[17] There is no diphthong in the preterit ending -ec: cazec, etc.
[18] This view is a modification of the theory developed by C. Voretzsch in his admirable treatise, Zur Geschichte der Diphthongierung im Altprovenzalischen, Halle, 1900. That e is not affected by an i in the following syllable is shown by such words as emperi, evangeli, salteri, which must have been adopted fairly early. The same thing is true of o: apostoli, oli, etc.
[19] The diphthong of o occurs, however, in this text, v. 203, in uel < oculi.
[20]Derrier (derer, dereer), beside dereire, is manifestly due to the influence of primier. To the influence of the same ending -ier, as in carr(i)eira, is to be ascribed the diphthong in cad(i)eira < cathedra.
[21] The things just said of e are true of o: there is no breaking before u < l (tout = tolt) nor before ts, dz, s, z (nocet > notz, ?noptias > nossas).
[22] The conditions are not quite the same as for e: an e does not break before a labial (neps) nor before n´ (venha). Breaking before g and k seems more general for o than for e.
[23] So the second person forms cuebres, uebres, uefres, and the third person forms cuebre, uebre, uefre; cf. cobron, obri, etc.
[24] For a discussion of the date, see K. Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la langue franÇaise (Copenhagen, 1899-1903), I, § 187.
[26] Spelled drictus: see Schuchardt, Vokalismus des VulgÄrlateins, II, 422.
[27] The period of the fall of the intertonic vowel covers, in part, the period of the voicing of intervocalic surds (§ 65); sometimes the vowel fell too soon for the surd to be voiced, sometimes it did not. The relation of the fall of unstressed vowels to the development of intervocalic consonants, in French, has been examined by L. ClÉdat in the Revue de philologie franÇaise, in a series of articles beginning XVII, 122. Cf. P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 84-90.
[28] Cf. H. Wendel, Die Entwicklung der Nachtonvokale aus dem Lateinischen ins Provenzalische, 1906.
[30] The change of accent, in this verb and others, was due to the analogy of the first and fourth conjugations (canteron, sentÍron) and to the influence of the second person plural (dissetz).
[31] The feminine forms cobÉza, tebÉza, etc., show a change of accent.
[32] In most of the modern dialects (but not in Gascony and lower Languedoc) this a has become o: rosa > roso. But in the Limousin dialects and some others -as > -a: rosas > rosa.
[33] The tg in this word is probably due to the influence of iutiar < judicare.
[34] The forms with r may be due to dissimilation or to the influence of clergue.
[35] Alvernia is attested: cf. Zs., XXVI, 123. The usual form is Arvernicum.
[36] Compare, in English, the c of coo and the k of key.
[37] Compare the old-fashioned pronunciation of words like card, kind.
[38] For final -ci, -gi in plurals, see § 92, (2).
[39] Before this, frigidus had become frigdus in Italy and Gaul.
[40] It is natural to suppose that the n, in falling, nasalized the vowel; but no trace of this nasality remains.
[41]Fes, nut, which quite supplanted the regular forms, perhaps show the influence of res, mut.
[42] By analogy of such double forms, n is sometimes added to a few words ending in a vowel: fuit > fofon, pro > propron.
[55]Magis was probably reduced to mais in Vulgar Latin.
[56]Legir may have been reconstructed on the basis of leg < legit.
[57] For the groups ending in y, cf. L. J. Juroszek, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der jotazierten Konsonanten in Frankreich, in Zs., XXVII, 550 ff. The groups ending in y and those containing c or g have been studied by H. Sabersky, Zur provenzalischen Lautlehre, 1888.
[58] S is generally written ss between vowels, to distinguish it from s = z.
[59] Most of the words in this category are semi-learned: cf. fabla and faula. See § 55, B.
[69]Glai is due perhaps to the analogy of ney (§ 65, , 3), perhaps to such double forms as fatz fai = facit.
[70]Seti (pronounced with two syllables) seems to be an improperly constructed post-verbal noun from assetiar. For metgue, etc., see § 65, G, (3).
[71] Apparently maniar, escomeniar developed in the region where g became y before a: cf. § 65, G, (1).
[72] The r remained palatal long enough to cause breaking: cf. §§ 30, 37.
[73] These sounds lost their palatal quality too early to cause breaking: cf. §§ 30, 37. Cf. Einf., § 133.
[74]Palaitz, however, is used by Marcabru, A. Daniel, and P. Vidal. Poizon occurs in Flamenca and in modern Limousin (beside pozon), raizo is found in the Boeci and other texts.
[81] The phenomena of dissimilation have been well classified by M. Grammont in La dissimilation consonantique dans les langues indo-europÉennes et dans les langues romanes, 1895. For metathesis, see Zs., XXVIII, 1.
[95] Cf. A. von Elsner, Ueber Form und Verwendung des Personalpronomens im Altprovenzalischen, 1886.
[96] Cf. Thomas in Rom., XII, 334; Meyer-LÜbke in Gram., II, page 104. For a different explanation, see Ascoli in Archivio glottologico italiano, XV, 314, 396.
[97] For a different explanation of mia, see Gram., I, pp. 246-248, also Horning in Zs., XXV, 341. Cf. Fr. moie.
[98]Cels shows the influence of masculine nouns and adjectives.
[99]Aquel has also aquilli. Cilha is evidently a combination of cilh and celha.
[110] For two different explanations of this ending, see A. Thomas, Essais de philologie franÇaise, 25, 281; E. Herzog, in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie, 481.
[111] See K. Sittl in Archiv fÜr lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik, I, 465.
[112] For ai estat we sometimes find soi agutz. The confusion arises perhaps from the use of both es and a in the sense of ‘there is’: hence es estat = a agut; and by a mixture of the two, es agut. Cf. L. Gauchat, Sone avuto, in Scritti vari di filologia (dedicated to E. Monaci), 1901, p. 61.
[113] Cf. P. Thielmann, Archiv fÜr lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik, II, 48 and 157.
[114] For the accented vowels in these forms, see §§ 167, 168.
[128] Beside pare?c, coming perhaps from a V. L. ?parevit ?parevuit.
[129] All verbs in -ndere took the perfect in -si: ascos, defes, pris, respos, etc. Legere took ?lexi > leis through the analogy of the p. p. lectum. So fingere took ?fixi > feis through fictum; frangere, pingere, tangere did likewise (frais, peis, tais); and in ProvenÇal cÉnher < cingere, estÉnher < exstinguere, plÁnher < plangere followed the example of these (ceis, esteis, plais): hence all verbs in -nher have the preterit in -s.
