Dr. E. White’s letter to the Secretary of War.—Excitement among the Indians.—Visit to Nez PercÉs, Cayuses, and Wallawallas.—Destitution and degradation of the Coast Indians.—Dr. White eulogizes Governor McLaughlin and the Hudson’s Bay Company.—Schools and missions.—Mr. Jesse Applegate.—Dr. White’s second letter.—Letters of Peter H. Hatch and W. H. Wilson.—Seizure of a distillery.—Search for liquor.—Letter of James D. Saules.—Fight with Indians.—Death of Cockstock.—Description and character of him.—The Molallos and Klamaths.—Agreement with the Dalles Indians.—Presents to Cockstock’s widow.—Dr. White’s third letter.—Letter of Rev. G. Hines to Dr. White.—Letter of W. Medill.

Wallamet Valley, Oregon,
November 15, 1843.

Honored Sir,—Since my arrival, I have had the honor of addressing you some three or four communications, the last of which left early in April, conveyed by the Hudson’s Bay Company’s express over the Rocky Mountains, via Canada, which I hope and judge was duly received.

Immediately after this, I received several communications from missionaries of the interior, some from the Methodists and others from those sent out by the American Board, representing the Indians of the interior as in a state of great excitement, and under much apprehension from the circumstance that such numbers of whites were coming in, as they were informed, to take possession of their lands and country. The excitement soon became general, both among whites and Indians, in this lower as well upper district; and such were the constantly floating groundless reports, that much uneasiness was felt, and some of our citizens were under such a state of apprehension as to abandon their houses, and place themselves more immediately within the precincts of the colony. As in all such cases, a variety of opinions was entertained and expressed,—some pleading for me, at the expense of the general government, to throw up a strong fortification in the center of the colony, and furnish the settlers with guns and ammunition, so that we might be prepared for extremities. Others thought it more advisable for me to go at once with an armed force of considerable strength to the heart and center of the conspiracy, as it was represented, and if words would not answer, make powder and balls do it. A third party entertained other views, and few were really agreed on any one measure.

As may be imagined, I felt the awkwardness of my position; but, without stopping to consult an agitated populace, selected a sensible clergyman and a single attendant, with my interpreter, and so managed as to throw myself immediately into their midst unobserved. The measure had the desired effect,—though, as in my report I will more fully inform you, it had like to have cost me my life.

The Indians flocked around me, and inquired after my party, and could not be persuaded for some time, but that I had a large party concealed somewhere near, and only waited to get them convened, to open a fire upon and cut them all off at a blow. On convincing them of my defenseless condition and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions, having learned I was soon to visit them with a large armed party, with hostile intentions, and I actually found them suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the Indians; each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last, though, fortunately, some three or four hundred miles apart.[8]

The day following, we left these Wallawallas and Cayuses, to pay a visit to the Nez PercÉs, promising to call on our return, and enter into a treaty of amity, if we could agree on the terms, and wished them to give general notice to all concerned of both tribes.

In two days we were at Mr. Spalding’s station. The Nez PercÉs came together in greater numbers than on any former occasion for years, and all the circumstances combining to favor it, received us most cordially. Their improvement during the winter in reading, writing, etc., was considerable, and the enlargement of their plantations, with the increased variety and quantities of the various kinds of grains and products now vigorously shooting forth, connected with the better state of cultivation and their universally good fences, were certainly most encouraging.

Spending some three days with this interesting tribe, and their missionaries, in the pleasantest manner, they accepted my invitation to visit with me the Cayuses and Wallawallas, and assist by their influence to bring them into the same regulation they had previously adopted, and with which all were so well pleased.

Mr. Spalding, and Ellis, the high chief, with every other chief and brave of importance, and some four or five hundred of the men and their women, accompanied us to Wailatpu, Doctor Whitman’s station, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, where we met the Cayuses and Wallawallas in mass, and spent some five or six days in getting matters adjusted and principles settled, so as to receive the Cayuses into the civil compact; which being done, and the high chief elected, much to the satisfaction of both whites and Indians, I ordered two fat oxen to be killed, and wheat, salt, etc., distributed accordingly.——

This was the first feast at which the Indian women of this country were ever permitted to be present, but probably will not be the last; for, after some explanation of my reasons, the chiefs were highly pleased with it; and I believe more was done at that feast to elevate and bring forward their poor oppressed women than could have been done in years by private instruction.

The feast broke up in the happiest manner, after Five Crows, the Cayuse chief, Ellis, and the old war chief of whom I made particular mention in my last report as being so well acquainted with Clarke and a few others, had made their speeches, and we had smoked the pipe of peace, which was done by all in great good humor.

From this we proceeded to the Dalles on the Columbia River, where I spent two months in instructing the Indians of different tribes, who either came in mass, or sent embassadors to treat with me, or, as they denominate it, take my laws, which are thus far found to operate well, giving them greater security among themselves, and helping much to regulate their intercourse with the whites. Being exceedingly anxious to bring about an improvement and reformation among this people, I begged money and procured articles of clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women, for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; enlisted the cheerful co-operation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses; and had the happiness to see some twenty of these neatly clad at divine service, and a somewhat large number out in the happiest mood to a feast I ordered them, at which the mission ladies and gentlemen were present.

During these two months I labored hard, visiting many of their sick daily; and by the most prompt and kind attention, and sympathizing with them in their affliction, encouraging the industrious and virtuous, and frowning in language and looks upon the vicious, I am satisfied good was done. They gave evidence of attachment; and my influence was manifestly increased, as well as the laws more thoroughly understood, by reason of my remaining so long among them.

During my up-country excursion, the whites of the colony convened, and formed a code of laws to regulate intercourse between themselves during the absence of law from our mother country, adopting in almost all respects the Iowa code. In this I was consulted, and encouraged the measure, as it was so manifestly necessary for the collection of debts, securing rights in claims, and the regulation of general intercourse among the whites.

Thus far, these laws have been of some force and importance, answering well in cases of trespass and the collection of debts; but it is doubtful how they would succeed in criminal affairs, especially if there should happen to be a division of sentiment in the public mind.

The Indians of this lower country, as was to be expected, give considerable trouble, and are most vexatious subjects to deal with. In mind, the weakest and most depraved of their race, and physically, thoroughly contaminated with the scrofula and a still more loathsome disease entailed by the whites; robbed of their game and former means of covering; lost to the use of the bow and arrow; laughed at, scoffed, and contemned by the whites, and a hiss and by-word to the surrounding tribes, they are too dejected and depressed to feel the least pleasure in their former amusements, and wander about seeking generally a scanty pittance by begging and pilfering, but the more ambitious and desperate among them stealing, and in some instances plundering on a large scale. Were it not that greater forbearance is exercised toward them than whites generally exercise, bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion would reign predominant among us. But thus far, it is but just to say, the Indians have been, in almost every instance, the aggressors; and though none of us now apprehend an Indian war or invasion, it appears to me morally impossible that general quiet can long be secure, unless government takes almost immediate measures to relieve the anxieties and better the condition of these poor savages and other Indians of this country. I am doing what I can, and by reason of my profession, with lending them all the assistance possible in sickness, and sympathizing with them in their numerous afflictions, and occasionally feeding, feasting, and giving them little tokens of kind regard, have as yet considerable influence over them, but have to punish some, and occasion the chiefs to punish more, which creates me enemies, and must eventuate in lessening my influence among them, unless the means are put in my hands to sustain and encourage the chiefs and well-disposed among them. Good words, kind looks, and medicine have some power; but, honored and very dear sir, you and I know they do not tell with Indians like blankets and present articles, to meet their tastes, wants, and necessities. Sir, I know how deeply anxious you are to benefit and save what can be of the withering Indian tribes, in which God knows how fully and heartily I am with you, and earnestly pray you, and through you our general government, to take immediate measures to satisfy the minds, and, so far as possible, render to these Indians an equivalent for their once numerous herds of deer, elk, buffalo, beaver, and otter, nearly as tame as our domestic animals, previously to the whites and their fire-arms coming among them, and of which they are now stripped, and for which they suffer. But, if nothing can be done for them upon this score, pray save them from being forcibly ejected from the lands and graves of their fathers, of which they begin to entertain serious fears. Many are becoming considerably enlightened on the subject of the white man’s policy, and begin to quake in view of their future doom; and come to me from time to time, anxiously inquiring what they are to receive for such a one coming and cutting off all their most valuable timber, and floating it to the falls of the Wallamet, and getting large sums for it; some praying the removal of licentious whites from among them; others requiring pay for their old homestead, or a removal of the intruders. So, sir, you see already I have my hands, head, and heart full; and if as yet I have succeeded in giving satisfaction,—as many hundreds that neither know nor care for me, nor regard in the least the rights of the Indians, are now flocking in,—something more must be done, and that speedily, or a storm ensues.

I remove all licentious offenders from among them, especially if located at a distance from the colony, and encourage the community to keep within reasonable bounds, and settle as compactly as the general interest and duty to themselves will admit.

The large immigrating party have now arrived, most of them with their herds, having left the wagons at Wallawalla and the Dalles, which they intend to bring by land or water to the Wallamet in the spring. Whether they succeed in getting them through by land the last sixty miles is doubtful, the road not having been as yet well explored. They are greatly pleased with the country and its prospects. Mr. Applegate, who has been so much in government employ, and surveyed such portions of Missouri, says of this valley, it is a country of the greatest beauty and the finest soil he has seen.

The settlers are actively and vigorously employed, and the colony in a most prosperous state, crops of every kind having been unusually good this season. The little unhappy difference between the American settlers and the Hudson’s Bay Company, arising from the last spring’s petition to our government, has been healed, and we have general quiet,—both parties conducting themselves very properly toward each other at present. And here allow me to say, the seasonable services in which hundreds of dollars were gratuitously expended in assisting such numbers of our poor emigrant citizens down the Columbia to the Wallamet, entitle Governor McLaughlin, saying nothing of his previous fatherly and fostering care of this colony, to the honorable consideration of the members of our government. And I hope, as he is desirous to settle with his family in this country, and has made a claim at the falls of the Wallamet, his claim will be honored in such a manner as to make him conscious that we, as a nation, are not insensible to his numerous acts of benevolence and hospitality toward our countrymen. Sir, in the midst of slander, envy, jealousy, and, in too many instances, of the blackest ingratitude, his unceasing, never-tiring hospitality affects me, and makes him appear in a widely different light than too many would have him and his worthy associates appear before the world.

The last year’s report, in which was incorporated Mr. Linn’s Oregon speech and Captain Spalding’s statements of hundreds of unoffending Indians being shot down annually by men under his control, afflicts the gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and is utterly without foundation,—no company or gentlemen ever having conducted themselves more judiciously among Indians than they uniformly have done in this country; and I am of the governor’s opinion, who declares, openly, there have not been ten Indians killed by whites in this whole region west of Fort Hall, for the last twenty years, nor do I know of that number, and two of those were killed by our citizens. What were destroyed by the Hudson’s Bay Company suffered for willful murder, none pretending a doubt of the propriety of the course adopted.[9]

There are now four schools kept in the colony, of which I shall speak more fully in my annual report: one at the Tualatin Plains, under the direction and auspices of the Rev. Mr. Clark, a self-supporting missionary; a second (French and English) school is in successful operation by Mr. Blanchet, Roman Catholic missionary to this colony; a third is well sustained by the citizens, and kept at the falls of the Wallamet; a fourth (boarding and manual labor) sustained by the Methodist Board of Missions, for the benefit of Indian youth, of which Mr. Lee will speak particularly. The location is healthy, eligible, and beautiful, and the noble edifice does honor to the benevolent cause and agents that founded it. And while here, allow me to say, Mr. Jesse Applegate, from Missouri, is now surveying the mission claim, a plat of which will be presented to the consideration of the members of our government, for acceptance or otherwise, of which I have but little to say, as I entertain no doubt but Mr. Lee’s representation will be most faithful. Should the ground of his claim be predicated upon the much effected for the benefit of the Indians, I am not with him; for, with all that has been expended, without doubting the correctness of the intention, it is most manifest to every observer that the Indians of this lower country, as a whole, have been very little benefited. They were too far gone with scrofula and venereal. But should he insist, as a reason of his claim, the benefit arising to the colony and country, I am with him heartily; and notwithstanding the claim is a valuable one, this country has been increased more by the mission operations than twice its amount in finance; besides, much has been done in advancing civilization, temperance, literature, and good morals, saying nothing of the evils that must have arisen in this lawless country in the absence of all moral restraint. Mr. Lee was among the first pioneers to this distant land, has struggled in its cares, toils, and trials, has risen with its rise; and it is but just to say, he and his associates are exerting a considerable and most salutary influence all abroad among us. I hope his reception will be such that he will return from Washington cheered and encouraged to pursue his benevolent operations in this country. The Catholic and the different Protestant missions have been prosperous during the last year, and are as generally acceptable to the whites as could, from their different pursuits, have been expected.——

Great expectations are entertained, from the fact that Mr. Linn’s bill has passed the Senate; and as it has been so long before the public, and favorably entertained at Washington, should it at last fail of passing the Lower House, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have been induced to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open rebellion; whereas, should it pass into a law, it will be regarded as most liberal and handsome, and will be appreciated by most, if not all, in Oregon.

As to the claim for the Oregon Institute, I need say nothing, having said enough in my last report; but, as that may have failed in reaching, I would just remark, that the location is a healthy one, and the site fine, with prospect charmingly varied, extensive, and beautiful.

I leave this subject with Mr. Lee and the members of our liberal government, not doubting but that all will be done for this Institute, and otherwise, that can be, and as soon as practicable, to lay deep and broad the foundation of science and literature in this Country.——

Respectfully yours,
Elijah White,
Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.

Hon. J. M. Porter,
Secretary of War.

---

Wallamet, March 18, 1844.

Sir,—On the evening of the 1st February, the two following letters came to me, finding me in the upper settlement of the Wallamet, distance forty miles:—

“Wallamet Falls, January 29, 1844.

“Dear Sir,—The undersigned would take this occasion to inform you that there have been of late in this place some few cases of intoxication from the effects of ardent spirits. It is currently reported that it is distilled in this place, and the undersigned have good reason to credit such reports. While, therefore, the undersigned will not trouble you, sir, with a detailed exposition of the facts, they must be permitted to express their deliberate conviction that that which has inflicted so much injury upon the morals, the peace, and the happiness of the world, ought not to be permitted to be manufactured in this country under any circumstances. And your attention is respectfully invited to this subject.

“We have the honor to be, dear sir,
“Peter H. Hatch, President.
“A. L. Lovejoy, Vice-President.
“A. F. Waller, Secretary.

“Dr. E. White,
“Sub-Agent for Indian Affairs, Oregon Territory.”

“Wallamet Falls, January 26, 1844.

“Dear Sir,—I do not know but you have been written to already on the subject which is the cause of no inconsiderable excitement at this place, viz., the manufacture and use of that most degrading, withering, and damning of all the curses that have ever visited our race since the fall of Adam. As much as we regret it, deplore it, and anathematize the men who make it, it is nevertheless made, and men, or rather biped brutes, get drunk. Now, we believe if there is any thing that calls your attention in your official capacity, or any thing in which you would be most cordially supported by the good sense and prompt action of the better part of the community, it is the present case. We do not wish to dictate, but hope for the best, begging pardon for intrusions.

“I am, dear sir, yours truly,
“W. H. Wilson.

“Elijah White, Esq.,
“Sub-Agent Oregon Territory.”

I accordingly left at sunrise on the following morning, and reached the falls at sunset. Without delay, I secured the criminal and his distillery, broke his apparatus, and buried it in the Wallamet River. I put the aggressor under bonds, in the strongest penalty the nature of the case would admit,—$300,—few being willing to be his bondsmen even for this amount.

Mr. Pettygrove, a merchant, of good habits and character, being accused of keeping and selling wine and brandy, I searched, and found, as he had acknowledged, half a gallon of brandy and part of a barrel of port wine, which has been used, and occasionally parted with, only for medicinal purposes; and, to avoid all appearance of partiality, I required the delivery of the brandy and wine on the delivery of the inclosed bond, which was most cheerfully and cordially given,—amount $1,000. I searched every suspicious place thoroughly, aided by the citizens, but found no ardent spirits or wine in the colony. Since this period, no attempts have been made to make, introduce, or vend liquors; and the great majority of the colonists come warmly to my support in this matter, proffering their aid to keep this bane from our community.

On the evening of February 20, I received the following communication, accompanied by corroboratory statements from Mr. Foster, of Oregon City:—

“Wallamet Falls, February 16, 1844.

“Sir,—I beg leave to inform you that there is an Indian about this place, of the name of Cockstock, who is in the habit of making continual threats against the settlers in this neighborhood, and who has also murdered several Indians lately. He has conducted himself lately in so outrageous a manner, that Mr. Winslow Anderson has considered himself in personal danger, and on that account has left his place, and come to reside at the falls of the Wallamet; and were I in circumstances that I could possibly remove from my place, I would certainly remove also, but am so situated that it is not possible for me to do so. I beg, therefore, that you, sir, will take into consideration the propriety of ridding the country of a villain, against the depredations of whom none can be safe, as it is impossible to guard against the lurking attacks of the midnight murderer. I have, therefore, taken the liberty of informing you that I shall be in expectation of a decided answer from you on or before the 10th of March next; after that date, I shall consider myself justified in acting as I shall see fit, on any repetition of the threats made by the before-mentioned Indian or his party.

“I am, etc., with respect,
“James D. Saules.

“Dr. E. White, Superintendent, etc.”

As I well knew all the individuals concerned, I resolved to repair immediately to the spot, and, if possible, secure the Indian without bloodshed, as he was connected with some of the most formidable tribes in this part of the Territory, though a very dangerous and violent character. Accordingly I started, and reaching the falls on the following evening, collected a party to repair to the spot and secure him while asleep, knowing that he would not submit to be taken a prisoner without resistance. The evening was stormy, and the distance some eight miles, through thick wood and fallen timber, with two bad streams to cross. Being on foot, my party declined the attempt till morning,—a circumstance I much regretted; yet, having no military force, I was compelled to yield. In the morning I headed the party of ten men to take this Indian, who had only five adherents, in hopes to surprise and secure him without fighting,—enjoining my men, from many considerations, not to fire unless ordered to do so in self-defense. Unfortunately, two horses had just been stolen and a house plundered, and the Indians absconded, leaving no doubt on our minds of their being the thieves, as, after tracking them two or three miles into the forest, they had split off in such a manner as to elude pursuit, and we were forced to return to town unsuccessful, as further pursuit was little more rational than chasing an eagle amidst the mountains. Cockstock had sworn vengeance against several of my party, and they thirsted for his blood. Having no other means of securing him, I offered $100 reward to any who would deliver him safely into my hands, as I wished to convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the Nez PercÉs and Cayuses, not doubting that they would feel honored in inflicting a just sentence upon him, and the colony thereby be saved from an Indian war, so much to be dreaded in our present weak and defenseless condition.

Some six days subsequent, Cockstock and his party, six in all, came into town at midday, rode from house to house, showing his loaded pistols, and not allowing any one, by artifice or flattery, to get them out of his bosom or hand. He and his party were horridly painted, and rode about the town, setting, as the citizens, and especially his enemies, construed it, the whole town at defiance. The citizens endured it for several hours, but with great impatience, when at length he crossed the river, and entered the Indian village opposite, and, as the chief states, labored for some time to induce them to join him and burn down the town that night, destroying as many of the whites as possible. Failing in this (if serious or correct in statement, which is much doubted by some, as the chief and whole Indian village were inimical to him, and doubtless wished, as he was a “brave,” to make the whites the instrument of his destruction), he obtained an interpreter, and recrossed the river, as other Indians state, for the purpose of calling the whites to an explanation for pursuing him with hostile intentions. By this time, the excitement had become intense with all classes and both sexes among the whites, and, as was to be expected, they ran in confusion and disorder toward the point where the Indians were landing,—some to take him alive and get the reward; others to shoot him at any risk to themselves, the wealthiest men in town promising to stand by them to the amount of $1,000 each. With these different views, and no concert of action, and many running merely to witness the affray, the Indians were met at the landing, and a firing commenced simultaneously on both sides, each party accusing the other of firing first. In the midst of a hot firing on both sides, Mr. George W. Le Breton, a respectable young man, rushed unarmed upon Cockstock, after the discharge of one or more of his pistols, and received a heavy discharge in the palm of his right hand, lodging one ball in his elbow and another in his arm, two inches above the elbow-joint. A scuffle ensued, in which he fell with the Indian, crying out instantly, “He is killing me with his knife.” At this moment a mulatto man ran up, named Winslow Anderson, and dispatched Cockstock, by mashing his skull with the barrel of his rifle, using it as a soldier would a bayonet. In the mean time the other Indians were firing among the whites in every direction, with guns, pistols, and poisoned arrows, yelling fearfully, and many narrowly escaped. Two men, who were quietly at work near by, were wounded with arrows (Mr. Wilson slightly in the hip, and Mr. Rogers in the muscle of the arm), but neither, as was supposed, dangerously. The five Indians having shot their guns and arrows, retired toward the bluff east of the town, lodged themselves in the rocks, and again commenced firing upon the citizens indiscriminately. Attention was soon directed that way, and fire-arms having been brought, the Indians were soon routed, killing one of their horses, and wounding one of them, thus ending the affray.

Mr. Le Breton (the surgeon being absent from town) was removed immediately to Vancouver, where he received every attention; but the canoe having been ten hours on the passage, the poison had diffused itself all abroad into his system, and proved mortal in less than three days from the moment of the horrid disaster. Mr. Rogers lived but one day longer, though but slightly wounded with an arrow in the muscles of his arm. Mr. Wilson has suffered comparatively little, but is not considered in a safe condition.

This unhappy affray has created a general sensation throughout the colony, and all abroad among the Indians of this lower district. Now, while I am penning these lines, I am completely surrounded by at least seventy armed Indians, just down from the Dalles of the Columbia, many of them the professed relatives of the deceased, on the way to the falls of the Wallamet, to demand an explanation, or, in other words, to extort a present for the loss of their brother.

They appear well affected toward me; remarkably so, though armed to the teeth, and painted horridly. I am every moment expecting my interpreter, when I shall probably learn particulars respecting their intentions. In the mean time, I will give a few particulars respecting this deceased Indian’s previous course, which led to the disaster, showing how much we need authorities and discipline in this country.

As it is said, a negro hired Cockstock for a given time, to be paid in a certain horse. Before the time expired, the negro sold the horse and land claim to another negro, the Indian finishing his time with the purchaser, according to agreement. Learning, however, to his chagrin and mortification, that the horse had changed owners, and believing it a conspiracy against his rights, he resolved to take the horse forcibly; did so, and this led to a year’s contention, many threats, some wounds, and at last to the three deaths, and may possibly lead to all the horrors of savage warfare in our hitherto quiet neighborhood. It was this identical Cockstock that occasioned much of the excitement last spring among the whites of the colony, actually driving several from their homes to the more central parts of the settlement for protection.

I saw and had an interview with the Indians in June following, and settled all differences, to appearances, satisfactorily; but, four months subsequently, having occasioned the authorities constituted among the Indians to flog one of his connections for violently entering the house of the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, seizing his person, and attempting to tie, with a view to flog him, he took fire afresh, and in November last came with a slave to my house, with the avowed object of shooting me down at once; but finding me absent, after a close search in every part of the house, he commenced smashing the windows, lights, sash, and all, of my house and office, with the breech of his gun; and it is but just to say he did his work most effectually, not leaving a sound window in either. He next started hotly in pursuit of my steward, who was most actively retreating, but was soon overtaken and seized by the shoulder; his garment giving way saved the frightened young man from further violence.

I returned late in the evening,—this having occurred at three P. M.,—when the villains were too far away to be overtaken, though I pursued them with the best men of the colony during the whole night, and as long after as we could trace them. This was regarded as a great outrage, and created a strong sensation throughout the community: especially as none knew where to trace it until within a few weeks past. Some four weeks subsequently, fifteen Indians came riding into the neighborhood in open day, painted and well armed. I was the first, with one exception, that observed them, and learned that they were Molallas and Klamaths, and felt confident they were on an errand of mischief, being well informed of their marauding and desperate habits. As this is quite out of their province, the proper homes of the Klamaths being at least three hundred miles to the south, and the Molallas, with whom they intermarry, having their lodges in the Cascade Mountains, a distance of from forty to eighty miles, I resolved at once to turn their visit to account; sent my steward to Chief Caleb’s lodge, where all had arrived, he being a Callapooya, and with his band having previously entered with me into the civil compact, and gave him a cordial invitation to call on me, with the chiefs of his district, in the morning, as I wished to see them and had some interesting and pleasing news to convey to them. The chiefs called in the morning, none, however, appearing so pleased and happy as Caleb. Of this I took no notice, but entered into cheerful conversation with Caleb for a few moments, and then rose up and invited them to walk out and see my plantation and herds.

When we reached the cattle, I, as by accident, or incidentally, asked Caleb if he was prepared to give a feast to his distant friends who had so lately and unexpectedly called upon him. Answering in the negative, I told him to shoot down at once a fat young ox that was passing before us, and, while some were dressing it, others to come to the house and get some flour, peas, salt, etc., and go immediately back and feast his friends, lest they form a very unfavorable opinion of us here. I need not say that the summons was promptly obeyed, and Caleb the happiest man in the world. Now the rigid muscles of the stranger chiefs began to relax; in short, all distrust was soon lost, and, as they were about leaving for Caleb’s camp, they found themselves constrained to inform me that they came over with very different feelings from what they were now leaving us with, and were very glad they had listened to Caleb’s advice, and called upon me. Professing to be very much engaged at the moment, I told them to go and dine, and at evening, or early the following morning, I would come with my friend, Mr. Applegate, and make them a call.

They feasted to the full, and I found them in fine humor, and in a better condition to smoke than fight. After some casual conversation I asked them how they would like to enter into the civil compact; and, while they were discussing the subject, this Indian (Cockstock) came first into my presence, well armed, and appeared cold and distant, though I had no suspicion of his being the character who had so lately broken to pieces the windows in my house and office.

They had no scruples in saying they were entirely willing, and should be pleased on their part to enter upon the same terms, but did not know how it might be regarded by the residue of their respective tribes. They engaged to meet me on the 15th March, with the residue of their people, and use their influence to bring about so desirable an object. The party left the same day, apparently in a cheerful mood, passed over the prairie singing, talking, and laughing merrily. As a part, however, were passing their horses over a difficult stream, the other part fell upon and massacred them in a most shocking manner, this villainous Cockstock acting a conspicuous part in the bloody affray.

I repaired to the spot without delay, as the whites were much excited, and wished to pursue and hang every one of them. I learned there had been unsettled feuds of long standing, and that in like manner, ten months previously, these unfortunate wretches had shot down a fellow-traveler. On conveying this information to the citizens, all I believe were satisfied to stay at home, and remain quiet for the present.

Thus much for this Indian affair, which, my interpreter having arrived, I have settled to-day with the Dalles Indians most satisfactorily. As was to be expected, they wished presents for the death of their brother. I prevailed on all to be seated, and then explained the whole case slowly and clearly to their understanding. I told them we had lost two valuable innocent men, and they but one; and should our people learn that I had given them presents, without their giving me two blankets for one, they must expect nothing but the hottest displeasure from the whites. After much deliberation among themselves, they, with one voice, concluded to leave the whole matter to my discretion.

I at once decided to give the poor Indian widow two blankets, a dress, and handkerchief, believing the moral influence to be better than to make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands. To this proposition they most cheerfully consented, and have now left, having asked for and obtained from me a written certificate, stating that the matter had been amicably adjusted. It is to be hoped that it will here end, though that is by no means certain, as at present there are so many sources of uneasiness and discontent between the parties.

As I said before, I believe it morally impossible for us to remain at peace in Oregon, for any considerable time, without the protection of vigorous civil or military law. For myself, I am most awkwardly situated; so much so, indeed, that I had seriously anticipated leaving this spring; but the late successful contest against the introduction of ardent spirits, in connection with the excitement by reason of the unhappy disaster at the falls of the Wallamet, together with the fact of too many of our people being so extremely excitable on Indian and other affairs relating to the peace and interest of the colony and country, I have concluded to remain for the present, in hopes of being soon in some way relieved. I hope the draft that I have this day drawn in favor of John McLaughlin will be honored, as otherwise I may be thrown at once into the greatest difficulties, having no other house in this country where I can draw such articles as I require for necessary presents to Indians, to defray traveling expenses, etc.

I have the honor to remain, with highest respect, your obedient humble servant,

E. White,
Sub-Agent Indian Affairs.

Hon. J. M. Porter,
Secretary of War.

---

Wallamet, March 22, 1844.

Honored Sir,—The within accounts, as per voucher No. 1, drawn on the Hudson’s Bay House at Vancouver, are in part pay for interpreters and necessary assistants in guarding and conducting me from point to point, in my late unavoidable excursions during the excitement of the fall of 1842 and spring of 1843, and other necessary voyages since, together with the presents in hoes, medicines, and clothes, to enable me to secure and hold a sufficient influence over the aborigines to prevent threatened invasions and serious evils to the colony and country.

Those upon Mr. Abernethy and Mr. A. E. Wilson are for like purposes; drafts upon these houses being my principal means of paying expenses in this country.

As I hire only when requisite, and dismiss at once when no longer necessary, my interpreter’s bills, including clerks and all assistants for the different tribes, do not exceed $300 per annum up to the present time; notwithstanding, at one time, for sixty days, I was under the necessity of hiring two men at the rate of three dollars per day each.

Traveling expenses in 1842, three hundred and eighty dollars ($380). In 1843, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and fifty cents ($396.50). In presents for the two years and two months, two hundred and ninety dollars and seventy-five cents ($290.75); in medicines, hoes, and sundry useful articles, to encourage them and strengthen my influence among them, this being my only way to succeed to any considerable extent. Presents become the more indispensable from the fact of the long-continued and constant liberality of the Hudson’s Bay Company toward the Indians of this country.

Had all remained in as quiet a state as when the colony was small, and no jealousies awakened, most of those small expenses might have been avoided, but, unless a military post be at once established, or more means put into my hands to meet their increasing wants, my expense will be increased, and trouble multiply; but at this moment, were one thousand dollars placed in my hands to lay out judiciously in medicines, hoes, plows, blankets, and men, women, and children’s clothes, to distribute annually, more security would be effected, and good done to the aborigines, than in ten times that amount expended in establishing and keeping up a military post,—such is their desire and thirst after the means to promote civilization.

As this voyaging is most destructive to my wardrobe, saying nothing of the perils and hardships to which it exposes me, shall I be allowed the sum usually allowed military officers, which Esquire Gilpin informs me is ten dollars per each hundred miles? I will place it down and leave it to your honorable consideration, not doubting, sir, but you will do what is proper and right in the premises. I shall charge only for such traveling as was unavoidable in the execution of my official business. With highest respect, I am, dear sir,

Your humble and obedient servant,

Elijah White,
Sub-Agent Indian Affairs, W. R. M.

Hon. J. M. Porter,
Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.

---

Wallamet, Nov. 23, 1843.

My Dear Sir,—As, in the order of Divine Providence, it appears to be my duty to leave this country in a few days to return to the United States, and, as I have had the pleasure of an acquaintance with all the important transactions in which you have been engaged, in your official capacity, since your arrival in this country in the fall of 1842, I consider it a duty which I owe to yourself, to bear my unequivocal testimony in favor of the course which you have generally pursued. Not pretending to understand what properly belongs to the office of an Indian agent, I flatter myself that I am capable of judging in reference to those matters which are calculated to effect the elevation and prosperity of the Indians, and the peace and security of those whites who settle in the Indian country. As I can not speak particularly concerning all your official acts in the country, permit me to refer to one expedition, which I consider to have been the most important of any in which you have been engaged, and in which I had the pleasure of being associated with you. I mean that long and excessively toilsome journey which you performed into the interior of this country early last spring. The causes which prompted you to engage in the enterprise, in my humble opinion, were the most justifiable. The whites in the country had been thrown into a panic by information received from the missionaries in the interior, that the Indians were forming a plan to effect the destruction of the white population. It was everywhere observed that our Indian agent should immediately repair to the infected region, and endeavor to quell the tumult, “for (it was repeatedly remarked) it was better for one man to expose his life than for the whole settlement to suffer.” Without delay the exposure was made. And though life was not taken, yet, in accomplishing the object, you were compelled to pass through much difficulty, excessive labor, and great danger. The plans proposed to quiet the Indians, whom you found in a state of great excitement, were doubtless conceived in wisdom, and produced the desired effect. The expenses incurred were no more than were absolutely necessary. And I doubt not, if the results of the expedition are correctly represented, that our enlightened government will make an appropriation to cover all the expenses which accrued in consequence of the undertaking.

With my most hearty and best wishes for your continued peace and prosperity, permit me to subscribe myself, yours, with feelings of unaltered friendship.

Gustavus Hines,
Missionary of the M. E. Church.

Dr. Elijah White,
Sub-Agent of Indian Affairs west of Rocky Mountains.

---