Governor Simpson and Dr. Whitman in Washington.—Interviews with Daniel Webster and President Tyler.—His cold reception in Boston by the American Board.—Conducts a large emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon.—The “Memorial Half-Century Volume.”—The Oregon mission ignored by the American Board.—Dr. McLaughlin.—His connection with the Hudson’s Bay Company.—Catholic Cayuses’ manner of praying.—Rev. C. Eells.—Letter from A. L. Lovejoy.—Description of Whitman’s and Lovejoy’s winter journey from Oregon to Bent’s Fort on the Arkansas River.

Governor Simpson, of the Hudson’s Bay Company, had reached Washington and been introduced to Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, by the British Minister. All the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the English government, can command, is brought to bear upon the question of the northwestern boundary. The executive of the American republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation.

Just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-visaged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the Department in his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and on his way to Washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. It is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the Rocky Mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the Briton, “that no power could make known to his government the purposes of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they sought.” While they were counting on wealth, power, influence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of himself or of his ridiculous appearance before the great Daniel Webster and the President of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the British government: that their representations of this country were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure the country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the Pacific was practicable; that he had, in 1836, in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to Boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in 1841, been taken to the Wallamet Valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. He asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the American people. Mr. Webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in Maine and the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland.

There was but one other hope in this case. This old off-hand Oregon missionary at once sought an interview with President Tyler. He repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. But that Dr. Whitman (for the reader has already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the President of the United States the only representative of Oregon and all her future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country,—that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him,—can only be attributed to that overruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained.

Mr. Tyler, after listening to the Doctor’s statements with far more candor and interest than Mr. Webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the British minister, then in Washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the American people. He said: “Dr. Whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. An escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country.”

It is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devoted missionary’s reception and treatment, on his arrival in Boston, derogatory to the Board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. Instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expense, and for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from the mission to come to the States. Most of his reverend associates had, as the writer is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to Washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determination to defeat, if possible, the British and Jesuitical designs upon the country; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the Board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors.

His request at Washington to save this richest jewel of our nation from British rule is granted, while the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the Indians and the country from becoming the boast of the Italian Jesuit, and a prey to his degrading superstitions. The Doctor’s mission, with all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swallowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and destroyed that of the Methodist Mission.

Dr. Whitman disposed of his own little private property in the States, and, with the aid of his brother and brother’s son, returned to Missouri, joined the emigration of 1843, and, as he had intimated to President Tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the Hudson’s Bay Company had brought to aid in securing the country to the British crown, proving to the American people and the world, what had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable wagon road to the Pacific Ocean on American soil. His care, influence, aid, and attention to the emigration of 1843, I leave with those who can speak from personal observation. Their gratitude and deep sympathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the country. But influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go unpunished.

The cause in which Dr. Whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a Memorial Volume of the American Board, page 379, a false impression is given to the world, and a whole mission ignored. In this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up “Memorial Half-Century Volume,” justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this Board has ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast Indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as “Rev. Samuel Parker’s exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, under the direction of the Board, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, brought to light no field for a great and successful mission, but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific.” This shows a want of candor and also a disposition to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the Indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by Jesuits; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. Such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception of Dr. Whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission; and, failing to destroy the American settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. After being defeated by the American settlers in the organization of the provisional government in 1843, by the provisional army of 1847-8, they now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim millions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. They have fallen to the lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value.

As we said when speaking of the “combination of influences and no harmony,” we believe Dr. John McLaughlin to have been one of the best and noblest of men; yet the governing power of the Hudson’s Bay Company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. Do you ask me how I know this? I answer, by the oaths of good and true American citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. These depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. In this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of Dr. McLaughlin from the fall of 1846 till his death. This witness, in answer to the inquiry as to what Dr. McLaughlin told him about the Hudson’s Bay Company’s encouraging the early settlement of Oregon, said Dr. McLaughlin had not encouraged the American settlement of the country, but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had he not furnished supplies on a credit; that he could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him who strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by American citizens, and thus give to the United States government an element of title to the country; the United States government could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s house in London; that he ascertained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because, as a man of common humanity, he could not do otherwise; and he resolved that he would continue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it; that the company’s managing and controlling office in London did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of common humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the American settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, and it was not for him but for God and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the Bible told him, “If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he is naked, clothe him;” that these settlers were not even enemies; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, “I do not know as that was the exact expression or word”) for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do, and that he immediately concluded by indignantly saying, “Gentlemen, if such is your order, I will serve you no longer,” and from that day Oregon secured a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the Honorable Hudson’s Bay Company, who in 1860 are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man’s generous and noble deeds.

The readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of Dr. McLaughlin as the head of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and continue him as a representative of that influence, as also connected with the Roman Catholic efforts in the country; for while we condemn and speak of base and infamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. We have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, the vast influence used, and efforts made, to prevent the American settlement of this country, which shall be brought to light as we proceed.

One other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. Dr. McLaughlin informed his attorney “that he had proposed to the company’s authority in London, that if they would allow him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but this the company declined to do.” The witness said: “My memory is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he made, and I do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus owing by American citizens as debts owing not to the Hudson’s Bay Company, but to himself individually.”

Dr. McLaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristocrat. He was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and familiar men; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for his generous and unbounded benevolence. Like Dr. Whitman, the influences around him weighed heavily upon his soul; he keenly felt the pain of ingratitude in others; he felt it from the Hudson’s Bay Company, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had befriended. An attempt was made by a member of the company, who had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite the sectarian prejudice of the witness against Dr. McLaughlin on his cross-examination, by handing to the company’s attorney the following questions to be asked the witness:—

Ques.—“Do you not recollect that Dr. McLaughlin told you that Sir George Simpson’s complaint against him was his allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to Bishop Blanchet, of the Catholic mission, without any security?”

Ans.—“This is the first time I have heard of that transaction.”

Ques.—“Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the company’s business?”

Ans.—“I do not.”

In reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over the items of account against our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a Catholic church building and two schoolhouses at Vancouver, as having been made by the Hudson’s Bay Company for the Catholic missions and the benefit of the company’s business, which are still standing and in possession of the priests and nuns of that order. This matter should be closely investigated. We have abundance of other evidence to show the intimate and continued connection of the Jesuit missions with the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the responsibility of that connection from the company to Dr. McLaughlin’s individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. The Jesuitical Catholic concern was a child of their own, and one they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. They made use of Dr. McLaughlin as long as they could, and when they found he was inclined to favor the American settlement of the country, he fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an account.

These facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the Hudson’s Bay Company’s trade, and by no means to encourage the settlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men to become subject to, and connected with, the missions. They also explain the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over the supplies granted to the American missions. They invariably limited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought to prevent the settlement of the country. It also explains fully the complaint of Rev. Mr. Griffin in his effort for an independent mission, and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate effort they made in 1847 to destroy the missions and all American settlements; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all the Indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, or their pet child, the Jesuit missions.

The Hudson’s Bay Company had no fault to find with Dr. McLaughlin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the American settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that Grant, at Fort Hall, with the Indians along the route, had combined to deceive and rob, while on the way to the country. This old, white-headed man, who had served them for forty years, was compelled, in maintaining his honor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their service.

What think you, kind reader, of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s kindness and generosity to the American settler, when this same company held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour of his greatest need?

Will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, “It was a neglect of the company’s agent, after Dr. McLaughlin’s decease, that they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor’s heirs or administrator before the year’s notice was up. It was now too late, and it was lost to the company unless they could get it allowed by the United States government?”

We justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and Indian massacres. In what light shall we hold a company and government, who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to produce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay for such conduct?

But we must still refer to Dr. McLaughlin as representing the Hudson’s Bay Company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, men, and things occurring in 1843.

Dr. Whitman is on his way back to Oregon with eight hundred and seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. Simpson is foiled and disappointed at Washington. Hines and Dr. White are among the Upper Columbia Indians. Dr. McLaughlin and the French-Canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the Americans appear to be gaining over the Indians. Piopiomoxmox (Yellow Serpent) has returned and reported to the Cayuses the result of his visit to Dr. McLaughlin, and the determination of the company that, in case of a war with the Americans, “they would not aid the Americans, but let them take care of themselves.” The old Indian chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future designs of the Americans were; while the Jesuits had been careful to impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and prejudices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests to the Cayuses.

The Rev. H. K. W. Perkins called at Young Chief’s (Tawatowe) lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their morning prayer. The chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound of which all his band came together for devotion. Tawatowe then said to Mr. Perkins: “We are Catholics, and our worship is different from yours.” He then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. The chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached a brass cross. After all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, and commenced their prayer as follows: “We are poor, we are poor,” repeating it ten times, and then closing with “Good Father, good Son, good Spirit,” and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. This was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the string to the other. When this mock devotion closed, Tawatowe said: “This is the way in which the priest taught us to worship God;” but Elijah (a boy that had been educated at the Methodist Indian school) said that “Tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we [meaning his own Wallawalla tribe] pray from the heart.”

Since writing the above, we have found in the Missionary Herald of December, 1866, page 371, a letter from Rev. C. Eells, formerly of the Spokan Mission. In speaking of Dr. Whitman’s visit to the States, he says: “Mr. Walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he would go, even if he became disconnected with the mission in order to do so. According to the understanding of the members of the mission, the single object of Dr. Whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of 1842-43, amid mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save this country to the United States.”

We are not much surprised at Mr. Eells’ ignorance of influences operating in this country. His fears and caution have made him unreasonably timid. He is always so fearful that he will do or say something wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an attempt on the part of his associates to counteract Roman Catholic superstitions and maintain the influence of the Protestant religion on our western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. He has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as developed in Mr. Treat’s remarks, who, after giving Mr. Eells’ letter, says: “It was not simply an American question, however;” it was at the same time a Protestant question. He [Dr. Whitman] was fully alive to the efforts which the Roman Catholics were making to gain the mastery on the Pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interests of the Hudson’s Bay Company, with a view to this very end. The danger from this quarter [which Messrs. Eells and Walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. Under date of April 1, 1847, he said: “In the autumn of 1842, I pointed out to our mission the arrangements of the Papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations.”

It is in reference to the facts above quoted from Dr. Whitman’s letter—made in our presence to those timid associates—that we say they were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at that time, and since his death.

The following letter from General A. L. Lovejoy gives further proof of Dr. Whitman’s efforts to save Oregon to his country:—

Portland, Oregon, November 6, 1869.

William H. Gray, Esq.:

My Dear Sir,—Your note of the 27th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late Dr. Marcus Whitman to the United States from this coast in the winter of 1842 and ’43, and his reception at Washington, and by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home.

True, I was the traveling companion of the Doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile Indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the Rocky Mountains in midwinter.

Previous to our leaving Wailatpu, I often had conversations with the Doctor touching the prospects of this coast. The Doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at Washington, and, after some arrangements, we left Wailatpu, October 3, 1842, overland, for the Eastern States.

We traveled rapidly, and reached Fort Hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for Fort Wintee, as the Doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the Spanish country, via Taos and Santa FÉ. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. After reaching Fort Wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for Fort Macumpagra, situate on the waters of Grand River, in the Spanish country.

Here again our stay was very short. We simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for Taos. After being out some four or five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. After reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather.

Our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further.

This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was determined not to give it up without another effort. And we at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that I should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide.

We were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail’s pace. Nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the Grand River, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. The current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold.

This stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. But the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. Away they went completely under water—horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream—leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor’s example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire.

With our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached Taos in about thirty days. We suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach.

We remained at Taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for Bent’s Fort, on the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where we arrived about the third day of January, 1843.

The Doctor left here on the 7th, at which time we parted, and I did not meet him again until some time in the month of July, above Fort Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emigrants.

The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at Washington and by the Board of Missions at Boston.

The Doctor had several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and many members of Congress, touching the interests of Oregon. He urged the immediate termination of the treaty with Great Britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the United States, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast.

He felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning Oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and I have no doubt, the Doctor’s interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of Oregon and the entire coast.

But his reception at Boston was not so cordial. The Board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year.

The Doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the Pacific coast. After his exertions in this behalf, he left for Independence, Missouri, and started for Oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of May. With his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of October (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground.

The Indians were very hostile about the Doctor’s leaving at the time he did, and I have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction—the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, Mrs. Whitman, and many others—were then sown by those haughty and savage Cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward.

As to your fourth inquiry relative to the Cayuse war. It is a long time since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that I would not like to make many statements from memory, although I was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the Dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached Oregon City.

There being no supplies at Oregon City suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to Fort Vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. The Hudson’s Bay Company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $1,000, which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the Dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils.

Yours, with great respect,
A. L. Lovejoy.

W. H. Gray, Esq., Astoria, Oregon.