenes De CoronÂ, p. 253, 302, 303, 310. He says (p. 267-313) that he had been crowned often (p???????) by the Athenians and other Greek cities. The crown which he received on the motion of Aristonikus (after the successes against Philip at Byzantium and the Chersonesus, etc. in 340 B.C.) was the second crown (p. 253)—Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 848.

[683] Demosthenes De CoronÂ, p. 294.

[684] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 645. d?a???ta? d? ??? ? p???? ?? t?? ???s?????? p???te??t?? pe?? t??? ??? ?a?????? d??ete d? ??? ?? t??t?? stefa??s?te, ???????e? e??a? t??? pa?aa????s? t?? ?????? e??????? ??? d? t???a?t??? t??t?? p????te, ?p???sete t?? d??? t?? a?t???.—Compare with this, the last sentence of the oration of Demosthenes in reply, where he puts up a prayer to the gods—??? d? t??? ???p??? t?? ta??st?? ?pa??a??? t?? ?p??t????? f??? d?te ?a? s?t???a? ?sfa??.

The mention by Æschines (immediately before) of the Pythian games, as about to be celebrated in a few days, marks the date of this judicial trial—August, 330 B.C.

[685] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 443.

[686] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 449, 456, 467, 551.

[687] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 526, 538, 541.

[688] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 551-553.

[689] Demosthen. De CoronÂ, p. 311-316.

[690] Demosthen. De CoronÂ, p. 227. ????? t?? te ?d??? ??? pa?t??, ?? ????e, ????? d?d??a? t?e??? ?a? t?? ????? pep???te?????, etc.

[691] Demosthen. De CoronÂ, p. 297. ???? ??? ?st??, ??? ?st?? ?p?? ???tete, ??d?e? ????a???, t?? ?p?? t?? ?p??t?? ??e??e??a? ?a? s?t???a? ???d???? ???e???—?? ? t??? ?a?a???? p?????d??e?sa?ta? t?? p??????? ?a? t??? ?? ??ata?a?? pa?ata?a????? ?a? t??? ?? Sa?a??? ?a?a??sa?ta?, etc., the oath so often cited and admired.

[692] See the various lives of Æschines—in Westermann, Scriptores Biographici, pp. 268, 269.

[693] Demosthen. De CoronÂ, p. 315. ???? ???? t?e??? ??? ?? ?p?? t?? stefa?????a? d??????a?, t? d? ?d? ?t???? ?d??e?? ????????a?—s?? d? s???f??t? ?? e??a? d??e?? ?p???e?, ???d??e?e?? d? e?te de? se ?t? t??t? p??e??, e?t? ?d? pepa?s?a? ? eta?a??ta t? p?pt?? ???? t?? ??f??, etc.

Yet Æschines had become opulent, according to Demosthenes, p. 329.

[694] Diodor. xvii. 108. He states the treasure brought out of Asia by Harpalus as 5000 talents.

[695] See the fragments of the letter or pamphlet of Theopompus addressed to Alexander, while Harpalus was still at Tarsus, and before his flight to Athens—Theopomp. Fragm. 277, 278, ed. Didot, ap. AthenÆum, xiii. p. 586-595. Theopompus speaks in the present tense—?a? ??? (Harpalus) ?p? t?? ???? p??s????????? (Glykera), etc. Kleitarchus stated these facts, as well as Theopompus (AthenÆ. ibid.).

[696] AthenÆus, xiii. p. 596—the extract from the satirical drama called AgÊn, represented before Alexander at Susa, in the Dionysiac festival or early months of 324 B.C.

[697] Plutarch, Phokion, 22; Pausanias, i. 37, 4; DikÆarchi Fragment. 72. ed. Didot.

Plutarch’s narrative is misleading, inasmuch as it seems to imply that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles after his arrival at Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had been finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats it as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but both DikÆarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent.

[698] Curtius, x. 2, 1.

[699] Curtius, x. 2, 1. “Igitur triginta navibus Sunium transmittunt” (Harpalus and his company), “unde portum urbis petere decreverunt. His cognitis, rex Harpalo Atheniensibusque juxta infestus, classem parari jubet, Athenas protinus petiturus.” Compare Justin, xiii. 5, 7—who mentions this hostile intention in Alexander’s mind, but gives a different account of the cause of it.

The extract from the drama AgÊn (given in AthenÆus, xiii. p. 596) represents the reports which excited this anger of Alexander. It was said that Athens had repudiated her slavery, with the abundance which she had before enjoyed under it,—to enter upon a struggle for freedom, with the certainty of present privations and future ruin:—

I conceive this drama AgÊn to have been represented on the banks of the Choaspes (not the Hydaspes—see my note in the Chapter immediately preceding, p. 240), that is, at Susa, in the Dionysia of 324 B.C. It is interesting as a record of the feelings of the time.

[700] Nevertheless the impression, that Alexander was intending to besiege Athens, must have prevailed in the army for several months longer, during the autumn of 324 B.C. when he was at Ekbatana. Ephippus the historian, in recounting the flatteries addressed to Alexander at Ekbatana, mentions the rhodomontade of a soldier named Gorgus—G????? ? ?p??f??a? ????a?d??? ????? ???? stefa??? ???s??? t??s???????, ?a? ?ta? ????a? p???????, ???a?? pa??p??a?? ?a? ta?? ?sa?? ?atap??ta?? ?a? p?s? t???
?????? ??es?? e?? t?? p??e?? ??a???? (Ephippus ap. AthenÆum, xii. p.
538. Fragment. 3. ed. Didot).

[701] Deinarchus adv. Philokl. s. 1. f?s??? ????se?? ??pa??? e?? t?? ?e??a?a ?atap?e?sa?, stat???? ?f? ??? ?p? t? ?e???a ?a? t?? ???????a? ?e?e???t???????, etc. Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, s. 4. ?? pa?? ??p???? ?ae?? ???ata ?t???se?, ?? ?s?e?? ??e?? ?ata????e??? t?? p???? ???, etc.

[702] See the new and interesting, though unfortunately scanty, fragments of the oration of Hyperides against Demosthenes, published and elucidated by Mr. Churchill Babington from a recently discovered Egyptian papyrus (Cambridge, 1850). From Fragm. 14 (p. 38 of Mr. Babington’s edition) we may see that the promises mentioned in the text were actually held out by Harpalus—indeed we might almost have presumed it without positive evidence. Hyperides addresses Demosthenes—ta?ta? ?p...?? t? ??f?sat?, s???a?? t?? ??pa???? ?a? t??? ?? ?????? ?pa?ta? p?ese?es?a? pep????a? ?? ????a?d???, ??? ????ta? ????? ??de?a? ?p?st??f??? t??? d? a??????, ?? a?t?? ?? ???? f????te? e?? ta?t? t?? d??a??, ????te? t? ???ata ?a? t??? st?at??ta? ?s??? ??ast?? a?t?? e??e, t??t??? s?pa?ta? ?? ???? ?e?????a? ?p?st??a? ??e???? t? s?????e? t?? ??p????, ???? ?a?....

From the language thus used by Hyperides in his accusation, we are made to perceive what prospects he (and of course Harpalus, upon whose authority he must have spoken) had held out to the people when the case was first under discussion.

The fragment here cited is complete as to the main sense, not requiring very great help from conjecture. In some of the other fragments, the conjectural restorations of Mr. Babington, though highly probable and judicious, form too large a proportion of the whole to admit of our citing them with confidence as testimony.

[703] Pollux, x. 159.

[704] Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore, p. 531. t?? ??? ????a??? ??????? ??p??? ???e??, ?a? ????ss??t?? ?p? t?? ????a?d???, ??a?f??? ?pef??? F????e???, ? t?? ?p? ?a??ss? p?a??t?? ??e???d??? st?at????? ??p?a???t?? d? t?? d???, ?a? s??p??t?? d?? t?? f???, ? ???s?????—?? p???s??s??, ?f?, p??? t?? ????? ?d??te?, ?? ? d???e??? p??? t?? ?????? ??t???pe??;

[705] Plutarch, Phokion, c. 21; Plutarch, Demosthen. 25.

[706] Diodor. xvii. 108.

[707] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69. ??? t??? pa?da? ?atap??? (Alexander) p??? ??? t??? ??? e?? ?a?t?? ??a?e???s?????, ?a? t??t?? ????? t?? ????e?a? p???s?a?, etc.

[708] See the fragment cited in a preceding note from the oration of Hyperides against Demosthenes. That it was Demosthenes who moved the decree for depositing the money in the acropolis, we learn also from one of his other accusers—the citizen who delivered the speech composed by Deinarchus (adv. Demosthen. sect. 68, 71, 89)—???a?e? a?t??, ?? t? d?? ???s?????, ?? d?????t? d??a??? t?? p???at?? ??t??, f???tte?? ??e???d?? t? e?? t?? ?tt???? ?f???e?a et? ??p???? ???ata.

Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 97-106) accuses Demosthenes of base flattery to Alexander. Hyperides also makes the same charge—see the Fragments in Mr. Babington’s edition, sect. 2. Fr. 11. p. 12; sect. 3. Fr. 5. p. 34.

[709] Pausan. ii. 33, 4; Diodor. xvii. 108.

[710] This material fact, of the question publicly put to Harpalus in the assembly by some one at the request of Demosthenes, appears in the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 5, 7, 9, ed. Babington—?a??e??? ??t? ?p? t? ?atat??, ????e?se ... t?? ???e?t?? ???t?sa? t?? ??pa??? ?p?sa e?? t? ???ata t? ????s??s?e?a e?? t?? ????p????? ? d? ?pe????at? ?t? ?pta??s?a, etc.

The term ?atat?? (see Mr. Babington’s note) “designates a broad passage occurring at intervals between the concentrically arranged benches of seats in a theatre, and running parallel with them.”

[711] Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 846. In the life of Demosthenes given by Photius (Cod. 265, p. 494) it is stated that only 308 talents were found.

[712] That this motion was made by Demosthenes himself, is a point strongly pressed by his accuser Deinarchus—adv. Demosth. s. 5. 62, 84, etc.: compare also the Fragm. of Hyperides, p. 59, ed. Babington.

Deinarchus, in his loose rhetoric, tries to put the case as if Demosthenes had proposed to recognize the sentence of the Areopagus as final and peremptory, and stood therefore condemned upon the authority invoked by himself. But this is refuted sufficiently by the mere fact that the trial was instituted afterwards; besides that, it is repugnant to the judicial practice of Athens.

[713] Plutarch, Demosth. 26. We learn from Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 46) that the report of the Areopagites was not delivered until after an interval of six months. About their delay and the impatience of Demosthenes see Fragm. Hyperides, pp. 12-33, ed. Babington.

[714] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 92. See the Fragm. of Hyperides in Mr. Babington, p. 18.

[715] Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, s. 6. Stratokles was one of the accusers.

[717] Plutarch, Demosth. 26.

[718] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 104.

[719] See the two orations composed by Deinarchus, against Philokles and Aristogeiton.

In the second and third Epistles ascribed to Demosthenes (p. 1470, 1483, 1485), he is made to state, that he alone had been condemned by the Dykastery, because his trial had come on first—that Aristogeiton and all the others tried were acquitted, though the charge against all was the same, and the evidence against all was the same also—viz. nothing more than the simple report of the Areopagus. As I agree with those who hold these epistles to be probably spurious, I cannot believe, on such authority alone, that all the other persons tried were acquitted—a fact highly improbable in itself.

[720] Plutarch, Demosth. 25: compare also Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; and Photius, Life of Demosth. Cod. 265, p. 494.

[721] See the fragment of Hyperides in Mr. Babington’s edition, pp. 37, 38 (a fragment already cited in a preceding note), insisting upon the prodigious mischief which Demosthenes had done by his decree for arresting (s???????) Harpalus.

[722] In the Life of Demosthenes apud Photium (Cod. 265), the service alleged to have been rendered by him to Harpalus, and for which he was charged with having received 1000 Darics, is put as I have stated it in the text—Demosthenes first spoke publicly against receiving Harpalus, but presently ?a?e????? ??????? (?? fas?) ?a?? p??? t??? ?p?? a?t?? ?????ta? etet??at? (then follow the particular acts whereby this alleged change of sentiment was manifested, which particular acts are described as follows)—?a? ???????? t?? ????a??? ??t?p?t?? p??d???a? t?? ?????p?? ??te?pe?, t? te ??p??e?a ???ata e?? ????p???? ???a?e? ?p???s?a?, ?d? t? d?? t?? ?????? a?t?? ?p?s????e???.

That Demosthenes should first oppose the reception of Harpalus—and then afterwards oppose the surrender of Harpalus to Antipater’s requisition—is here represented as a change of politics requiring the hypothesis of a bribe to explain it. But it is in reality no change at all. The two proceedings are perfectly consistent with each other, and both of them defensible.

[723] Fragm. Hyperides, p. 7, ed. Babington—?? t? d?? ?pta??s?a f?sa? e??a? t??a?ta, ??? t? ??s? ??af??e??;

In p. 26 of the same Fragments, we find Hyperides reproaching Demosthenes for not having kept effective custody over the person of Harpalus; for not having proposed any decree providing a special custody; for not having made known beforehand, or prosecuted afterwards, the negligence of the ordinary jailers. This is to make Demosthenes responsible for the performance of all the administrative duties of the city; for the good conduct of the treasurers and the jailers.

We must recollect that Hyperides had been the loudest advocate of Harpalus, and had done all he could to induce the Athenians to adopt the cause of that exile against Alexander. One of the charges (already cited from his speech) against Demosthenes, is, that Demosthenes prevented this from being accomplished. Yet here is another charge from the same speaker, to the effect that Demosthenes did not keep Harpalus under effective custody for the sword of the Macedonian executioner!

The line of accusation taken by Hyperides is full of shameful inconsistencies.

[724] In the Life of Demosthenes (Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 846), the charge of corruption against him is made to rest chiefly on the fact, that he did not make this communication to the people—?a? d?? t??t? ?te t?? ?????? t?? ??a???s???t?? e?????? ?te t?? f??ass??t?? ?e?e?a?, etc. The biography apud Photium seems to state it as if Demosthenes did not communicate the amount, at the time when he proposed the decree of sequestration. This last statement we are enabled to contradict, from the testimony of Hyperides.

[725] Hyperid. Fragm. p. 18, ed. Babington. t?? ??? ?p?f?se?? p?sa? t?? ?p?? t?? ????t?? ??p????, p?sa? ????? ? ???? pep???ta?, ?a? t?? a?t?? ?at? p??t??? ?a? ??de?? p??s????afe, d?? ?t? ??ast?? ?p?fa??e?? ???? ?p??ef??a??? ????asa, ?p?s?? ??ast?? e???fe ???s???, t??t? ??? ?fe???t?....

[726] Hyperid. Frag. p. 20, ed. Babingt. ??? d? ?t? ?? ??ae? t? ???s???, ??a??? ??a? e??a? s?e??? t??? d??asta??, t? t?? ????? s?? ?ata????a? (see Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 46, and the beginning of the second Demosthenic epistle).

Hyperid. p. 16, ed Babingt. ?a? s???fa?te?? t?? ?????, p?????se?? p??t??e??, ?a? ???t?? ?? ta?? p?????ses??, p??e? ??ae? t? ???s???, ?a? t?? ?? s?? ? d???, ?a? p??; te?e?ta??? d? ?s?? ???t?se??, ?a? e? ????s? t? ???s??, ?spe? t?ape??t???? ????? pa?? t?? ????? ?pa?t??.

This monstrous sentence creates a strong presumption in favor of the defendant,—and a still stronger presumption against the accuser. Compare Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 6, 7.

The biographer apud Photium states that Hyperides and four other orators procured (?ates?e?asa?) the condemnation of Demosthenes by the Areopagus.

[727] The biographer of Hyperides (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 48) tells us that he was the only orator who kept himself unbribed; the comic writer Timokles names Hyperides along with Demosthenes and others as recipients (ap. AthenÆ. viii. p. 342).

[728] See this point urged by Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69, 70.

[729] We read in Pausanias (ii. 33, 4) that the Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, having afterwards seized one of the slaves of Harpalus, learnt from him the names of those Athenians whom his master had corrupted; and that Demosthenes was not among them. As far as this statement goes, it serves to exculpate Demosthenes. Yet I cannot assign so much importance to it as Bishop Thirlwall seems to do. His narrative of the Harpalian transactions is able and discriminating (Hist. vol. vii. ch. 56. p. 170 seqq.).

[730] Diodor. xix. 8.

[731] See the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 36, ed. Babington.

[732] Curtius, x. 2, 6.

[733] Curtius, x. 2, 6. The statement of Diodorus (xviii. 8)—that the rescript was popular and acceptable to all Greeks, except the Athenians and Ætolians—cannot be credited. It was popular, doubtless, with the exiles themselves, and their immediate friends.

[734] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 81; compare Hyperid. Fragm. p. 36, ed. Babington.

[735] Diodor. xvii. 113.

[736] Diodor. xvii. 111: compare xviii. 21. Pausanias (i. 25, 5; viii. 52, 2) affirms that Leosthenes brought over 50,000 of these mercenaries from Asia into Peloponnesus, during the lifetime of Alexander, and against Alexander’s will. The number here given seems incredible; but it is probable enough that he induced some to come across.—Justin (xiii. 5) mentions that armed resistance was prepared by the Athenians and Ætolians against Alexander himself during the latter months of his life, in reference to the mandate enjoining recall of the exiles. He seems to overstate the magnitude of their doings, before the death of Alexander.

[737] A striking comparison made by the orator Demades (Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 181).

[738] See Frontinus, Stratagem, ii. 11, 4.

[739] Plutarch, Phokion, 23. In the Fragments of Dexippus, there appear short extracts of two speeches, seemingly composed by that author in his history of these transactions; one which he ascribes to Hyperides instigating the war, the other to Phokion, against it (Fragm. Hist. GrÆc. vol. iii. p. 668).

[740] Diodor. xviii. 10. Diodorus states that the Athenians sent the Harpalian treasures to the aid of Leosthenes. He seems to fancy that Harpalus had brought to Athens all the 5000 talents which he had carried away from Asia; but it is certain, that no more than 700 or 720 talents were declared by Harpalus in the Athenian assembly—and of these only half were really forthcoming. Moreover, Diodorus is not consistent with himself, when he says afterwards (xviii. 19) that Thimbron, who killed Harpalus in Krete, got possession of the Harpalian treasures and mercenaries, and carried them over to KyrÊnÊ in Africa.

[741] It is to this season, apparently, that the anecdote (if true) must be referred—The Athenians were eager to invade Boeotia unseasonably; Phokion, as general of eighty years old, kept them back, by calling out the citizens of sixty years old and upwards for service, and offering to march himself at their head (Plutarch, Reip. Ger. PrÆcept. p. 818).

[742] Diodor. xviii. 11; Pausanias, i. 25, 4.

[743] Plutarch, Demosth. 27.

[744] See the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 36, ed. Babington. ?a? pe?? t?? t??? ??????? s???????? ??a??? te ?a? ????d?? ... we do not know what was done to these district confederacies, but it seems that some considerable change was made in them, at the time when Alexander’s decree for restoring the exiles was promulgated.

[745] Diodor. xviii. 13.

[746] Plutarch, Phokion, 23, 24.

[747] Plutarch, Phokion, c. 23; Plutarch, Reip. Ger. PrÆcept. p. 803.

[748] Diodor. xviii. 12, 13.

[749] Diodor. xviii. 13-15.

[750] Plutarch, Phokion, 24.

[751] Diodor. xviii. 11; Plutarch, Phokion, 26.

[752] Plutarch, Phokion, 25; Diodor. xviii. 14, 15: compare Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 1.

[753] Diodor. xviii. 15.

[754] Diodor. xviii. 15.

[755] Diodor. xviii. 8.

[756] Diodor. xviii. 17.

[757] Plutarch, Alexand. 77.

[758] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandrum, vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.

[759] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand. ut supra; Diodor. xviii. 3, 4; Curtius, x. 10; Dexippus, Fragmenta ap. Photium, Cod. 82, ap. Fragm. Hist. GrÆc. vol. iii. p. 667, ed. Didot (De Rebus post Alexandrum).

[760] Arrian and Dexippus—De Reb. post Alex. ut supra: compare Diodor. xviii. 48.

[761] Diodor. xviii. 16.

[762] Diodor. xviii. 4.

[763] Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.

[764] Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, Phokion, 26.

[765] Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, Phokion, c. 26.

[766] Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes, who had held a bold language and taken active part against Antipater throughout the Lamian war, is said to have delivered a public harangue recommending resistance even at this last moment. At least such was the story connected with his statue, erected a few years afterwards at Athens, representing him in the costume of an orator, but with a sword in hand—Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 847: compare Polybius, xii. 13.

[767] Plutarch, Phokion, 27; Diodor. xviii. 18.

[768] Plutarch, Phokion, 27. ?? ?? ??? ????? p??se?? ???p?sa? ?? f??a????p??? t?? d?a??se??, p??? t?? ?e?????t???, etc. Pausanias even states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater was disposed to grant more lenient terms, but was dissuaded from doing so by Demades.

[769] See Fragments of Hyperides adv. Demosth. p. 61-65, ed. Babington.

[770] Diodor. xviii. 18. ??t?? ?? ??? ??te? p?e???? t?? ????? (instead of d?s?????, which seems a mistake) ?a? d?s?????? etest???sa? ?? t?? pat??d??? ?? d? t?? ???s???? t??s?? ????te? pe?? ???a??s???????, ?pede????sa? ?????? t?? te p??e?? ?a? t?? ???a?, ?a? ?at? t??? S?????? ????? ?p???te???t?. Plutarch states the disfranchised as above 12,000.

Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. ??? d? ??? ? F????? ?a? f???? ?p???a?e p?????? de??e?? t?? ??t?p?t???? ?a? fe????s? d?ep???at?, ? ?a??pe? ?? ???p?? t?? e??sta???? ?p?? t? ?e?a???a ??? ?a? t?? ?a??a??? ??pese?? t?? ????d??, ???? ?? ?e??p????s? ?at???e??, ?? ?? ?a? ??????d?? ? s???f??t??.

Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29) mention that Antipater assigned residences in Thrace for the expatriated. Those who went beyond the Keraunian mountains must have gone either to the Illyrian coast, Apollonia or Epidamnus—or to the Gulf of Tarentum. Those who went beyond TÆnarus would probably be sent to Libya: see Thucydides, vii. 19, 10; vii. 50, 2.

[771] Plutarch, Phokion, 28. ??pep???????????? ???esa?: compare Solon, Fragment 28, ed. Gaisford.

[772] Plutarch, Phokion, 28.

[773] Plutarch, Demosth. 28. ????a? ? ????e?? F??ad????a?. Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846.

[774] Polybius, ix. 29, 30. This is stated, as matter of traditional pride, by an Ætolian speaker more than a century afterwards. In the speech of his Akarnanian opponent, there is nothing to contradict it—while the fact is in itself highly probable.

See Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland, ch. 71, note 4.

[775] Plutarch, Demosth. 28; Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849; Photius, p. 496.

[776] Plutarch, Demosth. 30. t?? d? ?????, ?s?? ?e???fas? t? pe?? a?t??, pap????? d? e?s?, t?? d?af???? ??? ??a??a??? ?pe?e??e??, etc.

The taunts on Archias’s profession, as an actor, and as an indifferent actor, which Plutarch puts into the mouth of Demosthenes (c. 29), appear to me not worthy either of the man or of the occasion; nor are they sufficiently avouched to induce me to transcribe them. Whatever bitterness of spirit Demosthenes might choose to manifest, at such a moment, would surely be vented on the chief enemy, Antipater; not upon the mere instrument.

[777] Plutarch, Demosth. 30; Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; Photius, p. 494; Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand. vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.

[778] Demosthenes, De CoronÂ, p. 324. ??t??—t?? ??e??e??a? ?a? t? ?d??a ??e?? desp?t?? a?t??, ? t??? p??t????? ????s?? ???? t?? ??a??? ?sa? ?a? ?a???e?, ??atet?af?te?, etc.

[779] Diodor. xviii. 18; Diogen. Laert. x. 1, 1. I have endeavored to show, in the Tenth Volume of this History (Ch. lxxix. p. 297, note), that Diodorus is correct in giving forty-three years, as the duration of the Athenian Kleruchies in Samos; although both Wesseling and Mr. Clinton impugn his statement. The Athenian occupation of Samos began immediately after the conquest of the island by Timotheus, in 366-365 B.C.; but additional batches of colonists were sent thither in later years.

[780] Plutarch, Phokion, 29, 30.

[781] Diodor. xviii. 55, 56, 57, 68, 69. fa?e??? d? ??t??, ?t? ??sa?d??? t?? ?at? t?? ????da p??e?? ?????eta?, d?? t? t?? ?? a?t?? pat???a?? f????a?? f???ttes?a?, t?? d? ?p? ????a????? d????e?s?a?, ????e????a? ?p? t?? ??t?p?t??? f???? ?a? ?????.

That citizens were not only banished, but deported, by Antipater from various other cities besides Athens, we may see from the edict issued by Polysperchon shortly after the death of Antipater (Diod. xviii. 56)—?a? t??? etast??ta? ? f????ta? ?p? t?? ?et???? st?at???? (i.e. Antipater and Kraterus), ?f? ?? ?????? ????a?d??? e?? t?? ?s?a? d???, ?at???e?, etc.

[782] Diodor. xviii. 25. d?e?????te? ?ste??? a?t??? ?atap??e?sa?, ?a? etast?sa? pa???????? ?pa?ta? e?? t?? ????a? ?a? p????t?t? t?? ?s?a? ?e????? ???a?.

[783] Diodor. xviii. 18-25.

[784] Diodor. xviii. 23; Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92. Diodorus alludes to the murder of KynanÊ or Kynna, in another place (xix. 52).

Compare PolyÆnus, viii. 60—who mentions the murder of KynanÊ by Alketas, but gives a somewhat different explanation of her purpose in passing into Asia.

About KynanÊ, see Duris, Fragm. 24, in Fragment. Hist. GrÆc. vol. ii. p. 475; AthenÆ. xiii. p. 560.

[785] The fine lines of Lucan (Phars. vii. 640) on the effects of the battle of Pharsalia, may be cited here:—

[786] Diodor. xviii. 38. ??t?p?t??? d? e?? t?? ?s?a? d?ae???t??, ??t???? ?at? t?? p??? ?e?d???a? s?????a? ?st??te?sa? e?? t?? Tetta??a?, etc.

[787] Plutarch, Eumenes, 7; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 4. Eumenes had trained a body of Asiatic and Thracian cavalry to fight in close combat with the short pike and sword of the Macedonian Companions—relinquishing the javelin, the missiles, and the alternation of charging and retiring usual to Asiatics.

Diodorus (xviii. 30, 31, 32) gives an account at some length of this battle. He as well as Plutarch may probably have borrowed from Hieronymus of Kardia.

[788] Arrian ap. Photium, Cod. 92; Justin, xiii. 8; Diodor. xviii. 33.

[789] Diodor. xviii. 36.

[790] Plutarch, Eumenes, 8; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, 4; Diodor. xviii. 36, 37.

[791] Diodor. xviii. 39. Arrian, ap. Photium.

[792] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandr. lib. ix. 10. ap. Photium, Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 39, 40, 46; Plutarch, Eumenes, 3, 4.

[793] Plutarch, Eumenes, 10, 11; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 5; Diodor. xviii. 41.

[794] Plutarch, Phokion, 30; Diodor. xviii. 48; Plutarch, Demosth. 31; Arrian, De Reb. post Alex. vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.

In the life of Phokion, Plutarch has written inadvertently Antigonus instead of Perdikkas.

It is not easy to see, however, how Deinarchus can have been the accuser of Demades on such a matter—as Arrian and Plutarch state. Arrian seems to put the death of Demades too early, from his anxiety to bring it into immediate juxtaposition with the death of Demosthenes, whose condemnation Demades had proposed in the Athenian assembly.

[795] Diod. xviii. 48.

[796] Diod. xix. 11.

[797] Plutarch, Phokion, 31. Diodorus (xviii. 64) says also that Nikanor was nominated by Kassander.

[798] Diodor. xviii. 54.

[799] Diodor. xviii. 49-58.

[800] Plutarch, Eumenes, 11, 12; Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, c. 6; Diodor. xviii. 58-62.

Diodor. xviii, 58. ??e d? ?a? pa?? ???p??d?? a?t? ???ata, de????? ?a? ??pa???s?? ???e?? t??? as??e?s? ?a? ?a?t?? ???? ??? ??e???? p?st?tat?? ?p??e?e?f?a? t?? f????, ?a? d???e??? d?????sas?a? t?? ????a? t?? as?????? ????a?.

Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, 6. “Ad hunc (Eumenem) Olympias, quum literas et nuntios misisset in Asiam, consultum, utrum repetitum Macedoniam veniret (nam tum in Epiro habitabat) et eas res occuparet—huic ille primum suasit ne se moveret, et expectaret quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur. Sin aliqu cupiditate raperetur in Macedoniam, omnium injuriarum oblivisceretur, et in neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. Horum illa nihil fecit. Nam et in Macedoniam profecta est, et ibi crudelissime se gessit.” Compare Justin, xiv. 6; Diodor. xix. 11.

The details respecting Eumenes may be considered probably as depending on unusually good authority. His friend Hieronymus of Kardia had written a copious history of his own time; which, though now lost, was accessible both to Diodorus and Plutarch. Hieronymus was serving with Eumenes, and was taken prisoner along with him by Antigonus; who spared him and treated him well, while Eumenes was put to death (Diodor. xix. 44). Plutarch had also read letters of Eumenes (Plut. Eum. 11).

[801] Diodor. xviii. 63-72; xix. 11, 17, 32, 44.

[802] Plutarch (Eumenes, 16-18), Cornelius Nepos (10-13), and Justin (xiv. 3, 4) describe in considerable detail the touching circumstances attending the tradition and capture of Eumenes. On this point Diodorus is more brief; but he recounts at much length the preceding military operations between Eumenes and Antigonus (xix. 17, 32, 44).

The original source of these particulars must probably be, the history of Hieronymus of Kardia, himself present, and copied, more or less accurately, by others.

[803] Plutarch, Eumenes, 13; Diodor. xviii. 58.

[804] Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.

[805] Diodor. xviii. 55. e???? ??? t??? ?p? t?? p??e?? pa???ta? p?ese?t?? p??s?a?es?e???, etc.

[806] Diodor. xviii. 56. In this chapter the proclamation is given verbatim. For the exceptions made in respect to Amphissa, Trikka, Herakleia, etc., we do not know the grounds.

Reference is made to prior edicts of the kings—?e?? ???, ?a??pe? ??? ?a? p??te??? ?????ae?, ????ete t??t?? (????sp?????t??). These words must allude to written answers given to particular cities, in reply to special applications. No general proclamation, earlier than this, can have been issued since the death of Antipater.

[807] Diodor. xviii. 57.

[808] Plutarch, Phokion, 32. The opinion of Plutarch, however, that Polysperchon intended this measure as a mere trick to ruin Phokion, is only correct so far—that Polysperchon wished to put down the Antipatrian oligarchies everywhere, and that Phokion was the leading person of that oligarchy at Athens.

[809] Diodor. xviii. 64.

[810] Plutarch, Phokion, 31.

[811] Plutarch, Phokion, 32.

[812] Diodor. xviii. 64; Plutarch, Phokion, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2.

[813] Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2. “Concidit autem maxime uno crimine: quod cum apud eum summum esset imperium populi, et Nicanorem, Cassandri prÆfectum, insidiari PirÆo Atheniensium, a Dercyllo moneretur: idemque postularet, ut provideret, ne commeatibus civitas privaretur—huic, audiente populo, Phocion negavit esse periculam, seque ejus rei obsidem fore pollicitus est. Neque ita multo post Nicanor PirÆo est potitus. Ad quem recuperandum cum populus armatus concurrisset, ille non modo neminem ad arma vocavit, sed ne armatis quidem prÆsse voluit, sine qua AthenÆ omnino esse non possunt.”

[814] Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, Phokion, 33.

[815] Diodor. xviii. 65. ??? ??? ??t?p?t?? ?e????t?? f???? t???? (?p?????) ?a? ?? pe?? F?????a f???e??? t?? ?? t?? ???? t????a?, ?p??t?sa? ??e???d??, ?a? d?d??a?te? t? s?f????, ?pe?sa? a?t?? ?d?? ?at??e?? t? f?????a, ?a? ? pa?ad?d??a? t??? ????a????, ????? ?? ? ??ssa?d??? ?atap??e???.

[816] Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Diod. xviii. 65. 66. This seems to me the probable sequence of facts, combining Plutarch with Diodorus. Plutarch takes no notice of the negotiation opened by Phokion with Alexander, and the understanding established between them; which is stated in the clearest manner by Diodorus, and appears to me a material circumstance. On the other hand, Plutarch mentions (though Diodorus does not) that Alexander was anxious to seize Athens itself, and was very near succeeding. Plutarch seems to conceive that it was the exiles who were disposed to let him in; but if that had been the case, he probably would have been let in when the exiles became preponderant. It was Phokion, I conceive, who was desirous, for his own personal safety, of admitting the foreign troops.

[817] Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, Phokion, 35.

[818] Diodor. xviii. 66. ???sde????te? d? ?p? a?t?? (Alexander) f???f?????, ???ata ??a?? p??? t?? pat??a ????sp?????ta, ?p?? ?d?? p???s?? ?? pe?? F?????a t??e???? pef??????te?, ?a? ??? ?pa??e???e??? p??ta s?p???e??.

This application of Phokion to Alexander, and the letters obtained to Polysperchon, are not mentioned by Plutarch, though they are important circumstances in following the last days of Phokion’s life.

[820] Diodor. xviii. 66.

[821] Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Cornel. Nepos. Phokion, 3. “Hic (Phocion), ab Agnonide accusatus, quod PirÆum Nicanori prodidisset, ex consilii sententiÂ, in custodiam conjectus, Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium.”

Plutarch says that Polysperchon, before he gave this hearing to both parties, ordered the Corinthian Deinarchus to be tortured and to be put to death. Now the person so named cannot be Deinarchus, the logographer—of whom we have some specimens remaining, and who was alive even as late as 292 B.C.—though he too was a Corinthian. Either, therefore, there were two Corinthians, both bearing this same name (as Westermann supposes—Gesch. der Beredtsamkeit, sect. 72), or the statement of Plutarch must allude to an order given but not carried into effect—which latter seems to me most probable.

[822] Plutarch, Phokion, 33, 34; Diodor. xviii. 66.

[823] Andokides de Mysteriis, sect. 96, 97; Lycurgus adv. Leokrat. s. 127.

[824] Not the eminent philosopher so named.

[825] Cornel. Nepos, Phoc. 4. “Plurimi vero ita exacuerentur propter proditionis suspicionem PirÆi, maximeque quod adversus populi commoda in senectute steterat.”

[826] Diodor. xviii. 66, 67; Plutarch, Phokion, 34, 35; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2, 3.

[827] Plutarch, Phokion, 36, 37. Two other anecdotes are recounted by Plutarch, which seem to be of doubtful authenticity. Nikokles entreated that he might be allowed to swallow his potion before Phokion; upon which the latter replied—“Your request, Nikokles, is sad and mournful; but as I have never yet refused you anything throughout my life, I grant this also.”

After the four first had drunk, all except Phokion, no more hemlock was left; upon which the jailer said that he would not prepare any more, unless twelve drachmÆ of money were given to him to buy the material. Some hesitation took place, until Phokion asked one of his friends to supply the money, sarcastically remarking, that it was hard if a man could not even die gratis at Athens.

As to the first of these anecdotes—if we read, in Plato’s PhÆdon (152-155), the details of the death of Sokrates,—we shall see that death by hemlock was not caused instantaneously, but in a gradual and painless manner; the person who had swallowed the potion being desired to walk about for some time, until his legs grew heavy, and then to lie down in bed, after which he gradually chilled and became insensible, first in the extremities, next in the vital centres. Under these circumstances, the question—which of the persons condemned should swallow the first of the five potions—could be of very little moment.

Then, as to the alleged niggardly stock of hemlock in the Athenian prison—what would have been the alternative, if Phokion’s friend had not furnished the twelve drachmÆ? Would he have remained in confinement, without being put to death? Certainly not; for he was under capital sentence. Would he have been put to death by the sword or some other unexpensive instrument? This is at variance with the analogy of Athenian practice. If there be any truth in the story, we must suppose that the Eleven had allotted to this jailer a stock of hemlock (or the price thereof) really adequate to five potions, but that he by accident or awkwardness had wasted a part of it, so that it would have been necessary for him to supply the deficiency out of his own pocket. From this embarrassment he was rescued by Phokion and his friend; and Phokion’s sarcasm touches upon the strangeness of a man being called upon to pay for his own execution.

[828] Plutarch, Phokion, 38

[829] Plutarch, Phokion, 18; Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 188.

[830] Diodor. xix. 35.

[831] Diodor. xviii. 69.

[832] Diodor. xxiii. 70, 71.

[833] Diodor. xviii. 72.

[834] Thucyd. i. 93.

[835] Diodor. xviii. 74.

[836] See the notice of Munychia, as it stood ten years afterwards (Diodor. xx. 45).

[837] Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66; Strabo, ix. p. 398; Pausanias, i. 25, 5. t??a???? te ????a???? ?p?a?e ?e??s?a? ???t????, etc. Duris ap. AthenÆum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27. vol. iii. p. 477. Frag. Hist. GrÆc.

The Phalerean Demetrius composed, among numerous historical, philosophical, and literary works, a narrative of his own decennial administration (Diogenes Laert. v. 5, 9; Strabo, ib.)—pe?? t?? de?aet?a?.

The statement of 1200 talents, as the annual revenue handled by Demetrius, deserves little credit.

[838] See the Fragment of Demochares, 2. Fragment. Historic. GrÆc. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448, ap. Polyb. xii. 13. Demochares, nephew of the orator Demosthenes, was the political opponent of Demetrius Phalereus, whom he reproached with these boasts about commercial prosperity, when the liberty and dignity of the city were overthrown. To such boasts of Demetrius Phalereus probably belongs the statement cited from him by Strabo (iii. p. 147) about the laborious works in the Attic mines at Laureium.

[839] Diodor. xx. 40. ?s?? ?pe??a??? ? ???? ????ate?? ?ses?a? p????? ??a???, ???? ?a? t?? pa???t?? ?a??? ?pa??a??ses?a?.

[840] Dionys. Halic. Judicium de Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch, Demetrius, 10. ???? ?? ????a??????, ???? d? ??a??????, ?atast?se?? ?e?????? d?? t?? t?? Fa?????? d??a??, etc.

[841] Ktesikles ap. AthenÆum, vi. p. 272. Mr. Fynes Clinton (following Wesseling), supplies the defect in the text of AthenÆus, so as to assign the census to the 115th Olympiad. This conjecture may be right, yet the reasons for it are not conclusive. The census may have been either in the 116th, or in the 117th Olympiad; we have no means of determining which. The administration of Phalerean Demetrius covers the ten years between 317 and 307 B.C. (Fast. Hell. Append. p. 388).

Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 B.C. Fast. Hell.) observes respecting the census—“The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes in the public assembly, or all the males above the age of twenty years; the 10,000 ?t????? described also the males of full age. When the women and children are computed, the total free population will be about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves, added to this total, will give about 527,660 for the total population of Attica.” See also the Appendix to F. H. p. 390 seq.

This census is a very interesting fact; but our information respecting it is miserably scanty, and Mr. Clinton’s interpretation of the different numbers is open to some remark. He cannot be right, I think, in saying—“The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes in the assembly, or all the males above the age of twenty years.” For we are expressly told, that under the administration of Demetrius Phalereus, all persons who did not possess 1000 drachmÆ were excluded from the political franchise; and therefore a large number of males above the age of twenty years would have no vote in the assembly. Since the two categories are not coincident, then, to which shall we apply the number 21,000? To those who had votes? Or to the total number of free citizens, voting or not voting, above the age of twenty? The public assembly, during the administration of Demetrius Phalereus, appears to have been of little moment or efficacy; so that a distinct record, of the number of persons entitled to vote in it, is not likely to have been sought.

Then again, Mr. Clinton interprets the three numbers given, upon two principles totally distinct. The two first numbers (citizens and metics), he considers to designate only males of full age; the third number, of ????ta?, he considers to include both sexes and all ages.

This is a conjecture which I think very doubtful, in the absence of farther knowledge. It implies that the enumerators take account of the slave women and children—but that they take no account of the free women and children, wives and families of the citizens and metics. The number of the free women and children are wholly unrecorded, on Mr. Clinton’s supposition. Now if, for the purposes of the census, it was necessary to enumerate the slave women and children—it surely would be not less necessary to enumerate the free women and children.

The word ????ta? sometimes means, not slaves only, but the inmates of a family generally—free as well as slave. If such be its meaning here (which however there is not evidence enough to affirm), we eliminate the difficulty of supposing the slave women and children to be enumerated—and the free women and children not to be enumerated.

We should be able to reason more confidently, if we knew the purpose for which the census had been taken—whether with a view to military or political measures—to finance and taxation—or to the question of subsistence and importation of foreign corn (see Mr. Clinton’s Fast. H. ad ann. 444 B.C., about another census taken in reference to imported corn).

[842] See Dionys. Halic. Judic. de Dinarcho, p. 658 Reisk.

[843] Diodor. xviii. 75.

[844] Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii. 75; Pausan. vii. 8, 3; Pausanias, i. 25, 5.

[845] Diodor. xix. 11; Justin, x. 14, 4; Pausanias, i. 11, 4.

[846] Diodor. xix. 36.

[847] Diodor. xix. 50, 51; Justin, xiv. 5; Pausan. i. 25, 5; ix. 7, 1.

[848] Even immediately before the death of Olympias, Aristonous, governor of Amphipolis in her interest, considered Eumenes to be still alive (Diodor. xix. 50).

[849] Diodor. xix. 52; Pausanias, v. 23, 2.

[850] Diodor. xix. 52, 54, 78; Pausan. ix. 7, 2-5. This seems an explanation of Kassander’s proceeding, more probable than that given by Pausanias; who tells us that Kassander hated the memory of Alexander the Great, and wished to undo the consequences of his acts. That he did so hate Alexander, is however extremely credible: see Plutarch, Alexand. 74.

[851] Diodor. xix. 54.

[852] Diodor. xix. 56.

[853] Diodor. xix. 57.

[854] Diodor. xix. 61.

[855] Diodor. xix. 62.

[856] Diodor. xix. 63, 64.

[857] Diodor. xix. 62, 67.

[858] Diodor. xix. 66. ???st?d???, ?p? t?? ?????? t?? ??t???? d??a??????s?e???, p??et???at? t? p???? ???e?? t??? ??t?????? p???as??, etc.

[859] Diodor. xix. 67, 68; Justin, xv. 2. See BrandstÄter, Geschichte des Ætolischen Volkes und Bundes, p. 178 (Berlin, 1844).

[860] Diodor. xix. 74.

[861] Diodor. xix. 77, 78, 89.

[862] Diodor. xix. 87.

[863] Diodor. xix. 105.

[864] Diodor. xix. 105.

[865] Diodor. xx. 19.

[866] MessÊnÊ was garrisoned by Polysperchon (Diodor. xix. 64).

[867] Diodor. xx. 28; Trogus Pompeius—Proleg. ad Justin. xv. Justin. xv. 2.

[868] Diodor. xx. 100-103; Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6. King Pyrrhus was of p??????? ?e? ded???e???t?? ?a?ed?s?—at least this was the reproach of Lysimachus (Plutarch, Phyrrhus, 12).

[869] Diodor. xx. 37 compare Justin, xiii. 6; xiv. 1.

[870] Diodor. xx. 37.

[871] Philochor. Fragm. 144, ed. Didot; Diodor. xx. 45, 46; Plutarch, Demetrius, 8, 9. The occupation of PeirÆus by Demetrius Poliorketes is related somewhat differently by PolyÆnus, iv. 7, 6.

[872] Plutarch, Demetrius, 9-11; Diodor. xx. 47; Demochares ap. AthenÆum, vi. p. 253.

[873] Diogen. Laert. v, 77. Among the numerous literary works (all lost) of the Phalerean Demetrius, one was entitled ????a??? ?atad??? (ib. v. 82).

[874] Demochares ap. AthenÆum, vi. p. 253.

[875] Tacitus, Annal. i. 3. “Juniores post Actiacam victoriam, seniores plerique inter bella civium nati: quotusquisque reliquus, qui rempublicam vidisset?”

[876] Herodotus, v. 78.

[877] Plutarch, Demetr. 24.

[878] Polybius, xii. 13; Decretum apud Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 851.

[879] Philochori Fragm. 144, ed. Didot, ap. Dionys. Hal. p. 636.

[880] Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842-852. Lykurgus at his death (about 324 B.C.) left three sons, who are said, shortly after his death, to have been prosecuted by MenesÆchmus, and put in prison (“handed over to the Eleven”). But Thrasykles, supported by Demokles, stood forward on their behalf; and Demosthenes, then in banishment at Troezen, wrote emphatic remonstrances to the Athenians against such unworthy treatment of the sons of a distinguished patriot. Accordingly the Athenians soon repented and released them.

This is what we find stated in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842. The third of the so-called Demosthenic Epistles purports to be the letter written on this subject by Demosthenes.

The harsh treatment of the sons of Lykurgus (whatever it may have amounted to, and whatever may have been its ground) certainly did not last long; for in the next page of the very same Plutarchian life (p. 843), an account is given of the family of Lykurgus, which was ancient and sacerdotal; and it is there stated that his sons after his death fully sustained the dignified position of the family.

On what ground they were accused, we cannot make out. According to the Demosthenic epistle (which epistles I have before stated that I do not believe to be authentic), it was upon some allegation, which, if valid at all, ought to have been urged against Lykurgus himself during his life (p. 1477, 1478); but Lykurgus had been always honorably acquitted, and always held thoroughly estimable, up to the day of his death (p. 1475).

[881] Diogen. Laert. v. 38. It is probably to this return of the philosophers that the f???d?? ????d?? mentioned by Philochorus, as foreshadowed by the omen in the Acropolis, alludes (Philochorus, Frag. 145, ed. Didot, ap Dionys. Hal. p. 637).

[882] See the few fragments of Demochares collected in Fragmenta Historicorum GrÆcorum, ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 445, with the notes of Carl MÜller.

See likewise AthenÆus, xiii. 610, with the fragment from the comic writer Alexis. It is there stated that Lysimachus also, king of Thrace, had banished the philosophers from his dominions.

Demochares might find (besides the persons named in AthenÆ. v. 21, xi. 508) other authentic examples of pupils of Plato and Isokrates who had been atrocious and sanguinary tyrants in their native cities—see the case of Klearchus of Herakleia, Memnon ap. Photium, Cod. 224. cap. 1. Chion and Leonides, the two young citizens who slew Klearchus, and who perished in endeavoring to liberate their country—were also pupils of Plato (Justin, xvi. 5). In fact, aspiring youths, of all varieties of purpose, were likely to seek this mode of improvement. (Alexander the Great, too, the very impersonation of subduing force, had been the pupil of Aristotle).

[883] Diodor. xx. 46.

[884] Diodor. xx. 53; Plutarch, Demetr. 18.

[885] Diodor. xx. 99. Probably this proviso extended also to Lysimachus and Kassander (both of whom had assisted Rhodes) as well as to Ptolemy—though Diodorus does not expressly say so.

[886] Diodor. xx. 100.

[887] Diodor. xx. 100.

[888] That the Ætolians were just now most vexatious enemies to Athens, may be seen by the Ithyphallic ode addressed to Demetrius Poliorketes (AthenÆus, vi. p. 253).

[889] Diodor. xx. 50; Plutarch, Demetr. 11. In reference to this defeat near Amorgos, Stratokles (the complaisant orator who moved the votes of flattery towards Demetrius and Antigonus) is said to have announced it first as a victory, to the great joy of the people. Presently evidences of the defeat arrived, and the people were angry with Stratokles. “What harm has happened to you? (replied he)—have you not had two days of pleasure and satisfaction?” This is at any rate a very good story.

[890] Diodor. xx. 100; Plutarch, Demetr. 23.

[891] Diodor. xx. 102, 103; Plutarch, Demetr. 23-25.

[892] Diodor. xx. 102; Plutarch, Demetr. 25; Pausanias, ii. 7, 1. The city was withdrawn partially from the sea, and approximated closely to the acropolis. The new city remained permanently: but the new name Demetrias gave place to the old name Sikyon.

[893] Diodor. xx. 106

[894] That he returned from Leukas about the time of these mysteries, is attested both by Demochares and by the Ithyphallic ode in AthenÆus, vi. p. 253. See also Duris ap. AthenÆ, xii. p. 535.

[895] Semus ap. AthenÆum, xiv. p. 622.

[896] AthenÆus, vi. p. 253.

[897] Compare Pausanias, vii. 7, 4.

[898] Plutarch, Demetr. 24.

[899] Such is the statement of Plutarch (Demetr. 24); but it seems not in harmony with the recital of the honorary decree, passed in 272 B.C., after the death of Demochares, commemorating his merits by a statue, etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850). It is there recited that Demochares rendered services to Athens (fortifying and arming the city, concluding peace and alliance with the Boeotians, etc.) ?p? t?? tet?aet??? p?????, ???? ?? ???pese? ?p? t?? ?ata??s??t?? t?? d???. ?? ?ata??sa?te? t?? d??? cannot mean either Demetrius Poliorketes, or Stratokles. Moreover, we cannot determine when the “four years’ war”, or the alliance with the Boeotians, occurred. Neither the discussion of Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. 302 B.C., and Append. p. 380), nor the different hypothesis of Droysen, are satisfactory on this point—see Carl MÜller’s discussion on the fragments of Demochares, Fragm. Hist. Gr. v. ii. p. 446.

[900] Diodor. xx. 110. pa?ad??? ??? a?t?? ???p??? t??? ?e?e?s?, ?a? p?? t?? ???s???? ???a? ???e??, ????e??e? ?? t?? ??????.

The account of this transaction in the text is taken from Diodorus, and is a simple one; a vote was passed granting special license to Demetrius, to receive the mysteries at once, though it was not the appointed season.

Plutarch (Demetr. 26) superadds other circumstances, several of which have the appearance of jest rather than reality. PythodÔrus the Daduch or Torch-bearer of the Mysteries stood alone in his protest against any celebration of the ceremony out of time: this is doubtless very credible. Then (according to Plutarch) the Athenians passed decrees, on the proposition of Stratokles, that the month Munychion should be called Anthesterion. This having been done, the Lesser Mysteries were celebrated, in which Demetrius was initiated. Next, the Athenians passed another decree, to the effect, that the month Munychion should be called BoÊdromion—after which, the Greater Mysteries (which belonged to the latter month) were forthwith celebrated. The comic writer Philippides said of Stratokles, that he had compressed the whole year into a single month.

This statement of Plutarch has very much the air of a caricature, by Philippides or some other witty man, of the simple decree mentioned by Diodorus—a special license to Demetrius to be initiated out of season. Compare another passage of Philippides against Stratokles (Plutarch, Demetr. 12).

[901] Diodor. xx. 110.

[902] Diodor. xx. 111. It must have been probably during this campaign that Demetrius began or projected the foundation of the important city of Demetrias on the Gulf of Magnesia, which afterwards became one of the great strongholds of the Macedonian ascendency in Greece (Strabo, ix. p. 436-443, in which latter passage, the reference to Hieronymus of Kardia seems to prove that that historian gave a full description of Demetrias and its foundation). See about Demetrias, Mannert, Geogr. v. Griech. vii. p. 591.

[903] Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hell. B.C. 301) places the battle of Ipsus in August 301 B.C.; which appears to me some months earlier than the reality. It is clear from Diodorus, (and indeed from Mr. Clinton’s own admission) that winter-quarters in Asia intervened between the departure of Demetrius from Athens in or soon after April 301 B.C., and the battle of Ipsus. Moreover Demetrius, immediately after leaving Athens, carried on many operations against Kassander in Thessaly, before crossing over to Asia to join Antigonus (Diodor. xx. 110, 111).

[904] Plutarch, Demetr. 31.

[905] Plutarch, Demetr. 34, 35; Pausan. i. 25, 5. Pausanias states (i. 26, 2) that a gallant Athenian named Olympiodorus (we do not know when) encouraged his fellow-citizens to attack the Museum, Munychia, and PeirÆus; and expelled the Macedonians from all of them. If this be correct, Munychia and PeirÆus must have been afterwards reconquered by the Macedonians: for they were garrisoned (as well as Salamis and Sunium) by Antigonus Gonatas (Pausanias, ii. 8, 5; Plutarch, Aratus, 34).

[906] Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6.

[907] Plutarch, Demetr. 36; Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 264 seq.; Pausan. 7, 3; Justin, xvi. 1, 2.

[908] Plutarch, Demetr. 39.

[909] See Mr. Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici, Append. 4. p. 236-239.

[910] Pausanias, i. 4, 1; x. 20, 1. ???? d? ?e ????s? ?atepept??e? ?? ?? ?pa? t? f????ata, t? d? ?s????? t?? de?at?? p????e? ?? ??????? t? ????d? ???e??? ????? d? t?? te ?? t? pa???t? ????a, ??? ?p?? ??e??e??a? ?e??s?e???, ?a?? ?p? t?? ??d?? p?te ... ?? ??? ?p??????a? d??? ? ?p???atest????? e??a?, ?at? ??d?a te ?d?? ?a? a? p??e?? d???e??t? ?? ?????. (On the approach of the invading Gauls.)

[911] Polyb. ii. 40, 41. p?e?st??? ??? d? ???????? ??t?? (Antigonus Gonatas) ?f?te?sa? d??e? t??? ????s??. Justin, xxvi. 1.

[912] Pausanias, vii. 17, 1. ?te ?? d??d??? ?e???????, ??e??st?se? ?? t?? ????d?? t? ??a????.

[913] Plutarch, Aratus, 47. ???s???te? ??? ????t??a?? s??es?a? ?e?s??, ?a? t??? ?a?ed???? ?p???? a?t??? ?pesta???te? (the AchÆans), etc. Compare also c. 12, 13, 15, in reference to the earlier applications to Ptolemy king of Egypt.

[914] Polybius, i. 3, 4; ii. 37.

[915] Polybius, xii. 13.

[916] See the decree in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850. The Antipater here mentioned is the son of Kassander, not the father. There is no necessity for admitting the conjecture of Mr. Clinton (Fast. Hell. App. p. 380) that the name ought to be Antigonus, and not Antipater; although it may perhaps be true that Demochares was on favorable terms with Antigonus Gonatas (Diog. Laert. vii, 14).

Compare Carl MÜller ad Democharis Fragm. apud Fragm. Hist. GrÆc. vol. ii. p. 446, ed. Didot.

[917] See my last preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p. 196.

[918] Diodor. xix. 3. It appears that Diodorus had recounted in his eighteenth Book the previous circumstances of these two leaders; but this part of his narrative is lost: see Wesseling’s note.

[919] See Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. 22; Ch. lxxxv. p. 133.

[920] Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, Camill. 19; Pausan. iii. 10, 5. Plutarch even says that the two battles occurred on the same day.

[921] The Molossian King Neoptolemus was father both of Alexander (the Epirotic) and of Olympias. But as to the genealogy of the preceding kings, nothing certain can be made out: see Merleker, Darstellung des Landes und der Bewohner von Epeiros, KÖnigsberg, 1844, p. 2-6.

[922] A curious proof how fully Olympias was queen of Epirus is preserved in the fragments (recently published by Mr. Babington) of the oration of Hyperides in defence of Euxenippus, p. 12. The Athenians, in obedience to an oracular mandate from the DodonÆan Zeus, had sent to Dodona a solemn embassy for sacrifice, and had dressed and adorned the statue of DiÔnÊ there situated. Olympias addressed a despatch to the Athenians, reproving them for this as a trespass upon her dominions—?p?? t??t?? ??? t? ?????ata ???e pa?? ???p??d?? ?? ta?? ?p?st??a??, ?? ? ???a e?? ? ????ss?a a?t??, ?? ? t? ?e??? ?st??? ?????? p??s??e? ??? t?? ??e? ??d? ?? ???e??. Olympias took a high and insolent tone in this letter (t?? t?a??d?a? a?t?? ?a? t?? ?at?????a?, etc.)

The date of this oration is at some period during the life of Alexander the Great—but cannot be more precisely ascertained. After the death of Alexander, Olympias passed much time in Epirus, where she thought herself more secure from the enmity of Antipater (Diodor. xviii. 49).

Dodona had been one of the most ancient places of pilgrimage for the Hellenic race—especially for the Athenians. The order here addressed to them,—that they should abstain from religious manifestations at this sanctuary—is a remarkable proof of the growing encroachments on free Hellenism; the more so, as Olympias sent offerings to temples at Athens when she chose and without asking permission—we learn this from the same fragment of Hyperides.

[924] Livy, viii. 17-24; Justin, xii. 2; Strabo, vi. p. 280.

[925] Diodor. xix. 3.

[926] TimÆus apud Polybium, xii. 15; Diodor. xix. 2.

[927] Diodor. xix. 3; Justin, xxii. 1. Justin states the earliest military exploits of Agathokles to have been against the ÆtuÆans, not against the Agrigentines.

[928] Diodor. xix. 3, 4. Diodorus had written more about this oligarchy in a part of his eighteenth book; which part is not preserved: see Wesseling’s note.

[929] Diodor. xix. 4; Justin, xxii. 1. “Bis occupare imperium Syracusarum voluit; bis in exilium actus est.”

In the same manner, the Syracusan exile Hermokrates had attempted to extort by force his return, at the head of 3000 men, and by means of partisans within; he failed and was slain—B.C. 408 (Diodor. xiii. 75).

[930] Diodor. xix. 5, 6. A similar stratagem is recounted of the Karian Datames (Cornelius Nepos, Datames, 9).

That Agathokles, on leaving Syracuse, went to the Carthaginians, appears to be implied in the words of Diodorus, c. 6—t??? a?t? p??te??? s?p??e????ta? p??? ?a???d?????? (see Wesseling’s note on the translation of p???). This fact is noticed merely incidentally, in the confused narrative of Diodorus; but it brings him to a certain extent into harmony with Justin (xxii. 2), who insists much on the combination between Agathokles and the Carthaginians, as one of the main helps whereby he was enabled to seize the supreme power.

[931] The account here given is the best which I can make out from Diodorus (xix. 5), Justin (xxii. 2),—PolyÆnus (v. 3, 8). The first two allude to the solemn oath taken by Agathokles—pa?a??e?? e?? t? t?? ???t??? ?e??? ?p? t?? p???t??, ??se ?d?? ??a?t????ses?a? t? d????at??—“Tunc Hamilcari expositis ignibus Cereris tactisque in obsequia Poenorum jurat.” “Jurare in obsequia Poenorum” can hardly be taken to mean that Syracuse was to become subject to Carthage; there was nothing antecedent to justify such a proceeding, nor does anything follow in the sequel which implies it.

Compare also the speech which Justin puts into the mouth of Bomilkar when executed for treason by the Carthaginians—“objectans illis (Carthaginiensibus) in Hamilcarem patruum suum tacita suffragia, quod Agathoclem sociam illis facere, quam hostem, maluerit” (xxii. 7). This points to previous collusion between Hamilkar and Agathokles.

[932] Diodor. xix. 8, 9; Justin, xxii. 2.

[933] Diodor. xix. 9.

[934] Diodor. xix. 9.; Justin, xxii. 2.

[935] Diodor. xix. 65. ?a?? ?? d? ?????? ???? ?? ?a???d???? p??se??, ?? t? ?? ??a????e? pe?? t?? p?a????t?? ?pet??sa?, ?? pa?aa????t? t?? s?????a?? t??? d? ?ess?????? e?????? pa?es?e?asa?, ?a? t? f??????? ??a???sa?te? ?p??atast?sa? t?? t??a????, ?p?p?e?sa? e?? t?? ?????.

I do not know what s?????a? can be here meant, except that oath described by Justin under the words “in obsequia Poenorum jurat” (xxii. 2).

[936] Diodor. xix. 70. ? pe?????? ??a?????a s?s?e?a??e??? t?? p??e??.

[937] Diodor. xix. 70. After the defeat of Agis by Antipater, the severe LacedÆmonian laws against those who fled from battle had been suspended for the occasion; as had been done before, after the defeat of Leuktra. Akrotatus had been the only person (????) who opposed this suspension; whereby he incurred the most violent odium generally, but most especially from the citizens who profited by the suspension. These men carried their hatred so far, that they even attacked, beat him and conspired against his life (??t?? ??? s?st?af??te? p????? te ??ef???sa? a?t? ?a? d?et????? ?p????e???te?).

This is a curious indication of Spartan manners.

[938] Diodor. xix. 71.

[939] Diodor. xix. 71, 72, 102. When the convention specifies Herakleia, Selinus, and Himera, as being under the Carthaginians, this is to be understood as in addition to the primitive Carthaginian settlements of Solus, Panormus, LilybÆum, etc., about which no question could arise.

[940] Diodor. xix. 72: compare a different narrative—PolyÆnus, v. 15.

[941] Diodor. xix. 103. It must be noticed, however, that even Julius CÆsar, in his wars in Gaul, sometimes cut off the hands of his Gallic prisoners taken in arms, whom he called rebels (Bell. Gall. viii. 44).

[942] Diodor. xix. 103, 104.

[943] Diodor. xix. 106.

[944] Diodor. xix. 107, 108.

[945] Diodor. xix. 108, 109.

[946] Diodor. xix. 109.

[947] Diodor. xix. 110.

[948] Diodor. xx. 4, 5; Justin, xxii. 4. Compare PolyÆnus, 3-5.

[949] Diodor. xx. 4-16.

[950] Diodor. xx. 6. Procopius, Bell. Vand. i. 15. It is here stated, that for nine days’ march eastward from Carthage, as far as Juka, the land is pa?te??? ???e???.

[951] This striking scene is described by Diodorus, xx. 7 (compare Justin, xxii. 6), probably enough copied from Kallias, the companion and panegyrist of Agathokles: see Diodor. xxi. Fragm. p. 281.

[952] MegalÊ-Polis is nowhere else mentioned—nor is it noticed by Forbiger in his list of towns in the Carthaginian territory (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, sect. 109).

Dr. Barth (Wanderungen auf den KÜsten LÄndern des Mittelmeeres, vol. i. p. 131-133) supposes that Agathokles landed at an indentation of the coast on the western face of that projecting tongue of land which terminates in Cape Bon (Promontorium Mercurii), forming the eastern boundary of the Gulf of Carthage. There are stone quarries here, of the greatest extent as well as antiquity. Dr. Barth places MegalÊ-Polis not far off from this spot, on the same western face of the projecting land, and near the spot afterwards called Misua.

[953] Justin, xxii. 5. “Huc accedere, quod urbes castellaque AfricÆ non muris cinctÆ, non in montibus positÆ sint: sed in planis campis sine ullis munimentis jaceant: quas omnes metu excidii facile ad belli societatem perlici posse.”

[954] Seven centuries and more after these events, we read that the Vandal king Genseric conquered Africa from the Romans—and that he demolished the fortifications of all the other towns except Carthage alone—from the like feeling of mistrust. This demolition materially facilitated the conquest of the Vandal kingdom by Belisarius, two generations afterwards (Procopius, Bell. Vandal. i. 5; i. 15).

[955] Livy (xxix. 25), in recounting the landing of Scipio in the Carthaginian territory in the latter years of the second Punic war, says, “Emporia ut peterent, gubernatoribus edixit. Fertilissimus ager, eoque abundans omnium copi rerum est regio, et imbelles (quod plerumque in uberi agro evenit) barbari sunt: priusque quam Carthagine subveniretur, opprimi videbantur posse.”

About the harshness of the Carthaginian rule over their African subjects, see Diodor. xv. 77; Polyb. i. 72. In reference to the above passage of Polybius, however, we ought to keep in mind—That in describing this harshness, he speaks with express and exclusive reference to the conduct of the Carthaginians towards their subjects during the first Punic war (against Rome), when the Carthaginians themselves were hard pressed by the Romans and required everything that they could lay hands upon for self-defence. This passage of Polybius has been sometimes cited as if it attested the ordinary character and measure of Carthaginian dominion; which is contrary to the intention of the author.

[956] Diodor. xx. 8. Compare Polybius, i. 29, where he describes the first invasion of the Carthaginian territory by the Roman consul Regulus. TunÊs was 120 stadia or about fourteen miles south-east of Carthage (Polyb. i. 67). The Tab. Peuting. reckons it only ten miles. It was made the central place for hostile operations against Carthage both by Regulus in the first Punic war (Polyb. i. 30),—by Matho and Spendius, in the rebellion of the mercenary soldiers and native Africans against Carthage, which followed on the close of the first Punic war (Polyb. i. 73)—and by the revolted Libyans in 396 B.C. (Diodor. xiv. 77).

Diodorus places TunÊs at the distance of 2000 stadia from Carthage, which must undoubtedly be a mistake. He calls it White TunÊs; an epithet drawn from the chalk cliffs adjoining.

[957] Diodor. xx. 10.

[958] Diodor. xx. 10-13. See, respecting the Sacred Band of Carthage (which was nearly cut to pieces by Timoleon at the battle of the Krimesus), Diodor. xvi. 80, 81; also Vol. XI. of this History, Chap. lxxxv. p. 171-177.

The amount of native or citizen-force given here by Diodorus (40,000 foot and 1000 horse) seems very great. Our data for appreciating it however are lamentably scanty; and we ought to expect a large total. The population of Carthage is said to have been 700,000 souls; even when it was besieged by the Romans in the third Punic war, and when its power was prodigiously lessened (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). Its military magazines, even in that reduced condition, were enormous,—as they stood immediately previous to their being given up to the Romans, under the treacherous delusions held out by Rome.

[959] Diodor. xx. 12. The loss of the Carthaginians was differently given—some authors stated it at 1000 men—others at 6000. The loss in the army of Agathokles was stated at 200 men.

[960] Diodor. xx. 17.

[961] Diodor. xx. 55.

[962] Diodor. xx. 14. ?t???t? d? ?a? t?? ?????? a?t??? ??a?t???s?a?, ?a??s?? ?? t??? ?p??s?e? ??????? ????te? t??t? t? ?e? t?? ???? t??? ??at?st???, ?ste??? ????e??? ????a pa?da? ?a? ????a?te? ?pep?? ?p? t?? ??s?a?? ?a? ??t?se?? ?e??????, e?????s?? t??e? t?? ?a??e?????????? ?p????a??? ?e????te?? t??t?? d? ?a??te? ?????a?, ?a? t??? p??e???? p??? t??? te??es?? ????te? st?at?pede???ta?, ?de?s?da?????? ?? ?ata?e????te? t?? pat????? t?? ?e?? t???? d?????sas?a? d? t?? ?????a? spe?d??te?, d?a??s???? ?? t?? ?p?fa?est?t?? pa?d?? p??????a?te? ???sa? d??s??? ????? d? ?? d?a??a?? ??te?, ????s??? ?a?t??? ?d?sa?, ??? ???tt??? ??te? t??a??s???? ?? d? pa?? a?t??? ??d???? ?????? ?a?????, ??teta??? t?? ?e??a? ?pt?a? ???e?????a? ?p? t?? ???, ?ste t?? ?p?te???ta t?? pa?d?? ?p?????es?a? ?a? p?pte?? e?? t? ??sa p???e? p????. Compare Festus ap. Lactantium, Inst. Div. i. 21; Justin, xviii. 6, 12.

In this remarkable passage (the more remarkable because so little information concerning Carthaginian antiquity has reached us), one clause is not perfectly clear, respecting the three hundred who are said to have voluntarily given themselves up. Diodorus means (I apprehend) as Eusebius understood it, that these were fathers who gave up their children (not themselves) to be sacrificed. The victims here mentioned as sacrificed to Kronus were children, not adults (compare Diodor. xiii. 86): nothing is here said about adult victims. Wesseling in his note adheres to the literal meaning of the words, dissenting from Eusebius: but I think that the literal meaning is less in harmony with the general tenor of the paragraph. Instances of self-devotion, by persons torn with remorse, are indeed mentioned: see the case of Imilkon, Diodor. xiv. 76; Justin, xix. 3.

We read in the Fragment of Ennius—“Poeni sunt soliti suos sacrificare puellos:” see the chapter iv. of MÜnter’s work, Religion der Karthager, on this subject.

[963] Diodor. xx. 17. ????a p??s???e? ?p? t??a t?p?? ??e????, ??e? ???s?a? d??at?? ?? a?t?? ?p? t?? ?d???t???? ?a? t?? ?a???d????? t?? ????ta p?????????t??? ???t?? d? s??t??a? t??? st?at??ta?? ?p? p???? t?p?? p??? ?a?e??, d??a? ?? ep???se, t??? ?? ?a???d??????, ?? et? e????? d???e?? ?p? a?t??? p??e??e???, t??? d? p?????????????, ?? ????? d???e?? ?d??? t??? p??e???? e?? s?a??a? pa?a?e?e??????.

[964] Diodor. xx. 17. The incident here recounted by Diodorus is curious, but quite distinct and intelligible. He had good authorities before him in his history of Agathokles. If true, it affords an evidence for determining, within some limits, the site of the ancient Adrumetum, which Mannert and Shaw place at Herkla— while Forbiger and Dr. Barth put it near the site of the modern port called Susa, still more to the southward, and at a prodigious distance from Tunis. Other anthem have placed it at Hamamat, more to the northward than Herkla, and nearer to Tunis.

Of these three sites, Hamamat is the only one which will consist with the narrative of Diodorus. Both the others are too distant. Hamamat is about forty-eight English miles from Tunis (see Barth, p. 184, with his note). This is as great a distance (if not too great) as can possibly be admitted; both Herkla and Susa are very much more distant, and therefore out of the question.

Nevertheless, the other evidence known to us tends apparently to place Adrumetum at Susa, and not at Hamamat (see Barth, p. 142-154; Forbiger, Handb. Geog. p. 845). It is therefore probable that the narrative of Diodorus is not true, or must apply to some other place on the coast (possibly Neapolis, the modern Nabel) taken by Agathokles, and not to Adrumetum.

[965] Diodor. xx. 17.

[966] Strabo, xvii. p. 834. Solinus (c. 30) talks of Aspis as founded by the Siculi. Aspis (called by the Romans Clypea), being on the eastern side of Cape Bon, was more convenient for communication with Sicily than either Carthage, or Tunis, or any part of the Gulf of Carthage, which was on the western side of Cape Bon. To get round that headland is, even at the present day, a difficult and uncertain enterprise for navigators: see the remarks of Dr. Barth, founded partly on his own personal experience (Wanderungen auf den KÜstenlÄndern des Mittelmeeres, i. p. 196). A ship coming from Sicily to Aspis was not under the necessity of getting round the headland.

In the case of Agathokles, there was a further reason for establishing his maritime position at Aspis. The Carthaginian fleet was superior to him at sea; accordingly they could easily interrupt his maritime communication from Sicily with Tunis, or with any point in the Gulf of Carthage. But it was not so easy for them to watch the coast at Aspis; for in order to do this, they must get from the Gulf round to Cape Bon.

[967] Diodor. xx. 17. The Roman consul Regulus, when he invaded Africa during the first Punic war, is said to have acquired, either by capture or voluntary adhesion, two hundred dependent cities of Carthage (Appian, Punica, c. 3). Respecting the prodigious number of towns in Northern Africa, see the very learned and instructive work of MÖvers, Die PhÖnikier, vol. ii. p. 454 seqq. Even at the commencement of the third Punic war, when Carthage was so much reduced in power, she had still three hundred cities in Libya (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). It must be confessed that the name cities or towns (p??e??) was used by some authors very vaguely. Thus Posidonius ridiculed the affirmation of Polybius (Strabo, iii. p. 162), that Tiberius Gracchus had destroyed three hundred p??e?? of the Celtiberians; Strabo censures others who spoke of one thousand p??e?? of the Iberians. Such a number could only be made good by including large ??a?.

[968] Diodor. xx. 17, 18.

[969] Diodor. xx. 15, 16.

[970] See Vol. VII. Ch. lx. p. 304 of this History.

[971] For a description of the fortifications added to Syracuse by the elder Dionysius, see Vol. X. Ch. lxxxii. p. 499 of this History.

[972] Diodor. xx. 29, 30. Cicero (Divinat. i. 24) notices this prophecy and its manner of fulfilment; but he gives a somewhat different version of the events preceding the capture of Hamilkar.

[973] Diodor. xx. 30. t?? d? ??? ????a? ?? t?? ?p?????t?? s???e?e?? dede???? ??a???te? d?? t?? p??e??, ?a? de??a?? a???a?? ?at? a?t?? ???s?e???, et? t?? ?s??t?? ??e?? ??e????.

[974] Diodor. xx. 31. d?a???e?s?? d? t?? t?? ???a?a?t???? ?p????? ?at? p?sa? t?? ??s??, ???pese? ??? ta?? p??es? p??? t?? ??e??e??a?.

[975] Enna is nearly in the centre of Sicily; Erbessus is not far to the north-east of Agrigentum; Echetla is placed by Polybius (i. 15) midway between the domain of Syracuse and that of Carthage.

[976] Diodor. xx. 32.

[977] Diodor. xx. 33. ?? d? ?a???d?????, pe??a??e?? ?e??e???, ?a? a?a????? p??s????sa?te?, etc.

[978] Compare the description in Tacitus, Hist. ii. 29, of the mutiny in the Vitellian army commanded by Fabius Valens, at Ticinum.

“Postquam immissis lictoribus, Valens coercere seditionem coeptabat, ipsum invadunt (milites), saxa jaciunt, fugientem sequuntur.—Valens, servili veste, apud decurionem equitum tegebatur.” (Presently the feeling changes, by the adroit management of Alphenus Varus, prefect of the camp)—then, “silentio, patientia, postremo precibus et lacrymis, veniam quÆrebant. Ut vero deformis et flens, et prÆter spem incolumis Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor: versi in lÆtitiam (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes gratantesque circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”

[979] Diodor. xx. 34.

[980] Diodor. xx. 39.

[981] Diodor. xx. 59. ? d? t?? p??e?? ??? ?? ???d????, ?p??s?t?? t?? p??e?? ??s?? d?? t?? ?p? t?? te???? ?a? t?? ?a??tt?? ?????t?ta.

[982] Diodor. xx. 40.

[983] See Vol. IV. Ch. xxvii. p. 29-49.

[984] See Isokrates, Or. iv. (Philipp.) s. 6, where he speaks of KyrÊnÊ as a spot judiciously chosen for colonization; the natives near it being not dangerous, but suited for obedient neighbors and slaves.

[985] Thucyd. vii. 50.

[986] Pausan. iv. 26; Diodor. xiv. 34.

[987] Strabo, xvii. p. 836; Sallust, Bell. Jugurth. p. 126.

[988] Arrian, vii. 9, 12; Curtius, iv. 7, 9; Diodor. xvii. 49. It is said that the inhabitants of KyrÊnÊ (exact date unknown) applied to Plato to make laws for them, but that he declined. See Thrige, Histor. CyrÊnÊs, p. 191. We should be glad to have this statement better avouched.

[989] Diodor. xvii. 108, xviii. 19; Arrian, De Rebus; post Alexandr. vi. apud Photium, Cod. 92; Strabo, xvii. p. 837.

[990] Diodor. xviii. 19.

[991] Diodor. xvii. 20.

[992] Diodor. xviii. 21.

[993] Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 21; Justin, xiii. 6, 20.

[994] Diodor. xix. 79. ?? ?????a??? ... t?? ???a? pe??est?at?p?de?sa?, ?? a?t??a ??a t?? f?????? ??a????te?, etc.

[995] Justin (xxii. 7, 4) calls Ophellas “rex Cyrenarum;” but it is noway probable that he had become independent of Ptolemy—as Thrige (Hist. CyrÊnÊs, p. 214) supposes. The expression in Plutarch (Demetrius, 14), ?f???? t? ???a?t? ???????, does not necessarily imply an independent authority.

[996] Diodor. xx. 40.

[997] From an incidental allusion in Strabo (xvii. p. 826), we learn this fact—that Ophellas had surveyed the whole coast of Northern Africa, to the straits of Gibraltar, and round the old Phenician settlements on the western coast of modern Morocco. Some eminent critics (Grosskurd among them) reject the reading in Strabo—?p? t?? ?f??a (or ?f???a) pe??p???, which is sustained by a very great preponderance of MSS. But I do not feel the force of their reasons; and the reading which they would substitute has nothing to recommend it. In my judgment, Ophellas, ruling in the Kyrenaica and indulging aspirations towards conquest westward, was a man both likely to order, and competent to bring about, an examination of the North African coast. The knowledge of this fact may have induced Agathokles to apply to him.

[998] Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. ap. Photium, Cod. 92. ????pt?? ?? ??? ?a? ?????, ?a? t?? ?p??e??a ta?t?? t?? p?????, ?a? ?,t? pe? ?? p??? t??t??? d? ????? ?p??t?s?ta? p??? d?????? ?????, ?t??ea??? e??a?.

[999] Diodor. xx. 40. p????? t?? ????a??? p?????? ?p????sa? e?? t?? st?ate?a?? ??? ?????? d? ?a? t?? ????? ???????, ?spe?d?? ???????sa? t?? ?p?????, ??p????te? t?? te ??at?st?? t?? ????? ?ata????????se??, ?a? t?? ?? ?a???d??? d?a?p?se?? p???t??.

As to the great encouragement held out to settlers, when a new colony was about to be founded by a powerful state, see Thucyd. iii. 93, about Herakleia Trachinia—p?? ??? t??, ?a?eda?????? ???????t??, ?a?sa???? ?e?, ?a?a? ?????? t?? p????.

[1000] Diodor. xx. 41.

[1001] Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. iv. 3. p. 127, ed. Schneider.

The philosopher would hear this fact from some of the Athenians concerned in the expedition.

[1002] Diodor. xx. 42. See the striking description of the miseries of this same march, made by Cato and his Roman troops after the death of Pompey, in Lucan, Pharsalia, ix. 382-940:—

The entire march of Ophellas must (I think) have lasted longer than two months; probably Diodorus speaks only of the more distressing or middle portion of it when he says—?at? t?? ?d??p???a? p?e??? ? d?? ??a? ?a??pa??sa?te?, etc. (xx. 42).

[1003] Diodor. xx. 42; Justin. xxii. 7.

[1004] Diodor. xx. 44.

[1005] Diodor. xx. 43.

[1006] Diodor. xx. 44; Justin, xxii. 7. Compare the description given by Appian (Punic. 128), of the desperate defence made by the Carthaginians in the last siege of the city, against the assault of the Romans, from the house-tops and in the streets.

[1007] There are yet remaining coins—??a??????? ?as?????—the earliest Sicilian coins that bear the name of a prince (Humphreys, Ancient Coins and Medals, p. 50).

[1008] Strabo, xvii. p. 832; Polyb. i. 73.

[1009] Polybius (i. 82) expressly states that the inhabitants of Utica and of Hippu-Akra (a little further to the west than Utica), remained faithful to Carthage throughout the hostilities carried on by Agathokles. This enables us to correct the passage wherein Diodorus describes the attack of Agathokles upon Utica (xx. 54)—?p? ?? ?t??a???? ?st??te?se? ?fest???ta?, ?f?? d? a?t?? t? p??e? p??spes??, etc. The word ?fest???ta? here is perplexing. It must mean that the Uticans had revolted from Agathokles; yet Diodorus has not before said a word about the Uticans, nor reported that they had either joined Agathokles, or been conquered by him. Everything that Diodorus has reported hitherto about Agathokles, relates to operations among the towns east or south-east of Carthage.

It appears to me that the passage ought to stand—?p? ?? ?t??a???? ?st??te?se? ??? ?fest???ta?, i.e. from Carthage; which introduces consistency into the narrative of Diodorus himself, while it brings him into harmony with Polybius.

[1010] Diodor. xx. 54, 55. In attacking Hippu-Akra (otherwise called Hippo-Zarytus, near the Promontorium Pulchrum, the northernmost point of Africa), Agathokles is said to have got the better in a naval battle—?a?a??a pe???e??e???. This implies that he must have got a fleet superior to the Carthaginians even in their own gulf; perhaps ships seized at Utica.

[1011] Diodor. xx. 59.

[1012] Appian distinctly mentions this place Hippagreta as having been fortified by Agathokles—and distinctly describes it as being between Utica and Carthage (Punic. 110). It cannot therefore be the same place as Hippu-Akra (or Hippo-Zarytus); which was considerably further from Carthage than Utica was.

[1013] Diodor. xx. 57, 58. It is vain to attempt to identify the places mentioned as visited and conquered by Eumachus. Our topographical knowledge is altogether insufficient. This second Hippu-Akra is supposed to be the same as Hippo-Regius; TokÆ may be Tucca Terebinthina, in the south-eastern region or Byzakium.

[1014] Diodor. xx. 59, 60.

[1015] Diodor. xx. 61.

[1016] Diodor. xx. 56. ??a?????? d?, t?? ???? ??t? ?e?e??????, ?atap?e?sa? t?? S??e??a? e?? Se??????ta, etc.

[1017] Diodor. xx. 56. ?? ?? ??? ???a?a?t???? ta?t? t? s?f??? pe??pes??te?, d????sa? ?a?t?? ?? t?? ?a???st?? ?p?????, t?? d? s????? t?? t?? ??e??e??a? ??p?da?.

[1018] Apollonia was a town in the interior of the island, somewhat to the north-east of Enna (Cicero, Verr. iii. 43).

[1019] Diodor. xx. 56.

[1021] Diodor. xx. 61.

[1022] Diodor. xx. 57. ?a? p??t?? t??t?? ?? f??a?? ?a? e??ta?? t?? p??e?? s??e??? ?e????t??, etc.

[1023] Diodor. xx. 61, 62.

[1024] Diodor. xx. 62.

[1025] Diodor. xx. 64; Justin, xxii. 8.

[1026] Diodor. xx. 65. See an incident somewhat similar (Herod. vii. 180)—the Persians, in the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, sacrificed the handsomest Grecian prisoner whom they captured on board the first prize-ship that fell into their hands.

[1027] Diodor. xx. 66, 67.

[1028] Diodor. xx. 69; Justin, xxii. 8. ... t? d? p?????, ?? e?de?, e?? ??e?? ?t??p?, ?a? p??te? ?pe??? ?fe??a?? ? d? ???e?? ?a? et? ?????? ??? e?? t? p???e???, ??a?e? ??p?e?sa? ?at? t?? d?s?? t?? ??e??d??, ?e????? ??t??.

[1029] Diodor. xx. 69.

[1030] Tacit. Annal. i. 9. “Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo, plerisque vana mirantibus—quod idem dies accepti quondam imperii princeps, et vitÆ supremus—quod NolÆ in domo et cubiculo, in quo pater ejus Octavius, vitam finivisset”, etc.

[1031] Diodor. xx. 70.

[1032] This is what Agathokles might have done, but did not do. Nevertheless, Valerius Maximus (vii. 4, 1) represents him as having actually done it, and praises his sagacity on that ground. Here is an example how little careful these collectors of anecdotes sometimes are about their facts.

[1033] Diodor. xx. 71. We do not know what happened afterwards with this town under its new population. But the old name Egesta was afterwards resumed.

[1034] Compare the proceedings of the Greco-Libyan princess PheretimÊ (of the Battiad family) at Barka (Herodot. iv. 202).

[1035] Diodor. xx. 72. Hippokrates and Epikydes—those Syracusans who, about a century afterwards, induced Hieronymus of Syracuse to prefer the Carthaginian alliance to the Roman—had resided at Carthage for some time, and served in the army of Hannibal, because their grandfather had been banished from Syracuse as one concerned in killing Archagathus (Polyb. vii. 2).

[1036] Diodor. xx. 78, 79. Some said that the sum of money paid by the Carthaginians was 300 talents. TimÆus stated it at 150 talents.

[1037] Diodor. xx. 89.

[1038] Diodor. xx. 90.

[1039] Diodor. xx. 101. This expedition of Agathokles against the LyparÆan isles seems to have been described in detail by his contemporary historian, the Syracusan Kallias: see the Fragments of that author, in Didot’s Fragment. Hist. GrÆc. vol. ii. p. 383. Fragm. 4.

[1040] Diodor. xx. 104.

[1041] Diodor. xx. 104; Livy, x. 2. A curious anecdote appears in the Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus (78) respecting two native Italians, Aulus and Caius, who tried to poison Kleonymus at Tarentum, but were detected and put to death by the Tarentines.

That Agathokles, in his operations on the coast of southern Italy, found himself in conflict with the Romans, and that their importance was now strongly felt—we may judge by the fact, that the Syracusan Kallias (contemporary and historian of Agathokles) appears to have given details respecting the origin and history of Rome. See the Fragments of Kallias, ap. Didot, Hist. GrÆc. Frag. vol. ii. p. 383; Fragm. 5—and Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. i. 72.

[1042] Diodor. xx. 105.

[1043] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 2. p. 265.

[1044] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 3. p. 266.

[1045] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 4, 8, 11. p. 266-273.

[1046] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 12. p. 276-278. Neither Justin (xxiii. 2) nor Trogus before him, (as it seems from the Prologue) alludes to poison. He represents Agathokles as having died by a violent distemper. He notices however the bloody family feud, and the murder of the uncle by the nephew.

[1047] Justin (xxiii. 2) dwells pathetically on this last parting between Agathokles and Theoxena. It is difficult to reconcile Justin’s narrative with that of Diodorus; but on this point, as far as we can judge, I think him more credible than Diodorus.

[1048] Polyb. xv. 35. See above in this History, Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. 46.

[1049] Polybius (ix. 23) says that Agathokles, though cruel in the extreme at the beginning of his career, and in the establishment of his power, yet became the mildest of men after his power was once established. The latter half of this statement is contradicted by all the particular facts which we know respecting Agathokles.

As to TimÆus the historian, indeed (who had been banished from Sicily by Agathokles, and who wrote the history of the latter in five books), Polybius had good reason to censure him, as being unmeasured in his abuse of Agathokles. For TimÆus not only recounted of Agathokles numerous acts of nefarious cruelty—acts of course essentially public, and therefore capable of being known—but also told much scandal about his private habits, and represented him (which is still more absurd) as a man vulgar and despicable in point of ability. See the Fragments of TimÆus ap. Histor. GrÆc. ed. Didot. Frag. 144-150.

All, or nearly all, the acts of Agathokles, as described in the preceding pages, have been copied from Diodorus; who had as good authorities before him as Polybius possessed. Diodorus does not copy the history of Agathokles from TimÆus; on the contrary, he censures TimÆus for his exaggerated acrimony and injustice towards Agathokles, in terms not less forcibly than those which Polybius employs (xxi. Fragm. p. 279). Diodorus cites TimÆus by name, occasionally and in particular instances: but he evidently did not borrow from that author the main stream of his narrative. He seems to have had before him other authorities—among them some highly favorable to Agathokles—the Syracusan Kallias—and Antander, brother of Agathokles (xxi. p. 278-282).

[1050] Diodor. xx. 63.

[1051] The poet Theokritus (xvi. 75-80) expatiates on the bravery of the Syracusan Hiero II., and on the great warlike power of the Syracusans under him (B.C. 260-240), which he represents as making the Carthaginians tremble for their possessions in Sicily. Personally, Hiero seems to have deserved this praise—and to have deserved yet more praise for his mild and prudent internal administration of Syracuse. But his military force was altogether secondary in the great struggle between Rome and Carthage for the mastery of Sicily.

[1052] CÆsar, Bell. Gall. ii. 1; Strabo, iv. p. 179.

[1053] See Poseidonius ap. AthenÆum, iv. p. 152.

[1054] Strabo, iv. p. 180.

[1055] Strabo (xii. p. 575) places Massalia in the same rank as Kyzikus, Rhodes and Carthage; types of maritime cities highly and effectively organized.

[1056] Livy, xl. 18; Polybius, xxx. 4.

[1057] The oration composed by Demosthenes p??? ????de??, relates to an affair wherein a ship, captain, and mate, all from Massalia, are found engaged in the carrying trade between Athens and Syracuse (Demosth. p. 382 seq.).

[1058] BrÜckner, Histor. Massiliensium, c. 7 (GÖttingen).

[1059] Livy, xxxiv. 8; Strabo. iii. p. 160. At Massalia, it is said that no armed stranger was ever allowed to enter the city, without depositing his arms at the gate (Justin, xliii. 4).

This precaution seems to have been adopted in other cities also: see Æneas, Poliorket. c. 30.

[1060] Strabo, iii. p. 165. A fact told to Poseidonius by a Massaliot proprietor who was his personal friend.

In the siege of Massalia by CÆsar, a detachment of Albici,—mountaineers not far from the town, and old allies or dependents—were brought in to help in the defence (CÆsar, Bell. G. i. 34).

[1061] Strabo, iv. p. 180.

[1062] Strabo, iv. p. 181; Cicero, De Republ. xxvii. Fragm. Vacancies in the senate seem to have been filled up from meritorious citizens generally—as far as we can judge by a brief allusion in Aristotle (Polit. vi. 7).

From another passage in the same work, it seems that the narrow basis of the oligarchy must have given rise to dissensions (v. 6). Aristotle had included the ?assa???t?? p???te?a in his lost work ?e?? ????te???.

[1063] Strabo, l.c. However, one author from whom AthenÆus borrowed (xii. p. 523), described the Massaliots as luxurious in their habits.

[1064] Strabo, iv. p. 199. ?f???? d? ?pe??????sa? t? e???e? ???e? t?? ?e?t????, ?ste ?spe? ??? ????a? ?a???e? ??e????? t? p?e?sta p??s??e?? ???? Gade????, f????????? te ?p?fa??e? t??? ?????p???, ?a? p???? ?d??? ???e? pe?? a?t?? ??? ?????ta t??? ???. Compare p. 181.

It is to be remembered that Ephorus was a native of the Asiatic KymÊ the immediate neighbor of PhokÆa, which was the metropolis of Massalia. The Massaliots never forgot or broke off their connection with PhokÆa: see the statement of their intercession with the Romans on behalf of PhokÆa (Justin, xxxvii. 1). Ephorus therefore had good means of learning whatever Massaliot citizens were disposed to communicate.

[1065] Varro, Antiq. Fragm. p. 350, ed. Bipont.

[1066] See the Fragmenta PytheÆ collected by Arfwedson, Upsal, 1824. He wrote two works—1. G?? ?e???d??. 2. ?e?? ??ea???. His statements were greatly esteemed, and often followed, by Eratosthenes; partially followed by Hipparchus; harshly judged by Polybius, whom Strabo in the main follows. Even by those who judge him most severely, Pytheas is admitted to have been a good mathematician and astronomer (Strabo, iv. p. 201)—and to have travelled extensively in person. Like Herodotus, he must have been forced to report a great deal on hearsay; and all that he could do was to report the best hearsay information which reached him. It is evident that his writings made an epoch in geographical inquiries; though they doubtless contained numerous inaccuracies. See a fair estimate of Pytheas in Mannert, Geog. der Gr. und RÖmer, Introd. i. p. 73-86.

The Massaliotic Codex of Homer, possessed and consulted among others by the Alexandrine critics, affords presumption that the celebrity of Massalia as a place of Grecian literature and study (in which character it competed with Athens towards the commencement of the Roman empire) had its foundations laid at least in the third century before the Christian era.

[1067] Aristotle, Politic. v. 2, 11; v. 5, 2.

[1068] See Vol. IX. Ch. lxxi. p. 129 seqq.

[1069] See the remarkable life of the Karian Datames, by Cornelius Nepos, which gives some idea of the situation of Paphlagonia about 360-350 B.C. (cap. 7, 8). Compare Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 1, 4.

[1070] Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, 6.

[1071] Polybius, v. 43.

[1072] Xenoph. Anab. vi. 6, 2.

[1073] Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 2; v. 5, 5. Another passage in the same work, however (v. 4, 2), says, that in Herakleia, the democracy was subverted immediately after the foundation of the colony, through the popular leaders; who committed injustice against the rich. These rich men were banished, but collected strength enough to return and subvert the democracy by force.

If this passage alludes to the same Herakleia (there were many towns of that name), the government must have been originally democratical. But the serfdom of the natives seems to imply an oligarchy.

[1074] Aristot. Polit. vii. 5, 7; PolyÆn. vi. 9, 3, 4; compare Pseudo-Aristotle Œconomic. ii. 9.

The reign of Leukon lasted from about 392-352 B.C. The event alluded to by PolyÆnus must have occurred at some time during this interval.

[1075] Justin, xvi. 4.

[1076] Aristot. v. 5, 2; 5, 10.

[1077] Justin, xvi. 4.

[1078] Æneas, Poliorket. c. 11. I have given what seems the most probable explanation of a very obscure passage.

It is to be noted that the distribution of citizens into centuries (??at?st?e?) prevailed also at Byzantium; see Inscript. No. 2060 ap. Boeck. Corp. Inscr. GrÆc. p. 130. A citizen of Olbia, upon whom the citizenship of Byzantium is conferred, is allowed to enroll himself in any one of the ??at?st?e?, that he prefers.

[1079] Diodor. xv. 81. ?????se ?? t?? ?????s??? t?? S??a??s??? d?a?????, etc. Memnon, Fragm. c. 1; Isokrates, Epist. vii.

It is here that the fragments of Memnon, as abstracted by Photius (Cod. 224), begin. Photius had seen only eight books of Memnon’s History of Herakleia (Books ix.-xvi. inclusive); neither the first eight books (see the end of his Excerpta from Memnon), nor those after the sixteenth, had come under his view. This is greatly to be regretted, as we are thus shut out from the knowledge of Heraklean affairs anterior to Klearchus.

It happens, not unfrequently, with Photius, that he does not possess an entire work, but only parts of it; this is a curious fact, in reference to the libraries of the ninth century A.D.

The fragments of Memnon are collected out of Photius, together with those of Nymphis and other Herakleotic historians, and illustrated with useful notes and citations, in the edition of Orelli; as well as by K. MÜller, in Didot’s Fragm. Hist. GrÆc. tom. iii. p. 525. Memnon carried his history down to the time of Julius CÆsar, and appears to have lived shortly after the Christian era. Nymphis (whom he probably copied) was much older; having lived seemingly from about 300-230 B.C. (see the few Fragmenta remaining from him, in the same work, iii. p. 12). The work of the Herakleotic author HerodÔrus seems to have been altogether upon legendary matter (see Fragm. in the same work, ii. p. 27). He was half a century earlier than Nymphis.

[1080] Suidas v. ???a????.

[1081] PolyÆnus, ii. 30, 1; Justin, xvi. 4. “A quibus revocatus in patriam, per quos in arce collocatus fuerat”, etc.

Æneas (Poliorket. c. 12) cites this proceeding as an example of the mistake made by a political party, in calling in a greater number of mercenary auxiliaries than they could manage or keep in order.

[1082] Justin, xvi. 4, 5; Theopompus ap. AthenÆ. iii. p. 85. Fragm. 200, ed. Didot.

[1083] Memnon, c. 1. The seventh Epistle of Isokrates, addressed to Timotheus son of Klearchus, recognizes generally this character of the latter with whose memory Isokrates disclaims all sympathy.

[1084] Memnon, c. 1; Justin, xvi. 5; Diodor. xvi 36.

[1085] Memnon, c. 2. ?p? d? t? f??ade?f?? t? p??t?? ?????at?? t?? ??? ????? t??? t?? ?de?f?? pa?s?? ??ep???ast?? s??t????, ?p? t?s??t?? t?? a?t?? ??de???a? ????? ?t??et?, ?? ?a? ???a??? s????, ?a? t?te ??a? ste??????, ? ??as??s?a? pa?d?p???sa?, ???? ??a?? p?s? ????? st???s?? ?a?t? d???sa?, ?? ?? ?d? ???? ?p???p?? t??? ?fed?e???ta t??? t?? ?de?f?? pa?s??.

In the Antigonid dynasty of Macedonia, we read that Demetrius, son of Antigonus Gonatas, died leaving his son Philip a boy. Antigonus called Doson, younger brother of Demetrius, assumed the regency on behalf of Philip; he married the widow of Demetrius, and had children by her; but he was so anxious to guard Philip’s succession against all chance of being disturbed, that he refused to bring up his own children—? d? pa?d?? ?e?????? ?? t?? ???s??d??, ??? ??e????at?, t?? ????? t? F???pp? pe??s???? (Porphyry, Fragm. ap. Didot, Fragm. Histor. GrÆc. vol. iii. p. 701).

In the Greek and Roman world, the father was generally considered to have the right of determining whether he would or would not bring up a new-born child. The obligation was only supposed to commence when he accepted or sanctioned it, by taking up the child.

[1086] Memnon, c. 3. The Epistle of Isokrates (vii.) addressed to Timotheus in recommendation of a friend, is in harmony with this general character, but gives no new information.

Diodorus reckons Timotheus as immediately succeeding Klearchus his father—considering Satyrus simply as regent (xvi. 36).

[1087] We hear of Klearchus as having besieged Astakus (afterwards Nikomedia)—at the interior extremity of the north-eastern indentation of the Propontis, called the Gulf of Astakus (PolyÆnus, ii. 30, 3).

[1088] Memnon, c. 1.

[1089] Memnon, c. 20.

[1090] Memnon, c. 3.

[1091] Memnon, c. 3. See in this History, Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p. 154.

[1092] Memnon, c. 4.

[1093] Strabo, xii. p. 565.

[1094] Memnon, c. 4: compare Diodor. xx. 53.

[1095] Nymphis, Fragm. 16. ap. AthenÆum, xii. p. 549; Ælian, V. H. ix. 13.

[1096] Strabo, xii. p. 565. So also Antioch, on the Orontes in Syria, the great foundation of Seleukus Nikator, was established on or near the site of another Antigonia, also previously founded by Antigonus Monophthalmus (Strabo, xv. p. 750).

[1097] Strabo, xii. p. 544.

[1098] Memnon, c. 6.

[1099] Memnon, c. 7, 8.

[1100] Memnon, c. 9; Strabo, xii. p. 542.

[1101] Memnon, c. 11.

[1102] Memnon, c. 16. The inhabitants of Byzantium also purchased for a considerable sum the important position called the ?e???, at the entrance of the Euxine on the Asiatic side (Polybius, iv. 50).

These are rare examples, in ancient history, of cities acquiring territory or dependencies by purchase. Acquisitions were often made in this manner by the free German, Swiss, and Italian cities of mediÆval Europe; but as to the Hellenic cities, I have not had occasion to record many such transactions in the course of this history.

[1103] Memnon, c. 13: compare Polyb. xviii. 34.

[1104] This is a remarkable observation made by Memnon, c. 19.

[1105] See the statement of Polybius, xxii. 24.

[1106] Contrast the independent and commanding position occupied by Byzantium in 399 B.C., acknowledging no superior except Sparta (Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1)—with its condition in the third century B.C.—harassed and pillaged almost to the gates of the town by the neighboring Thracians and Gauls, and only purchased immunity by continued money payments: see Polybius, iv. 45.

[1107] Strabo, vii. p. 319. Philip of Macedon defeated the Scythian prince Atheas or Ateas (about 340 B.C.) somewhere between Mount HÆmus and the Danube (Justin, ix. 2). But the relations of Ateas with the towns of Istrus and Apollonia, which are said to have brought Philip into the country, are very difficult to understand. It is most probable that these cities invited Philip as their defender.

In Inscription No. 2056 c. (in Boeckh’s Corp. Inscript. GrÆc. part xi. p. 79), the five cities constituting the Pentapolis are not clearly named. Boeckh supposes them to be Apollonia, Mesembria, OdÊssus, Kallatis, and Tomi; but Istrus seems more probable than Tomi. OdÊssus was on the site of the modern Varna where the Inscription was found; greatly south of the modern town of Odessa, which is on the site of another town OrdÊsus.

An Inscription (2056) immediately preceding the above, also found at OdÊssus, contains a vote of thanks and honors to a certain citizen of Antioch, who resided with ... (name imperfect), king of the Scythians and rendered great service to the Greeks by his influence.

[1108] Diodor. xix. 73; xx. 25.

[1109] Strabo, vii. p. 302-305; Pausanias, i. 9, 5.

[1110] Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenitica) p. 75, Reisk. e???? d? ?a? ta?t?? (Olbia) G?ta?, ?a? t?? ???a? t?? ?? t??? ???st????? t?? ???t?? p??e??, ???? ?p??????a?? ??e? d? ?a? sf?d?a tape??? t? p???ata ?at?st? t?? ta?t? ???????? t?? ?? ????t? s??????s?e?s?? p??e??, t?? d? fa????, ?a? t?? p?e?st?? a????? e?? a?t?? s???e??t??.

[1111] The picture drawn by Ovid, of his situation as an exile at Tomi, can never fail to interest, from the mere beauty and felicity of his expression; but it is not less interesting, as a real description of Hellenism in its last phase, degraded and overborne by adverse fates. The truth of Ovid’s picture is fully borne out by the analogy of Olbia, presently to be mentioned. His complaints run through the five books of the Tristia, and the four books of EpistolÆ ex Ponto (Trist. v. 10, 15).

This is a specimen out of many others: compare Trist. iii. 10, 53; iv. 1, 67; Epist. Pont. iii. 1.

Ovid dwells especially upon the fact that there was more of barbaric than of Hellenic speech at Tomi—“Graiaque quod Getico victa loquela sono est” (Trist. v. 2, 68). Woollen clothing, and the practice of spinning and weaving by the free women of the family, were among the most familiar circumstances of Grecian life; the absence of these feminine arts, and the use of skins or leather for clothing, were notable departures from Grecian habits (Ex Ponto, iii. 8):—

[1112] Herodot. iv. 16-18. The town was called Olbia by its inhabitants, but Borysthenes usually by foreigners; though it was not on the Borysthenes river (Dnieper), but on the right bank of the Hypanis (Bug).

[1113] Herodot. iv. 76-80.

[1114] Strabo, vii. p. 302: Skymnus Chius, v. 112, who usually follows Ephorus.

The rhetor Dion tells us (Orat. xxxvi. init.) that he went to Olbia in order that he might go through the Scythians to the GetÆ. This shows that in his time (about A.D. 100) the Scythians must have been between the Bug and Dniester—the GetÆ nearer to the Danube—just as they had been four centuries earlier. But many new hordes were mingled with them.

[1115] Strabo, vii. p. 296-304.

[1116] This Inscription—No. 2058—in Boeckh’s Inscr. GrÆc. part xi. p. 121 seq.—is among the most interesting in that noble collection. It records a vote of public gratitude and honor to a citizen of Olbia named Protogenes, and recites the valuable services which he as well as his father had rendered to the city. It thus describes the numerous situations of difficulty and danger from which he had contributed to extricate them. A vivid picture is presented to us of the distress of the city. The introduction prefixed by Boeckh (p. 86-89) is also very instructive.

Olbia is often spoken of by the name of Borysthenes, which name was given to it by foreigners, but not recognized by the citizens. Nor was it even situated on the Borysthenes river; but on the right or western bank of the Hypanis (Bug) river; not far from the modern Oczakoff.

The date of the above Inscription is not specified, and has been differently determined by various critics. Niebuhr assigns it (Untersuchungen Über die Skythen, etc. in his Kleine Schriften, p. 387) to a time near the close of the second Punic war. Boeckh also believes that it is not much after that epoch. The terror inspired by the Gauls, even to other barbarians, appears to suit the second century B.C. better than it suits a later period.

The Inscription No. 2059 attests the great number of strangers resident at Olbia; strangers from eighteen different cities, of which the most remote is Miletus, the mother-city of Olbia.

[1117] On one occasion, we know not when, the citizens of Olbia are said to have been attacked by one Zopyrion, and to have succeeded in resisting him only by emancipating their slaves, and granting the citizenship to foreigners (Macrobius, Saturnal. i. 11).

[1118] Dion Chrys. (Or. xxxvi. p. 75), ?e? ?? p??ee?ta?, p??????? d? ?a? ?????e, etc.

[1119] Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.) p. 75, 76, Reisk.

[1120] See Boeckh’s Commentary on the language and personal names of the Olbian Inscriptions, part xi. p. 108-116.

[1121] Dion, Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.), p. 78, Reiske. ... ?a? t???a ?? ????t? saf?? ?????????te?, d?? t? ?? ?s??? ???e?? t??? a??????, ??? t?? ?e ????da ?????? p??te? ?sas?? ?p? st?at??. I translate the words ?????? p??te? with some allowance for rhetoric.

The representation given by Dion of the youthful citizen of Olbia—Kallistratus—with whom he conversed, is curious as a picture of Greek manners in this remote land; a youth of eighteen years of age, with genuine Ionic features, and conspicuous for his beauty (e??e p?????? ??ast??) a zealot for literature and philosophy, but especially for Homer; clothed in the costume of the place, suited for riding—the long leather trowsers, and short black cloak; constantly on horseback for defence of the town, and celebrated as a warrior even at that early age, having already killed or made prisoners several Sarmatians (p. 77).

[1123] Strabo, vii. p. 310.

[1124] Diodor. xii. 31.

[1125] See Mr. Clinton’s Appendix on the Kings of Bosporus—Fast. Hellen. App. c. 13. p. 280. etc.; and Boeckh’s Commentary on the same subject, Inscript. GrÆc. part xi. p. 91 seq.

[1126] Polybius (iv. 38) enumerates the principal articles of this Pontic trade; among the exports t? te d??ata ?a? t? t?? e?? t?? d???e?a? ??????? s??t?? p?????, etc., where SchweighÄuser has altered d??ata to ???ata seemingly on the authority of one MS. only. I doubt the propriety of this change, as well as the facts of any large exportation of live cattle from the Pontus; whereas the exportation of hides was considerable: see Strabo, xi. p. 493.

The Scythian public slaves or policemen of Athens are well known. S???a??a also is the name of a female slave (Aristoph. Lysistr. 184). S?????, for the name of a slave, occurs as early as Theognis, v. 826.

Some of the salted preparations from the Pontus were extravagantly dear; Cato complained of a ?e????? ???t???? ta????? as sold for 300 drachmÆ (Polyb. xxxi. 24).

[1127] Harpokration and Photius, v. ??fa???—from the ??f?sata collected by Kraterus. Compare Boeckh, in the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p. 658.

[1128] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 78. c. 57. See my last preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxvii. p. 263.

[1129] Lysias, pro Mantitheo, Or. xvi. s. 4; Isokrates (Trapezitic.), Or. xvii. s. 5. The young man, whose case Isokrates sets forth, was sent to Athens by his father SopÆus, a rich Pontic Greek (s. 52) much in the confidence of Satyrus. SopÆus furnished his son with two ship-loads of corn, and with money besides—and then despatched him to Athens ?a ?at? ?p???a? ?a? ?at? ?e???a?.

[1130] Isokrates, Trapez. s. 5, 6. SopÆus, father of this pleader, had incurred the suspicions of Satyrus in the Pontus, and had been arrested; upon which Satyrus sends to Athens to seize the property of the son, to order him home,—and if he refused, then to require the Athenians to deliver him up—?p?st???e? d? t??? ????de ?p?d???s?? ?? t?? ???t?? t? te ???ata pa?? ??? ???sas?a?, etc.

[1131] Isokrates, Trapezit. s. 71. Demosthenes also recognizes favors from Satyrus—?a? a?t?? (Leukon) ?a? ?? p???????, etc. (adv. Leptin. p. 467).

[1132] Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 467.

[1133] Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 469.

[1134] Demosth. adv. Phormion., p. 917; Deinarchus adv. Demosth., p. 34. The name stands Berisades as printed in the oration; but it is plain that Parisades is the person designated. See Boeckh, Introd. ad Inscr. No. 2056, p. 92.

Deinarchus avers, that Demosthenes received an annual present of 1000 modii of corn from Bosporus.

[1135] Demosthen. adv. Dionysodor. p. 1285.

[1136] Strabo, vii. p. 310, 311.

[1137] See Inscript. Nos. 2117, 2118, 2119, in Boeckh’s Collection, p. 156.

In the Memorabilia of Xenophon (ii. 1, 10). Sokrates cites the Scythians as an example of ruling people, and the MÆotÆ as an example of subjects. Probably this refers to the position of the Bosporanic Greeks, who paid tribute to the Scythians, but ruled over the MÆotÆ. The name MÆotÆ seems confined to tribes on the Asiatic side of the Palus MÆotis; while the Scythians were on the European side of that sea. Sokrates and the Athenians had good means of being informed about the situation of the Bosporani and their neighbors on both sides. See K. Neumann, die Hellenen im Skythenlande, b. ii. p. 216.

[1138] This boundary is attested in another Inscription No. 2104, of the same collection. Inscription No. 2103, seems to indicate Arcadian mercenaries in the service of Leukon: about the mercenaries, see Diodor. xx. 22.

Parisades I. is said to have been worshipped as a god, after his death (Strabo, vii. p. 310).

[1139] Diodor. xx. 24 The scene of these military operations (as far as we can pretend to make it out from the brief and superficial narrative of Diodorus), seems to have been on the European side of Bosporus; somewhere between the Borysthenes river and the Isthmus of Perekop, in the territory called by Herodotus HylÆa. This is Niebuhr’s opinion, which I think more probable than that of Boeckh, who supposes the operations to have occurred on the Asiatic territory of Bosporus. So far I concur with Niebuhr; but his reasons for placing DromichÆtes king of the GetÆ (the victor over Lysimachus), east of the Borysthenes, are noway satisfactory.

Compare Niebuhr’s Untersuchungen Über die Skythen, etc. (in his Kleine Schriften, p. 380). with Boeckh’s Commentary on the Sarmatian Inscriptions, Corp. Ins. GrÆc. part xi. p. 83-103.

The mention by Diodorus of a wooden fortress, surrounded by morass and forest, is curious, and may be illustrated by the description in Herodotus (iv. 108) of the city of the Budini. This habit of building towns and fortifications of wood, prevailed among the Slavonic population in Russia and Poland until far down in the middle ages. See Paul Joseph Schaffarik, Slavische AlterhÜmer, in the German translation of Wuttke, vol. i. ch. 10 p. 192; also K. Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 91.

[1140] Diodor. xx. 24.

[1141] Diodor. xx. 25.

[1142] Diodor. xx. 100. Spartokus IV.—son of Eumelus—is recognized in one Attic Inscription (No. 107), and various Bosporanic (No. 2105, 2106, 2120) in Boeckh’s Collection. Parisades II.—son of Spartokus—is recognized in another Bosporanic Inscription, No. 2107—seemingly also in No. 2120 b.

[1143] Strabo, vii. p. 310. Deinarchus however calls Parisades, Satyrus, and Gorgippus, t??? ????st??? t??a????? (adv. Demosth. s. 44).

[1144] Strabo, vii. p. 310. ??? ???? te ?? ??t??e?? p??? t??? a??????, f???? p?att?????? e??? t?? p??te???, etc.

[1145] Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 503.

[1146] An account of the recent discoveries near Kertch or PantikapÆum, will be found in Dubois de MontpÉreux, Voyage dans le Caucase, vol. v. p. 135 seqq.; and in Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, pp. 483-533. The last-mentioned work is peculiarly copious and instructive; relating what has been done since Dubois’s travels, and containing abundant information derived from the recent memoirs of the St. Petersburg Literary Societies.

The local and special type, which shows itself so much on these works of art, justifies the inference that they were not brought from other Grecian cities, but executed by Grecian artists resident at PantikapÆum (p. 507). Two marble statues, a man and a woman, both larger than life, exhumed in 1850, are spoken of with peculiar admiration (p. 491). Coins of the third and fourth century B.C. have been found in several (p. 494, 495). A great number of the so-called Etruscan vases have also been discovered, probably fabricated from a species of clay still existing in the neighborhood: the figures on these vases are often excellent, with designs and scenes of every description, religious, festal, warlike, domestic (p. 522). Many of the sarcophagi are richly ornamented with carvings, in wood, ivory, etc; some admirably executed (p. 521).

Unfortunately, the belief prevails, and has long prevailed, among the neighboring population, that these tumuli contain hidden treasures. One of the most striking among them—called the Kul-Obo—was opened in 1830 by the Russian authorities. After great pains and trouble, the means of entrance were discovered, and the interior chamber was reached. It was the richest that had ever been opened; being found to contain some splendid golden ornaments, as well as many other relics. The Russian officers placed a guard to prevent any one from entering it; but the cupidity of the population of Kertch was so inflamed by the report of the expected treasure being discovered, that they forced the guard, broke into the interior, and pillaged most of the contents (p. 509). The Russian authorities have been generally anxious for the preservation and gradual excavation of these monuments, but have had to contend against repugnance and even rapacity on the part of the people near.

Dubois de MontpÉreux gives an interesting description of the opening of these tumuli near Kertch—especially of the Kul-Obo, the richest of all, which he conceives to have belonged to one of the Spartokid kings, and the decorations of which were the product of Hellenic art:—

“Si l’on a enterrÉ (he observes) un roi entourÉ d’un luxe Scythique, ce sont des GrÆcs et des artistes de cette nation qui ont travaillÉ À ses funerailles” (Voyage autour du Caucase, pp. 195, 213, 227). PantikapÆum and Phanagoria (he says) “se reconnoissent de loin À la foule de leurs tumulus” (p. 137).

[1147] How marked that degradation was, may be seen attested by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, De Antiquis Oratoribus, pp. 445, 446, Reiske—?? ??? d? t??? p?? ??? ??????? ? ?? ???a?a ?a? f???s?f?? ??t????? p??p??a??????? ?a? de???? ??e?? ?p?????sa ?ate??et?, ???a??? ?? ?p? t?? ??e???d??? t?? ?a?ed???? te?e?t?? ??p?e?? ?a? a?a??es?a? ?at? ??????, ?p? d? t?? ?a?? ??? ?????a? ????? de?sasa e?? t???? ?fa??s?a?. Compare Dionys. De Composit. Verbor. p. 29, 30, Reisk.; and Westermann, Geschichte der Griechischen Beredtsamkeit, s. 75-77.

[1148] Hom. Iliad, vi. 97.

[1149] Hom. Odyss. xvii. 322.—