The meeting at Champoeg.—Tactics of the Jesuit party.—Counter-tactics of the Americans.—A division and its result.—Public record.—Opposition to clergymen as legislators.—Mr. Hines as an historian.—His errors.—Importance of Mr. Hines’ history.—Extract.—Difficulty among the Indians.—Cause of the difficulty.

The 2d of May, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organize a settlers’ government, was close at hand. The Indians had all learned that the “Bostons” were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the English and French were going to meet with them, to oppose what the “Bostons” were going to do. The Hudson’s Bay Company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the Rev. F. N. Blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of every American present, trained to vote “No” to every motion put; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted “Yes,” it was “No.” Le Breton had informed the committee, and the Americans generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instructions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. The priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, “considerable confusion was existing in consequence.” By this time we had counted votes. Says Le Breton, “We can risk it; let us divide and count.” “I second that motion,” says Gray. “Who’s for a divide?” sang out old Joe Meek, as he stepped out; “all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me.” This was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know what to do, but every American was soon in line. Le Breton and Gray passed the line and counted fifty-two Americans, and but fifty French and Hudson’s Bay Company men. They announced the count—“fifty-two for, and fifty against.” “Three cheers for our side,” sang out old Joe Meek. Not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout for liberty. They were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, Judge I. L. Babcock, called the meeting to order, when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left.

The minutes of the meeting are as follows:—

“At a public meeting of the inhabitants of the Wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, Dr. I. L. Babcock was chosen Chairman, and Messrs. Gray, Le Breton, and Wilson, secretaries.

“The committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost.

“Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by Mr. Le Breton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the meeting divide, preparatory to being counted; those in favor of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew.

“It was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article.

“A motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with probate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community.

“Moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that three constables be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this community, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance.

“A motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot.

“A. E. Wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; G. W. Le Breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder; J. L. Meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; W. H. Wilson was chosen treasurer.

“Moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor.

“Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O’Neil, Moore, and Dougherty, were chosen to act as Legislative Committee; Messrs. Burns, Judson, and A. B. Smith were chosen to act as magistrates; Messrs. Ebbets, Bridgers, and Lewis, were chosen to act as constables; Mr. John Howard was chosen major; Messrs. Wm. McCarty, C. McRoy, and S. Smith were chosen captains.

“Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee make their report on the 5th day of July next, at Champoeg.

“Moved and carried, that the services of the Legislative Committee be paid for at $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscription.

“Moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen.

“Moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen.

“Mr. Compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. Mr. Matthew was chosen as an additional constable.

“Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee shall not sit over six days.

“The meeting was then adjourned.

“The question having arisen with regard to what time the newly-appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting.

“Attest,
“G. W. Le Breton.”

It will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of the members of the Legislative Committee, Rev. J. S. Griffin was named as one of the committee. I am not positive that Mr. Griffin was present, but I remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the settlers. It was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous community; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. Besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. This request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our effort. In placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. Mr. Griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the Rev. Mr. Kone, from Clatsop, who, I think, was present.

We will now leave the Legislative Committee to do their business, as per instructions, and see what our very officious Indian agent and his friend, Rev. Mr. Hines, are about.

During the fall of 1842 and winter and spring of 1843, “our plot thickens.” We must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that as soon as Uncle Samuel’s exploring squadron had looked at Oregon a little and Dr. McLaughlin’s good liquors more (when the infirmities of the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity of the Hudson’s Bay Company, they also found it convenient to sanction the opposition to a temporary government for the settlement,—at least, Mr. Hines tells us they opposed it,—and leave the company to continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of opposition to all American settlements in the country. Their Jesuit missions were doing them good service in the interior. Their clerks and interpreters were ready to do their part. The puff-ball of folly and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-Indian agent, had been among the Indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements,—confirmed or made worse by such old liars as Toupin, as in the case of Parker,—that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do as he wished them. All things combined aroused Mr. Hines to the solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our sub-Indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the Indians. I suppose he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of state. He says, page 146: “In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls.” Le Breton returned the next day, and reported that Anderson’s horse was stolen by an Indian,—the same that had stolen one from Mr. Hines two years before. Hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but Anderson, who was a Swede, had not. This transaction, it will be remembered, was on April 17, a month after the organizing committee of twelve had been appointed at Gervais’. White and Hines are in council at Hines’ house. The visit to the interior tribes is before the council. White had been up among the Nez PercÉs and Cayuses in the fall of 1842, and with the aid of McKay (who was the most reliable half-native servant the company ever had), the Indians were induced to form a combination, exactly such a one as Frank Ermatinger, in 1838, told the writer the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to resist the occupancy of the country by the American government. Mr. Hines’ stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of White, and not that of the company. He says, at the bottom of page 142:

“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert.” At the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. Mr. Hines believes that the American settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to Dr. White the opposite policy. He says, page 143, that “the sub-agent adopted a different policy.”

How natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, and to say, on page 142, “Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.” Not the least suspicion of McKay’s instructions and the Hudson’s Bay Company’s arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent was the very man the company was making use of to get their own trained and educated Indian (Ellis) at the head of the Nez PercÉ tribe, to accomplish the object they had in view. Mr. Hines has given us a good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also for the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combinations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism; and here allow me to say, is the reason that Whitman, Harvey Clark, Shortess, Smith, Cornelius Rogers, J. L. Meek, Couch, and fifty others, had no confidence in White or his advisers and friends.

Le Breton acted well his part; the company knew him better than Mr. Hines did; his death was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but the effort moved on. The act of a few Indians, in going to St. Louis in 1832, for religious knowledge, brought Mr. Hines to the country with others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stupidity, bigotry, and superstition.

And although many things have combined to keep them from any pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have saved as the golden gem of our great Republic, will seek to know who it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as were then held by the company, the Jesuit priests, Dr. White, and the Methodist Mission. We now know why our little settlement wept and mourned the death of Rogers, Le Breton, and Whitman, as they were substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. Does a simple slab mark the place of their rest? Their surviving associates are not able to answer in the affirmative.

It will be borne in mind that while Dr. Whitman was on his way to Washington, Dr. White and Thomas McKay visited the Indians in the interior, in October, 1842,—about one month after Dr. Whitman had left for the States. Mr. Spalding was really more stupid than Mr. Hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any object. His courage was strong in ignorance of danger. Mr. Hines had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. Dr. White was shrewd enough to make use of both. Mr. Spalding was taken with Dr. White’s smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, powers, and duties. He was led to believe that White had all the powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to McKay to organize and combine the Indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing it for Dr. White and the American cause.

Messrs. Hines and Spalding were alike in this particular. The reader will not forget that I am speaking of men and their actions, and the influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions upon the Indians and the religious, political, and general interests of the country. Personally, I have no malice against a single man of whom I write; many of them I know are dead, and at the proper time I will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as I now do of their errors. Besides, I hope the children and friends of all of whom I write, will see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, and, as we are told, “try the spirits,” or persons, “to know whether they are good or evil.”

A large portion of the ninth chapter of Mr. Hines’ book is too important in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are giving. The reader will understand the observations we have to make, bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a transaction that occurred four years later. He says:—

“April 14. This settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the Cayuse, Nez PercÉ, and Wallawalla Indians. It appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. Some time in October last, Indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the ‘Boston’ people, meaning those from the United States. This intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of Indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. On arriving among the Indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, but entered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the Nez PercÉs to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.

“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert. But the sub-agent adopted a different policy. The individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the Nez PercÉs was one Ellis, as he was called by the English, who, having spent several years in the settlement on Red River, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the English language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course. The fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by Ellis with the utmost rigor. Individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. This occasioned suspicions in the minds of the Indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. They saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. The arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the United States, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. That a great excitement existed among the Indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from H. K. W. Perkins, at the Dalles, in which he informed us that the Wascopum and Wallawalla Indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: That the Indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the Nez PercÉs dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the Indians in the buffalo country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will bring back with him to settle the Nez PercÉ country; that the Indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the ‘Boston’ people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, and leave the rest, but that every one of them must be destroyed. This information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. In the estimation of some, the Indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days’ travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution.”

We have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company, the combining of the Nez PercÉ tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the Americans, and the failure of the sub-Indian agent to get the settlers to adopt his plan for protecting the settlement against the Indians. We will now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and cutting-up policy among the Indians.

The reader is requested to observe Mr. Hines’ description of Ellis, Dr. White’s Indian chief. It was this same Indian that drove the Rev. A. B. Smith in 1840 from his land, as stated by old Toupin on 15th page of Brouillet’s history of the Whitman massacre. Up to this time he was not considered an important character by the company, on account of his self-importance and insolence. In this respect he resembled Tawatowe, of the Cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as to get possession of Fort Wallawalla, had tied Mr. P. C. Pambrun, and kept him tied till he agreed to give the Indians better prices for their horses and furs. As soon as they had liberated him, Mr. Pambrun made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced them to leave the fort. He sent at once to Vancouver and increased the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them up and broke their power as principal chiefs.

While the American fur trader, Captain Wyeth, was in the country, the company had increased their tariff, and paid the Indians more for their horses and furs, but as soon as he had been driven from the country, they reduced it to their own prices. The Indians did not understand why the company gave them so much less than the Americans, or Bostons, did for the same things.

The principal chiefs of the Nez PercÉs and Cayuses were together in the attempt to get better pay for the property they sold to the company, whose policy was to keep all the principal men down, and divide their power and influence, and prevent any large combinations among the tribes,—thus making it easy to control them. This statement of facts and policy I had from Mr. Pambrun and Mr. Ermatinger, both of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

Mr. Hines, on page 143, in speaking about the laws adopted by the Indians, seems altogether to ignore the fact that a desperate effort was then being made by the Hudson’s Bay Company, as the conduct of the Indians plainly indicated, to drive all Americans from the country. The unreasonable punishments inflicted, and all other odious inferences, were the legitimate instruments to accomplish a specific object. The same was the case in the inferences drawn about Dr. Whitman’s visit to the States. While Governor Simpson sends on his Red River settlers, and goes to Washington to secure the country to the British crown, Dr. Whitman and his mission become the special objects of misrepresentation and hate among the Indians. His mill and all his grain are burned, while a large immigration of British subjects and the Jesuit missionaries are received with open arms. Dr. Whitman and the American settlement must be stopped at all hazards. An Indian is sent on snow-shoes to the Buffalo Indians east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that is expected with Dr. Whitman.

The American government, according to Dr. White, is about to take possession of the country, and had sent him out as its first governor. He, to conciliate the Indians, adopts all the suggestions of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and succeeds to his entire satisfaction, with the aid of Mr. McKay. While he can do nothing to unite the settlers for their own defense, the divide-and-weaken policy of the company is changed from Indians to the American settlers. White and Hines are equally useful to the company in doing the one, as they had been successful in the other. That the transaction related by Mr. Hines on his 145th page, under date of April 17, may be better understood, we will, in the next chapter, give a copy of the petition referred to. This document is mostly the work of Robert Shortess, and was signed by nearly every American in the country who had an opportunity.