Lowestoft being a maritime town, it is consequently more distinguished for memorable transactions relative to naval affairs, than for those respecting military.

The town having always depended upon the herring fishery for its chief support, has rendered this fishery a constant nursery for seamen; and the great advantages which maritime powers have always received from their fisheries, are too many to be enumerated, as well as too evident to require a demonstration; for the constant protection and encouragement which those powers have always found it their interest to afford them, are indubitable proofs both of their usefulness and importance. But exclusive of the valuable benefits which the nation has derived from the herring fishery, in common with other fisheries, in supplying his majesty’s service with a considerable number of useful seamen, it has also received many other advantages in consequence of the several very able and gallant sea commanders with which the town has furnished the royal Navy; and who, by the wisdom of their Councils, and gallantry of their actions, have rendered very essential services to their country, and received the most distinguished honours to themselves.

In the memorable sea-fights between England and Holland during the first Dutch war, in the reign of Charles II, among commanders who remarkably distinguished themselves in those important struggles were Admiral Allen, Admiral Utber, and his son, Captain Utber, all of whom belonged to this town.

It was that gallant sea-officer, Admiral Sir Thomas Allen, who first commenced hostilities against the Dutch, in 1665, by attacking their Smyrna fleet, consisting of forty merchant ships, of which some were very large, were well provided with ordnance and had four third-rate men of war for their convoy. Sir Thomas had only eight ships with him; but what he wanted in force, he supplied by his eminent courage and conduct; for he immediately attacked them, killed Commodore Bracknell, their commander, took four of their merchant ships, richly laden, and drove the remainder into Cadiz. [151]

In the great sea fight off Lowestoft, June 3, 1665, all the three abovementioned commanders had a respective share in that memorable engagement.

The English fleet consisted of 114 sail of men of war and frigates, 28 fire ships, and several bomb ketches, and had on board about 22,000 seamen and soldiers; and the whole was commanded by the Duke of York. Admiral Opdam commanded the Dutch fleet. The fight began about three in the morning, and for some time victory was doubtful; but about noon, the Earl of Sandwich, with the blue squadron, forced himself into the centre of the Dutch fleet, divided it into two parts, and began that confusion which ended in a total defeat. The Duke of York, in the Royal Charles of eighty guns, and Admiral Opdam, in the Eendracht of eighty-four guns, were closely engaged, and continued the fight with great obstinacy for several hours, wherein his highness was in the utmost danger. Several persons of distinction were killed on board his ship, particularly the Earl of Falmouth, the King’s favourite; Lord Muskerry, and Mr. Boyle, son of the Earl of Cork, who were killed with one ball, and so near the Duke, that he was covered with their blood and brains, and a splinter from the last named gentleman’s skull, grazed his hand. About one o’clock the Dutch Admiral blew up, with a prodigious explosion; by which accident the Admiral and 500 of his men perished. Vice-Admiral Stillingwert was shot through the middle by a cannon ball; and Vice-Admiral Cortenaar received a shot in his thigh, of which he instantly died. These ships bearing out of the line on the death of their commanders, without striking their flags, drew many after them; so that by eight at night Van Tromp, who fought to the last, and kept fighting as he retreated, had not above thirty ships left with him. This was the most signal victory the English ever gained, and the severest blow at sea that the Dutch ever felt. In this action the Dutch had eighteen ships taken and fourteen sank, exclusive of those which were either burnt or blown up; and lost 6000 men, including 2300 taken prisoners. The English lost only the Charity of forty-six guns, had 250 men killed, and 340 wounded; among whom were (besides those already mentioned) the Earls of Portland and Marlborough, Vice-Admiral Sampson, and Sir John Lawson, who died of a wound in his knee, though he survived the battle. Among the wounded was Mr. Howard, youngest son of the Earl of Berkshire; he was landed at Lowestoft, where he died of his wounds on the 6th of June following, and was interred in the chancel of Lowestoft church.

As soon as the battle was over the English retired to Southwold Bay to rest; where they received fresh orders to sail again as soon as possible in search of the Dutch fleet. Accordingly on the 5th July, the fleet steered from the bay to the coast of Holland. The standard was borne by the Earl of Sandwich, and the Blue flag by Sir Thomas Allen, having for his Vice and Rear-Admirals Sir Christopher Minnes and Sir John Haringn. [152a] The design of the expedition was to intercept de Ruyter on his return with the Turkey and East India fleets, or at least to take or burn the merchant ships, of which they had certain intelligence. But they succeeded in neither of these attempts. De Ruyter returned unexpectedly by the north of Scotland, and arrived safely in Holland. The fleets, consisting of twenty sail, took the same northern route, in hopes of avoiding the English, but receiving intelligence at sea that this would prove very difficult, if not impossible, they took shelter in the port of Berghen, in Norway. This port was easy of access, and covered only by an old castle; the Danish governor, indeed, promised to protect the Dutch as much as possible, and the Dutch, to facilitate their intention, landed forty-one pieces of cannon, which were disposed on a line before the fort; after they had taken this precaution, the Dutch formed another line across the bay, consisting of their largest ships, and in this defensive posture they waited the arrival of the English. It was not long before the English appeared; for the Earl of Sandwich having received advice of the Dutch fleet having put into Berghen for protection, detached Sir Thomas Tyddiman with fourteen sail of men of war, (one of them was the Guernsey, commanded by Captain Utber), and three fireships to attack and destroy them. Sir Thomas appeared at Berghen on the 1st of August, 1665, and though he executed this expedition with great courage, yet, having the wind against him, and the enemy making a prodigious fire from the castle, the line, and the ships, he was forced to bear out of the bay, which he performed without the loss of a ship, though he had five or six ill treated; one of which was the Guernsey, Captain Utber, who was unfortunately slain in the engagement. [152b]

In the great sea fight in 1666, which lasted four days, it is probable that both the Admirals Allen and Utber had their shares in that remarkable engagement, thought, they are not particularly mentioned. For when the fight was over, and both fleets had retired to their respective coasts to refit and prepare for a fresh engagement, on their proceeding to sea again, the English fleet consisting of eighty men of war, great and small, and nineteen fireships, were divided into three squadrons, under the command of Prince Rupert and Duke of Albermarle; and the second squadron of this fleet was commanded by Sir Thomas Allen, who had under him Sir Thomas Tyddiman and Rear Admiral Utber.

The Dutch fleet consisted of eighty-eight men of war and twenty fireships, and was divided into three squadrons, under de Ruyter, Evertz, and Van Tromp. On the 25th July, about noon, the English fleet came up with the enemy off the North Foreland. Sir Thomas Allen, with the white squadron, began the battle by attacking Evertz. About one o’clock Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle made a desperate attack upon de Ruyter, and after fighting about three hours were obliged to go on board another ship. During this interval, the Admirals Allen, Tyddiman, and Utber, in the white squadron, had utterly defeated Evertz: his Vice-Admiral de Vries, and Rear-Admiral Keenders, being both killed. The Vice-Admiral of Zealand was taken, and another ship of fifty guns burnt. The Prince and the Duke, who were both in the same ship, fought de Ruyter, ship to ship; disabled the Guelderland of sixty-six guns, one of his seconds; killed the Captain of another, and mortally wounded two more, after which the Dutch squadron began to fly. De Ruyter’s ship was so miserably torn, and his crew so dispirited and fatigued, that he could make but little resistance, and nothing but the want of wind could have hindered the English from boarding him. De Ruyter continued his retreat all that night, and the next day Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle pursued him as fast as the wind would permit. A fireship was then dispatched to bear down on the Dutch Admiral, and missed very little of setting him on fire. At last they approached so near to each other as to cannonade a second time, when De Ruyter finding himself so extremely oppressed, and his fleet in the most imminent danger, that in a fit of despair he cried: “My God, what a wretch am I among so many thousand bullets! is there not one to put me out of my pain?” By degrees, however, the Dutch drew near their own shallow coast, where the English could not follow them. On this occasion Prince Rupert ungenerously insulted him, by sending a little shallop, called Fanfan, with only two guns on board, which, being rowed near to De Ruyter’s ship, fired upon him for two hours; at last a ball from the Dutch Admiral so damaged his contemptible enemy, that the crew were forced to sheer off very briskly, to save their lives.

This was one of the greatest victories obtained at this war. In this battle the Dutch lost twenty ships, had four Admirals and a great many captains killed; as to common seamen, the number slain was computed to be 4,000, and 3,000 wounded. The English had only the Resolution burnt, three captains and about 300 seamen killed.

In the same year, when the Dutch and French fleets were endeavouring to form a junction, Sir Thomas Allen, with his squadron, attacked the French fleet, and having boarded the Ruby, a fine ship of 1000 tons and fifty-four guns, he carried her in a short time. This bold attempt so intimidated the French ministry, that they scarce ventured their fleet out of sight of its own shore afterwards.

The first Dutch war being ended, Sir Thomas was sent, in 1669, with a stout squadron, into the Mediterranean, to suppress the insults of the Algerines, where he did his country very eminent services, and was the last employment he ever engaged in. [153]After Sir Thomas had honorably finished the Algerine war, and in pursuance of his instructions, appointed Sir Edward Spragge to command in his place in the Mediterranean, he returned to England, where, for the many services he had rendered his country, he was created a baronet, 14th December, 1669. But having been constantly engaged in the most active, as well as dangerous scenes of action, and being worn down with fatigue, and crowned with success, he was under the necessity of withdrawing himself from the service of the public; and having acquired a handsome fortune, he purchased the estate of Somerley Hall, and removing thither from Lowestoft, it became afterwards the place of his future residence, thereby exchanging the dangerous and tumultuous scenes of war for the calm and undisturbed repose of rural retirement. During the residence of Sir Thomas at Lowestoft, he lived in a black flint-stone house on the east side of High street; where, on that side next the sea, he caused a small round tower to be erected, that he might be enabled to command an extensive prospect of the German Ocean, an object of great consequence during the Dutch wars. He buried a daughter in the north-east corner of the north isle of Lowestoft church, where a handsome monument is erected to her memory.

Another valiant and experienced Admiral belonging to Lowestoft, and who remarkably distinguished himself by his gallantry in the service of his country, was Sir John Ashby.

King William had no sooner ascended the throne of this kingdom than he found himself obliged to engage in war with France, who had sent James II over into Ireland with a considerable force, escorted by a fleet of twenty-two sail of men-of-war.

His Majesty’s affairs in England were at this time in so critical a state, that it was some time before he could provide a force sufficient to cruise on the coast of Ireland. At last Admiral Herbert, who commanded the English fleet, in the begining of April, 1689, sailed for Cork, with a squadron which consisted of no more than twelve ships of war (one of which was the Defiance, Captain Ashby) one fireship, two yachts, and two smacks. On the 29th of that month he discovered a fleet of forty-four sail, a convoy that followed King James; on the 30th, he saw them standing into Bantree bay; he lay off that place till morning, and about break of day resolved to attack the enemy. The French detached their merchant ships to land the supply at a place down the bay while they engaged the enemy. The English fleet was reinforced to nineteen ships. The French fleet consisted in the whole of twenty-eight ships. As the English had the wind, they could have avoided fighting if they pleased; but the Admiral exerted his utmost efforts to get into the bay, and come to a close engagement. About ten in the morning, on the 1st of May, the French bore down upon the English, when the battle began. The fight was pretty warm for two hours, but then slackened, because a great part of the English fleet could not come up, but they continued firing on both sides till about five in the afternoon. Admiral Herbert had no opportunity of bringing his whole fleet to engage, as the wind would not suffer him to enter the bay, and consequently was under the necessity of keeping out at sea all the time of the engagement, therefore the dispute was very unequal; but about the hour before-mentioned, the French fleet stood in the bay, which put an end to the fight.

This is the battle of Bantree bay, which, though inconsiderable of itself, [155] is yet magnified by some writers as a very important stroke. The French had one ship, called the Diamond, set on fire, and two others so much damaged as to withdraw from the line. The affair, however, was certainly of no very great consequence; and the small advantage that was claimed by the French was more to be ascribed to a favourable wind and superior force, than either a want of courage or conduct on the part of the English. After the action Admiral Herbert bore away for the Scilly Islands, and having cruized there for some time returned to Spithead; on which occasion the King himself went down to Portsmouth, where, to shew his determination to distinguish and reward merit, though not pointed out to him by success, he declared Admiral Herbert Earl of Torrington, and knighted Captain John Ashby and Captain Cloudesley Shovel; giving, at the same time, a bounty of ten shillings to each seaman, and making a provision for the widows of such as had been killed in the action. Sir John Ashby was also presented with a gold watch, set with diamonds.

The French were so elated with the small advantage gained in Bantree bay, as to boast, that the next summer they would insult the joint fleets of England and Holland; therefore, both the honour and safety of the kingdom depended upon taking such measures as might disconcert their designs. In consequence of this necessity, a resolution was formed of assembling early in the Spring a large fleet in the Channel; especially as that part of the nation in the interest of King James where almost everywhere in motion, and waiting, in all appearance, for nothing but the sight of a French fleet, on the coast, to take up arms and declare against Government; but it was so late before the Dutch sent their fleet to sea, and the English fleet was desirous of forming a junction with the Dutch before they put themselves in a condition of sailing that it considerably retarded the operations. But the conduct of the French was very different; for on the 12th of June they put to sea with their grand fleet, consisting of seventy-eight men of war, and twenty-two fire ships, the whole fleet carrying upwards of 4,700 pieces of canon. On the 13th of June they steered for the English coast, and on the 20th appeared off the Lizard.

Our Admiral, Lord Torrington, who was then at St. Helen’s received this intelligence with the utmost surprise; and he was so far from expecting the arrival of the French fleet on the English coast that he had not sent out any scouts to the westward for information. However, he put to sea with such ships as he had on the 24th of June, and gave orders that all the English and Dutch ships which could have notice should follow him. The next morning he found himself within sight of the enemy, and the fleets continued looking on each other for several days. It is certain that the Earl of Torrington did not think himself strong enough to venture an engagement, and in all probability the rest of the Admirals were of the same opinion. In this fleet Sir John Ashby was Vice-Admiral of the Blue.

The whole strength of the English and Dutch fleets together, consisted only of fifty-six ships; his Lordship therefore, seeing that he was outnumbered by above twenty sail, was not willing to risk his own honour and the safety of the nation upon such unequal terms, but the Queen, who was then Regent, sent him orders to fight at all events, in order to oblige the French to withdraw from the English coast. In obedience to this order, his Lordship, on the 20th of June, as soon as it was daylight, gave the signal for drawing into a line of battle, and bore down upon the enemy. The signal for battle was thrown out at about eight o’clock, and the engagement began about nine. The Dutch squadron, which formed the van of the united fleets, fell in with the van of the French, and threw them into disorder. About half-an-hour after Admiral Russell, and Admiral Ashby with the Blue squadron, engaged the rear of the French very warmly; but the Red Squadron, which formed the centre of the fleet, and was commanded by the Earl of Torrington, did not come up till about ten; and this occasioned a great opening between the Blue squadron in the rear and the Dutch in the van, which the French taking an advantage of, caused the Dutch to suffer very much.

In the night the Earl retired to the eastward, with the French pursuing him as far as Rye; from thence he retreated towards the river Thames, where, on going ashore, he left the command of the fleet to Sir John Ashby. The French were as much censured for not taking every advantage which this victory afforded them, as the Earl was blamed for the defeat; for the French retired to their own coasts, and after the beginning of August were no more seen in the English Channel.

The Earl of Torrington, as soon as he came to London, was examined before the Council, before whom he vindicated his conduct with great presence of mind. He assigned two reasons for his behaviour in this important transaction: the first was, the ill-grounded contempt the English and Dutch officers had of the abilities of the French fleet at sea; the second was, that he had acted to the best of his knowledge in saving the fleet, and that he had much rather his reputation should suffer for a time, than his country should sustain a loss which it might never be able to recover; but the Council were so far dissatisfied with these reasons, and they committed his Lordship to the Tower; and that they might appease the clamours of the populace, and make some satisfaction to the Dutch, they appointed a committee to repair to Sheerness, in order to make a thorough enquiry into the real causes of this disaster.

The fleet, after this misfortune, was put under the command of Sir Richard Haddock, Vice-Admiral Killegrew, and Sir John Ashby; who had orders to put the fleet into the best condition possible, which being executed with the utmost diligence, they had, by the end of August, a fleet of forty-one ships of the line under their command, exclusive of the Dutch. Yet, notwithstanding all their activity, it was very late in the year before they were in a capacity fit to undertake any essential service, and by that time it became necessary to lay up the larger ships.

The assiduity and administration to rectify all the errors and miscarriages which had lately happened, and, to retrieve the honour of the nation, was very visible in 1691, when the utmost efforts were exerted to send a large fleet to sea early in the spring. In order to effect this purpose, the week after that the Earl of Torrington was dismissed from his command, Edward Russell, Esq., was appointed Admiral and Commander-in-Chief; and in the fleet which was got ready for service in the spring, Admiral Russell, in the Britannia, commanded the Red squadron, having for his Vice and Rear-Admirals Sir John Ashby and George Rooke, Esq. But the French having orders to avoid fighting, nothing material was done this year.

The last employment Sir John Ashby engaged in was the great sea-fight off Cape La Hogue. Lewis XIV finding it impossible to prosecute the war in Ireland any longer with success, came to a resolution of employing the forces in that country, consisting of 20,000 men, some other way; with this view, he concerted with malcontents in England an invasion on the coast of Sussex.

On the 16th of May, Admiral Russell sailed from Spithead in order to meet the French fleet. The English fleet consisted of ninety-nine ships. The Blue squadron was commanded by Sir John Ashby, who had for Vice and Rear-Admirals George Rooke, Esq., and Richard Carter, Esq. The French had only sixty-three ships, having under their protection a fleet of three hundred sail of transports, well provided with every necessary requisite for the invasion.On the 17th, the scouts to the westward of the fleet made signals for discovering the enemy; in consequence thereof, orders were immediately issued for forming a line of battle.

On the 19th, the fleet was in proper order for battle about eight in the morning; having the Dutch in the van, the red in the centre, and the blue in the rear. About ten o’clock the French fleet bore down upon them with great resolution, and about half after eleven, the Royal Sun, the finest ship in France carrying 100 guns, began the fight with Admiral Russell, within three-quarters musket shot. The French exercised their guns very briskly till about one o’clock, when they began to tow her off in great disorder. The fight continued till four in the afternoon, when the French taking advantage of a fog began to retreat. About eight in the evening it grew foggy again, and part of the blue squadron having fallen in with the enemy, engaged about half an hour, till the French, having lost four ships, bore away for Conquest road. In this short action Sir John Ashby’s Rear-Admiral Carter was killed: who when found himself mortally wounded, recommended to Captain Wright, who commanded his ship, to fight her as long as she could swim.

The English continued the chase till the 22nd, when, about eleven in the forenoon, the French Admiral, in the Royal Sun, ran ashore and cut away her mast. He was followed by some others of his fleet, and were all afterwards destroyed. In the evening a great number of the enemy’s ships were seen going to La Hogue. On the 23rd the Admiral sent Sir George Rooke, with several men of war, fireships and all the boats in the fleet, to destroy these ships, consisting of thirteen sail of men of war, besides a great number of transports, etc. Sir George having manned his boats, went in person, to encourage the attempt; when he burnt six of them that night, and the other seven, with the transports the next morning.

Sir John Ashby, with the blue squadron and some Dutch ships, pursued the rest of the French fleet till they ran through the race of Alderney, among such rocks and shoals where the English pilots refused to follow them. Sir John has been much censured for his conduct in this part of the transaction, though probably without any reason, since some of the ablest seamen in England were of opinion, that nothing could be more desperate than the flight of the French through that dangerous passage. And though despair might justify them in attempting it, yet the bare possibility of success in following them might be equivalent to the danger of the undertaking.

Besides the Royal Sun of 106 guns, the French lost another ship of 104 guns, one of ninety, two of eighty, four of seventy-six, four of sixty and two of fifty-six guns. If Sir John Ashby had been so fortunate as to have come within the reach of those who took shelter in St. Maloe’s, the English would almost have annihilated the power of the French by the sea; as it was undoubtedly a most glorious victory, and too much praise cannot be given by the British nation to those gallant commanders who achieved it. Queen Mary was no sooner informed of this victory than she sent £30,000 to be divided among the seamen and soldiers.

After the battle, Sir John Ashby was left with twelve ships and three fireships, in conjunction with a Dutch squadron of the same force, with orders to proceed to Havre de Grace, and to endeavour the destruction of such part of the French fleet as had taken shelter there; which service they were unable to perform; the situation of the enemy and the violence of the weather rendering it impracticable.

Admiral Russell, with the remainder of the fleet, returned as soon as possible to Spithead, in order to carry into execution a design which had been meditated, of making a descent on the French coast. But the ministry and the sea and land officers not concurring in what manner the descent was to be made, it came to nothing. However, the Admiral sent Sir John Ashby, with a stout squadron, to endeavour, if possible, to intercept the French Fleet which was every day expected to sail from St. Maloe’s to Brest; but in his passage he received orders from the Queen to return, and, therefore, in obedience thereof, was obliged to come back in a few days to St. Helen’s.

On the 4th of November the King opened the sessions of Parliament: on which occasion he took notice of their great success, and also of their great disappointments at sea. On the 11th, the House of Commons thanked Admiral Russell, in the strongest terms, for his courage and conduct in the battle of La Hogue; but, nevertheless it did not prevent a warm representation of the opportunities that were said to be lost, after that signal advantage. The Admiral entered into a circumstantial relation of the whole of that transaction, and furnished the House with all letters, papers, and instructions that were necessary for their information.

After Admiral Russell, Sir John Ashby was examined concerning his not executing the orders that were given him to destroy the French ships that had sheltered in St. Maloe’s. But Sir John acquitted himself so handsomely, and set the whole affair in so clear a light, that he was informed by the Speaker, by order of the House, “that having observed his ingenious behaviour in his detail of his conduct in that engagement, and received the amplest satisfaction, he was dismissed from any further attendance on that House.”

Bishop Burnet speaking of this battle, says, that if Sir John Ashby had pursued the six-and-twenty French ships, which afterwards got into St. Maloe’s, by all appearance he might have destroyed every one of them. This very illiberal reflection on the conduct of Sir John is an evident proof of the malevolence which too often actuates the spirit of party; and shews that the most brilliant actions, when executed by commanders whose political principles happen not to coincide with certain writers, are too often tarnished through the malignity of the historian. The conduct of Sir John Ashby in this memorable transaction is so far from being liable to the censure of Bishop Burnet, that it is capable of being vindicated and applauded for its wisdom and prudence. For a naval writer speaking of the battle of La Hogue, says, “that to attempt to destroy the French ships that had sheltered in St. Maloe’s, would not only have been extremely dangerous, but wholly impracticable. For soon after this action, when we meditated a descent upon the French Coast, and had received advice that twenty-five sail of French ships were in the port of St. Maloe, Sir George Rooke was dispatched to make soundings on that coast, in order to our attacking them; accordingly he gave a particular account of several surroundings near St. Maloe’s, and reported, ‘that not one of the pilots would undertake to carry in any ship of war, or fireship, at St. Maloe’s, though he offered a hundred pounds encouragement to each man.’”

Sir John Ashby died at Portsmouth, and was there interred; but his body was afterwards taken up and buried in Lowestoft church, where a handsome monument is erected to his memory.

The next eminent sea officer belonging to Lowestoft, who demands notice for distinguished bravery, is Sir Andrew Leake.

On the 4th of May, 1702, her Majesty Queen Anne, soon after her accession to the throne, declared war against France and Spain. In consequence whereof, the grand fleet was immediately got ready for sailing, in order to carry into execution a plan, originally concerted by King William, for an attack upon Cadiz.

On the 19th of June following, the fleet, commanded by Sir George Rooke, having Vice-Admiral Hopson, in the Prince George, carrying a red flag at the fore top-mast head; Rear-Admiral Fairbourne, carrying the white flag at the mizen top-mast head of the St. George; and Rear-Admiral Graydon, carrying the blue flag in the same manner in the Triumph; who were also accompanied by five Dutch Admirals, sailed from St. Helen’s. The strength of this fleet consisted of thirty English and twenty Dutch ships of the line, exclusive of small vessels and tenders, making in the whole about 160 sail. The land forces embarked in this expedition consisted of 9,663 English, and 4,138 Dutch, amounting in all to 13,801 men.

As the expectations which the public had conceived from this prodigious armament were very great, so, consequently, they were exceedingly disappointed at being informed that the attempt upon Cadiz had proved unsuccessful.

However, Providence afterwards put it in the power of Sir George Rooke, before he returned to England, to render his country a more signal and important service than it could possibly have received from a successful attack upon Cadiz. Captain Hardy, of the Pembroke, being sent to water in Lagos Bay, before he returned received intelligence there that the Spanish galleons, under the convoy of a French squadron, had put into Vigo on the 16th of September. Captain Hardy hastened with the utmost expedition in his power to convey the news to the fleet, which he did not meet with until the 3rd of October, and even then the wind blew so hard that he found it impossible to speak with the Admiral until the 6th, when he informed him of the intelligence he had received. On this information Sir George called a council of war immediately, in which it was resolved to sail as expeditiously as possible to the port of Vigo, to attack the enemy. In order to effect this purpose, some small vessels were dispatched to reconnoitre them and discover their force, which was effectually performed by a boat belonging to the Kent man-of-war; and from this intelligence the Captain understood that Monsieur Chasteau Renault’s squadron of French men-of-war and the Spanish galleons were all in that harbour. Sir George was unable to arrive off Vigo before the 11th of October. The passage into the harbour was not more than three-quarters of a mile over, and was defended by a battery of eight brass and twelve iron guns on the north side and on the south side was a platform of twenty brass guns, and twenty of iron; and also a stone fort, with a breast work, and French ships before it mounting ten guns, and containing in it 500 men. There was also extended from one side of the harbour to the other, a strong boom, formed of ships’ yards and top-masts, fastened together with three-inch rope, very thick, and underneath were hawsers and cables. The top chain at each end was moored to a seventy-gun ship. Within the boom were moored five ships of between sixty and seventy guns each, with their broad sides fronting the entrance of the passage, so as to fire with the greatest execution upon any ships that should attempt to come near either the boom, forts, or platform. The Admirals removed their flags from the great ships into third rates, the first and second rates drawing too much water to enter the harbour. Sir George Rooke went from the Royal Sovereign into the Somerset; Admiral Hopson out of the Prince George into the Torbay; Admiral Fairbourne out of the St. George into the Essex; and Admiral Graydon out of the Triumph into the Northumberland. A detachment of fifteen English, and ten Dutch men-of-war, with all the fire ships, frigates, and bomb vessels, were ordered to go upon this service. The Duke of Ormond, to facilitate the attack, landed 2,500 men on the south side of the river, about six miles from Vigo. Then Lord Shannon, at the head of 500 men, attacked the stone fort at the entrance of the harbour; and having made himself master of the platform, mounting forty pieces of cannon, the French governor, Mons. Sozel, ordered the gates of the place to be thrown open, with a resolution to have forced his way through the English troops: but though there was great bravery in this order, yet there was but little judgment; for immediately upon its being obeyed, the grenadiers entered the place sword in hand, and forced the garrison, consisting of French and Spaniards, in number about 350, to surrender prisoners of war. These attacks were of the utmost consequence to the fleet, as our ships, in attempting to enter the harbour must have been excessively galled by the fire from the platform and fort.

As soon as the British flag was seen flying from these places, the ships advanced; and Vice-Admiral Hopson, in the Torbay, crowding all the sail he could, sailed directly against the boom and broke it, and the Kent, with the rest of the squadron, English and Dutch, entered the harbour. The Torbay, who first struck the boom and broke it, was so entangled therein that it was impossible to extricate her from it. The enemy, perceiving her situation, were determined to exert their utmost efforts to destroy her; and in order to execute their design the more effectually, dispatched a fireship, which immediately laid the Torbay on board. In this dreadful situation, having a fireship grappled to her side, the enemy playing upon her with cannon, and at the same time so entangled with the boom that it was impossible to disengage themselves and escape, all subordination was disregarded, and every man was permitted to provide for his own safety in the best manner he was able. Nevertheless, in this very alarming situation, Providence interposed in their behalf, and rescued them from the impending destruction which threatened them; for when the fireship blew up, a large quantity of snuff which she had on board extinguished the flames, and soon after they were able to disengage her from the boom, and repair, as well as circumstances would admit, the damages she had received. It may, possibly, appear a little extraordinary that the fireships should have so large a quantity of snuff on board as to extinguish the flames, but it is to be remembered, that she was originally a merchant ship laden with that commodity, and on this pressing emergency, converted into a fireship. The Torbay, though not absolutely destroyed in this action, yet was so extremely damaged as to be reduced almost to a wreck; her fore top-mast was shot by the board, most of her sails burnt or scorched, the foreyard burnt to a coal, the larboard shrouds, fore and aft, burnt at the dead eyes, several ports blown off the hinges, her larboard side entirely scorched, one hundred and fifteen men killed and drowned, out of which were sixty who jumped overboard as soon as they were grappled by the fireship. Admiral Hopson, when he found his ship in this disabled condition, left her, and hoisted his flag on board the Monmouth. The loss in this action (exclusive of the Torbay) was very inconsiderable considering the resistance of the enemy, and the great advantages which we obtained. In this attack upon Vigo we burnt five French men of war from seventy-six to forty-six guns, one of twenty-two guns, and another of eight guns. We also took and brought home four ships from seventy-six to sixty-six guns, and there were also taken by the Dutch six ships from sixty-eight to forty-two guns. There were likewise taken and destroyed seventeen galleons. The French and Spanish ships had been twenty-five days in Vigo harbour before our fleet arrived there; during this interval they unladed the best part of the plate and rich goods, and sent them up the country. The galleons had on board twenty-eight millions of pieces of eight, besides merchandise, which was thought of equal value. Of the silver, fourteen millions were saved; and of the goods, about five millions. Four millions of plate were destroyed with ten millions of merchandise. The fourteen millions of silver and five millions of goods were brought away by the English and Dutch fleets.

Her Majesty gave a signal testimony of the high sense she entertained of the merit of Admiral Hopson, for his gallant behaviour in breaking the boom at Vigo; for she not only conferred upon him the honour of Knighthood, but settled upon him a pension of £500 a year for life, with the reversion of £300 a year to his lady, in case she survived him. The Queen conferred on Captain Leake also the honour of Knighthood.

On the 4th of May, 1703, the grand fleet consisting of thirty-five ships of the line, was sent into the Mediterranean, under the command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel. The Grafton, of seventy guns, one of the ships of this fleet was commanded by Sir Andrew Leake. On the 30th of September, Sir Cloudsley sent five ships, namely, two thirds, a fourth and fifth rate, with a fireship, under the command of Sir Andrew, to Lisbon, and from thence to Oporto, etc., to take under his convoy such merchant ships as were bound for England; and having a fair wind and good weather, he arrived safe in the Downs on the 17th of November, and there happily escaped the great November storm that happened a few days after.

In the year 1705, a large fleet of men of war, under the command of Sir George Rooke, was sent into the Mediterranean for the assistance of Charles III, King of Spain. In this fleet the Grafton, of seventy guns, was commanded by Sir Andrew Leake; and the Monk, of sixty guns, by Captain Mighells, both of Lowestoft. From a variety of unforseen accidents and disappointments, Sir George was unable to perform any essential service to his country in the former part of this expedition; and being apprised of the reflections he would be exposed to from his enemies, upon his return to England, for having spent the summer with so formidable a fleet without performing any important action, he called a council of war, on the 17th of July, in the road to Tetuan; where, having delivered his opinion that it was highly requisite they should resolve on some important action that would be of signal service to their country they accordingly, after a long debate, came to a resolution of making a sudden and vigorous attack upon Gibraltar.

The fleet got into the Bay of Gibraltar on the 21st of July; and the marines, English and Dutch to the number of 1800, were landed, under the command of the Prince of Hesse, on the isthmus, to cut off all communication between the town and the continent. His Highness having taken post there, summoned the governor, who answered, that he would defend the place to the last extremity. On the 22nd, the Admiral, at break of day, gave the signal for cannonading the town. The Grafton, commanded by Sir Andrew Leake, was one of the ships sent on this service. The Monk, Captain Mighells, was in the fleet, but not engaged in the attack. The cannonading was carried on with such vigour, that 15,000 shots were expended in five hours, when the Admiral perceiving that the enemy were driven from their batteries at the South Mole Head, and that if we were once possessed of them, the town must be taken, he ordered Captain Whitaker to arm all the boats, and to attempt making himself master of them. This order was no sooner issued, than Captain Hicks and Captain Jumper, who where nearest the Mole, pushed on shore with their pinnaces, and actually seized the batteries before the others could come up. The Spaniards, perceiving this advantage, immediately sprung a mine, whereby two lieutenants and forty men were killed, and about sixty wounded. However, the English kept possession of the great platform till they were supported by Captain Whitaker and the seamen under his command, who very soon made himself master of a redoubt between the Mole and the town; on which the Admiral sent a letter to the governor to surrender, who on the 24th capitulated, and the Prince of Hesse took possession of the place. This attack upon Gibraltar was planned by the Admiral, and it was executed wholly by the sailors; consequently, all the success and honour of the undertaking must be attributed to the valour and conduct of the British seamen. In the execution of this design, nothing contributed more to its success than the furious cannonade previous to the attack, which obliged the Spaniards to abandon their posts; for the general officers, who inspected the works after they were in possession of the English, declared that they might have been defended by fifty men against as many thousands.

After the taking of Gibraltar the fleet sailed to Tetuan, in order to take in wood and water. On the 9th of August the fleet sailed again for Gibraltar, and had sight of the French fleet, which they resolved to engage; but the latter declined an action, and endeavoured to avoid the English. But Sir George pursued them with all the sail he could make, and on Sunday, being within three leagues of them, the French brought to, and forming a line of battle, lay in a position to receive him. The French fleet consisted of fifty-two ships and twenty-four galleys, commanded by the Count of Toulouse, High-Admiral of France. The English fleet consisted of fifty-three ships. A little after ten in the morning, Sir George bore down in order of battle, and throwing out the signal for engaging, began the fight. The fire of the enemy fell very heavy on the Royal Katherine, the St. George, and the Shrewsbury. About two in the afternoon the van of the French gave way to the English, and the battle ended with the day; the enemy retreating to leeward, and towing off their ships by the assistance of their galleys. Our fleet employed every manoeuvre for two days, to renew the fight, but to no purpose, for the French assiduously avoided it, and at last bore quite away, which is an evident proof that the victory was the indisputable claim of the English.

In this great battle, called the Malaga fight (from its being fought off that port) that brave and valiant officer, Sir Andrew Leake, was unfortunately slain. After Sir Andrew had received his fatal wound, and was carried down to the surgeons to be dressed, his heroic soul fired with the love of his country, and burning with an insatiable thirst for glory, would not suffer him to remain inactive; but despising death, though surrounded will all its terrors, he wrapped a table cloth around his wounded body, and though possessing only the small remains of life, he placed himself in his elbow chair, and gave orders to be carried again upon the quarter-deck, where he bravely sat and partook of the glories of the day, until he nobly breathed his last. Sir Andrew commanded the Grafton, of seventy guns and 440 men. In this fight he had thirty-one men slain and sixty-six wounded.

Another British sea-commander belonging to Lowestoft, who by his conduct and gallantry in the service of his country, acquired the distinguished honour of Vice-Admiral of the Navy, was James Mighells, Esq.

In the year 1697, the sieur Pointis, the French Admiral, in his return from his successful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies, in which he had acquired as much plate and other effects as were computed to be worth £1,200,000 sterling, thought himself safe when he arrived off Newfoundland, as he had not received the least intimation of our having a stout squadron in those seas, under the command of captain Norris, and which would have been able to have given a very good account of Pointis and his Spanish plunder, had they been so fortunate as to have met with him and engaged him.

Captain Norris, from the first advices that he received of the arrival of a French squadron in those parts, conjectured that it was the squadron sent out after him from France, with a view of intercepting him in his passage, or attacking him at Newfoundland; however, shortly after he received the most authentic information what squadron it was, also an account of its strength, and that it was conveying to France the rich plunder of Carthagena, in the West Indies. Captain Norris was transported with this advice; and immediately calling a Council of war, shewed the great uncertainty of meeting with the enemy if any delay was permitted, and urged with vehemency the necessity of immediately sailing in pursuit of them. Other commanders, however, did not appear in such haste. Many difficulties were apprehended, and many objections started; and therefore the determination of the council was, to continue in their present situation, and expect the French in close quarters. But fresh advices successively arriving, confirming the truth of his former intelligence, it occasioned the summoning of repeated councils of war; but in all these deliberations, Captain Norris, who was eager for fighting the enemy, experienced the mortifying misfortune of being still over ruled; so that by these repeated delays, arising from the irresolute decisions of the councils, the sieur Pointis with his rich booty, was suffered to escape, and arrive safe in France.

The several councils of war which were held on this occasion consisted of eleven land officers, and thirteen sea officers; the former were all unanimous against fighting; of the latter, eight were for it, and five against it. It is necessary to be observed, concerning this transaction that Captain Mighells, who commanded one of the ships belonging to this squadron, was among those who voted for fighting.

The whole business was in the ensuing session of Parliament, examined in the House of Lords; when, on a full view of the evidence, their Lordships came to the following resolutions:

Die LunÆ, 17th April, 1699.

1st.—It is resolved, by the Lord’s spiritual and temporal in Parliament assembled, That the squadron commanded by Captain Norris, at St. John’s, in Newfoundland, not going out to fight Pointis, on the several intelligences given, was a very high miscarriage, to the great disservice of the king and kingdom.

2nd. It is resolved that the joining the land officers in the council of war on the 24th July, 1697, was one occasion of the miscarriage in not fighting Pointis.

The first action wherein Captain Mighells had an opportunity of signalising his bravery, is represented as follows: Real-Admiral Dilkes having received orders to look for a grand partee, said to lay in Cancalle Bay, on the cost of Normandy, sailed from Spithead on the 24th July, 1703, in pursuit of them. Having dispatched the Fly, Captain Chamberlain, for intelligence, he was informed, that a fleet of about forty sail were plying towards Granville. The Admiral resolved to sail immediately after them; and having discovered them, determined to attack them at break of day the next morning. He followed them as far as the pilots would venture, and found them to consist of forty-three sail of merchant ships and three men-of-war. On the approach of the English fleet, the French stood in for the shore; and the Admiral being come within four feet of the water which the ships drew, thought it too dangerous to pursue them any farther with the larger men-of-war; and, therefore, having manned all the boats of the fleet, they attacked the French, and so far succeeded, that by noon they had taken fifteen sail, and burnt six; the remainder stood so far into the Bay, that, according to the judgment of the pilots, even the smaller ships could not attack them. Hereupon, the 27th, in the morning it was resolved, in a Council of War, that, under cover of the Hector, Mermaid fireship, the Spy brigantine, a ship of six guns, taken the day before from the enemy, and a ketch fitted as a fireship, all the boats in the squadron should enter the harbour and renew the attack. This service was performed between ten and eleven in the morning, the Admiral being present, accompanied by Captain Fairfax, Captain Legg, and Captain Mighells, as also by Captains Lampries and Pipon. Out of the three men-of-war which the enemy had, one of the eighteen guns they burnt themselves; one of the fourteen guns was set on fire by Mr. Paul, first Lieutenant of the Kent, who, in this service, was shot through the lower jaw, and had four men killed; and the third of eight guns, was brought off. Seventeen merchant ships more were burnt and destroyed; so that of the whole fleet only four escaped by getting under the command of Granville fort. The Queen, to testify her gracious acceptance of so cheerful and effectual a service; and to perpetuate the memory thereof, as well as recompense the gallantry of those who rendered it, ordered gold medals to be struck on this occasion, and to be delivered to the Admiral and all his officers.

The next remarkable action wherein Captain Mighells was eminently distinguished for his conduct and bravery, was the great Malaga fight on the 13th of August, 1704. In this battle he commanded the Monk of sixty guns, 365 men. In this memorable action Captain Mighells gave a most signal instance of true magnanimity and British valour; for the French Admiral having ordered the Serieux of seventy guns, commanded by M. Champmelin, to board the Monk, which he attempted three times, yet he was as often beaten off again by Captain Mighells, with the firmest resolution and courage; and notwithstanding the French, after every repulse, had their wounded men taken off, and their complement restored by their galleys, yet this gallant Captain as constantly cleared the decks of the enemy, and at last forced them to bear away. In these several attacks the Monk had thirty-six men killed and fifty-two wounded, among the latter was Captain Mighells.

The Monk was probably lost near Lowestoft a few years after. In 1719 the Monk, man-of-war, sixty guns, Captain Clinton, coming out of the sea, ran upon Corton sands. The Captain and men left her (except the master and twelve men) and came ashore at Lowestoft. In the night the ship went off the sands, and the master and men brought her up in Corton roads; but afterwards she went ashore at a place called “Old Almonds” (between Corton and Gorleston) where she was totally lost.

In the year 1711, Captain Mighells was again in the Mediterranean, in the Hampton-Court, man-of-war, under Sir John Jennings. The Admiral, after he had appeared off Barcelona, and had taken on board the King of Spain, whom he had landed at Genoa; and had also proceeded to Leghorn, to procure such a supply of stores as that place would afford, sailed for Port Mahon. On his arrival there, he was informed by the Captains of two ships, that they had heard a great firing all the night before. On this intelligence he sent the Chatham and Winchelsea the next morning to try what they could discover; who soon brought him intelligence that the Dutch Vice-Admiral, with his squadron, was in the offing, together with five ships of ours. The ships belonging to the English were the Hampton Court, Captain Mighells; the Nottingham, the Sterling Castle, the Charles galley, and the Lynn; which came from the coast of Catalonia, and in their passage had fallen in with two French men-of-war; the Toulouse and the Trident, each of fifty guns, and four hundred men. The Hampton Court came up with the first of them and engaged her two hours; and to whose commander she struck, at the time when the Sterling Castle came within musket-shot, which was about ten o’clock at night. But the Trident, by the advantage of light winds and the assistance of her oars made her escape. The masts of the Hampton Court being much injured in the fight, they, by the violence of the weather, came next day all by the board, so that she was towed into port by the Sterling Castle.

Captain Mighells, for the many eminent services rendered by him to his country, being made a Rear-Admiral, was appointed a Rear-Admiral of the White, 1718, in a strong squadron sent to the Baltic, under the command of Sir John Norris; this squadron, consisting of ten ships of the line, left Southwold bay on the 1st May, having eighteen sail of merchant ships under convoy. On the second, at three in the morning, they took their departure Lowestoft light-house distant six leagues, and on the 14th May arrived safe at Copenhagen; where, the same day, Sir John Norris had an audience of his Danish Majesty, by whom he was received very graciously; and soon after he sailed, in conjunction with the Danish fleet, and blocked up the Swedes in their harbours, and returned to England again about the latter end of October.

On the 17th December, 1718, war was declared against Spain; and in the beginning of the following year, the nation was under the greatest apprehension of an invasion; and on repeated advices being received of the great preparations made in Spain for that purpose, every necessary precaution was taken to defeat their designs. Sir John Norris set out on the 5th of March, 1719, for Chatham and the Nore; and Rear-Admiral Mighells, for Portsmouth, to forward the sitting out such ships as were in those stations, and to take them under their command. On the 8th of March the Earl of Berkeley kissed his Majesty’s hand on his being appointed commander of the fleet, which was then fitting out with all expedition. The Earl sailed from St. Helen’s to the westward, and after joining Sir John Norris, sailed to the coast of Ireland; from thence he returned on the 4th of April, having dispatched Vice-Admiral Mighells with the Windsor, Monmouth, and Antelope, to the coast of Galicia for intelligence, and then left the command of the fleet to Sir John Norris.

Soon after, advice was received that the fleet of Spanish men-of-war and transports, crowded with men, but wanting all necessaries, had sailed from Cadiz for the Groyne, where they were to be joined by other ships and transports, but had been dispersed in a storm, and driven into different ports, terribly shattered and disabled; some without masts, and others were reduced to the necessity of throwing their horses, stores, and guns overboard, which totally frustrated the designs of the Spaniards to invade England.

The English, being determined to retaliate the insults threatened by the Spaniards in the preceding year, against the British coasts, formed a resolution of sending a fleet and army to the coast of Spain; the former under the command of Vice-Admiral Mighells; the latter under Lord Viscount Cobham. On the 21st of September, 1719, the ships of war and transports, having on board the forces consisting of about six thousand men, sailed from St. Helen’s.

The Admiral arrived upon the coast of Galicia in the month of September, and continued cruising three days in the station appointed for Captain Johnson to join him; but receiving no intelligence of him, and the danger of lying on that coast at that season of the year, with transports, rendering it necessary to take some measures of acting without him, and the wind being fair for Vigo, he came to a resolution of sailing to that port.

On the 29th of September, they entered the harbour of Vigo and the grenadiers being immediately landed, about three miles from the town, drew up upon the beach. Lord Cobham went on shore with the grenadiers, and the regiments followed as fast as the boats could carry them. On the 1st of October his Lordship moved with the forces nearer the town; this motion of the army, together with the motion of some parties that were ordered to reconnoitre the town and citadel, gave the enemy some apprehensions that preparations were being made to attack them, whereupon they abandoned the town and retired to the citadel.

On the 3rd a bomb-vessel began to bombard the citadel, but with little success, by reason of its great distance; but in the evening the large mortars and the cohorn mortars between forty and fifty of them, great and small, being landed at the town, and placed on a battery, under cover of fort St. Sebastian (which had been taken from the Spaniards) began in the night to play upon the citadel, and continued it four days with great success. On the fourth day his Lordship ordered the battering cannon to be landed, and, at the same time his Lordship sent to the governor a summons to surrender, signifying, that if he staid till our battery of cannon was ready, he should have no quarter. Colonel Ligonier was sent with this message; but found that the Governor had the day before been carried out of the castle wounded. The Lieutenant-Colonel, who commanded in his absence, desired leave to send for directions, but being answered that hostilities should be continued if they did not send their articles of capitulation without any delay, they soon complied.

On the 25th and 26th of October the forces were all embarked again; on the 27th the fleet put to sea; and on the 11th of November Admiral Mighells, with the men of war and most of the transports arrived at Falmouth, with the loss of only two officers and three or four men killed in the fleet, and about three hundred men killed, died, or deserted in the army. The enemy had above three hundred killed or wounded by our bombs. There were found in the town and citadel a great number of fine brass cannon and mortars, several thousand cannon shot, muskets, barrels of gunpowder, and an immense quantity of other stores and ammunition, which were shipped on board the fleet; besides destroying 153 pieces of iron cannon, sixteen brass cannon and mortars, and a large quantity of other stores; and the treasure brought into the Tower of London was computed to be worth £80,000 sterling. It is remarkable, that the arms and the stores thus taken and destroyed were originally designed for the intended invasion of England the preceding year; but from this successful expedition every design of that nature was rendered totally abortive. This was a very humiliating blow to Spain, and convinced them and the rest of the world, that the English spirit was so far from being depressed by the threatening insults of its enemies, that it was not only capable of planning, but of really executing that invasion which our enemies only meditated.

This expedition to the coast of Spain appears to have been the last service that this great officer was engaged in; for being now arrived at his full meridian glory, and worn out with fatigue in the service of his country, he exchanged the tumultuous scenes of war for the more calm and undisturbed enjoyments of a retired situation. He died on the 21st of March, 1733, and was buried in Lowestoft church, where a handsome monument is erected to his memory. The following is a copy of the inscription: “To the memory of James Mighells, Esq., late Vice-Admiral and Comptroller of the Royal Navy, whose publick and private character justly deserves remembrance, if courage and conduct in a commander, fidelity and diligence in a commissioner, sincerity in a friend, usefulness in a relation, love and affection in a husband, care and indulgence in a parent, and the strictest justice and honesty to all men, deserved to be remembered. He died March 21st, 1733, aged 69 years.”

The last naval officer belonging to Lowestoft at the same period, who remains to be mentioned, and whose conduct and bravery, as a commander, is justly entitled to notice and esteem is Captain Thomas Arnold.

The Arnolds have been a flourishing family in this town from the reign of Queen Elizabeth. In 1584 Nathaniel Arnold was one of the feoffees for Ann Girling’s donation. Thomas, his eldest son lost £375 13s. by the great fire in 1644.

The most memorable action in Captain Thomas Arnold’s life, wherein he displayed the greatest valour and magnanimity, was in the great seafight in the Mediterranean, in the year 1718.

About the middle of March, 1718, Sir George Byng was appointed Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty’s fleet, and to command the squadron designed for the Mediterranean, to act against Spain, in order to protect the neutrality of Italy. On the 3rd of June, the fleet, consisting of twenty-two ships of the line, etc., sailed from St. Helen’s; about the latter end of the month it arrived in the Mediterranean, and in the beginning of July was in sight of the Spanish fleet consisting of twenty-seven sail of men-of-war, great and small with fireships, bomb-vessels, etc. On the approach of the English, they went from them a long way, but in their order of battle. Early in the morning of the 11th, the English got pretty near up to them. The Marquis de Mari, Rear-Admiral, with six Spanish men-of-war, and all the galleys, fireships, bomb-vessels, and store ships, separated from their main fleet, and stood in for the Sicilian shore; upon which the Admiral detached Captain Walton, of the Canterbury, with five more ships after them. In this engagement Captain Walton took four Spanish men-of-war, a bomb-vessel, and a ship laden with arms, and burnt four men-of-war, being all the Spanish ships that were on the coast. In the meanwhile Admiral Sir George Byng pursued the main body of the Spanish fleet.

The Kent and Superbe (the latter being commanded by Captain Streynsham Master, whose first lieutenant was Mr. Arnold), together with the Grafton and Orford, being the fastest sailing ships, having orders to make what sail they could, and to place themselves near the four head-most ships of the enemy, were the first that came up with them. The Spaniards began the action by firing their stern chasers at them; but the English ships having orders not to fire unless the Spaniards repeated their firing, made no return at first; but the Spaniards firing again, the Orford attacked the Santa Rosa, which some time after she took. The St. Charles struck next, without much opposition, and the Kent took possession of her. The Grafton attacked the Prince of Austrias (formerly called the Cumberland), in which was Rear-Admiral Chacon; but the Breda and Captain coming up, she left that ship for them to take, which they soon accomplished, and stretched ahead after another sixty gun ship, which was on her starboard while she was engaging the Prince of Austrias, and kept firing her stern chase into the Grafton.

About one o’clock the Kent and Superbe engaged the Royal St. Philip the Spanish Admiral; which, though supported by two other ships, and all of them kept a continual fire, yet made a running fight of it till about three in the afternoon, when the Kent bearing down upon her and passing under her stern, gave her a broadside and fell to leeward of her. After that the Superbe bore up to the Royal Philip; but Captain Master (who commanded the Superbe) being diffident concerning the most successful method of attacking her, consulted his first lieutenant, Mr. Arnold, who told him, “That as the eyes of the whole fleet were upon them, expecting the most vigorous efforts in the discharge of his duty in that critical moment; he therefore advised him to board the Royal Philip immediately sword in hand.” The council of Mr. Arnold was immediately put in execution; and as his office of first-lieutenant obliged him, he boarded the Royal Philip, sword in hand, and shortly after carried her. Mr. Arnold received such a dangerous wound in this service, in one of his hands and arms, as rendered him almost useless afterwards. At the same time the Barfleur being within shot of the Royal Philip, and astern of her, and also inclining on her weather quarter, one of the Spanish rear-Admirals and another ship of sixty guns, which were to the windward of the Barfleur, bore down upon her and gave her their broadsides, and then clapped upon a wind and stood in for the land. Admiral Byng, in the Barfleur, stood after them till it was almost night; but it being little wind, and they galeing from him out of reach of his cannon, he left pursuing them, and stood away again to the fleet, which he joined in the night. In this action the Essex took the Juno, of thirty-six guns, the Montague and Rupert took the Velante, of forty-four guns. Vice-Admiral Cornwall followed the Grafton, to support her, but it being very little wind, and night coming on, the Spaniard galed away from the Grafton. Rear-Admiral Delaval took the Isabella of sixty guns. The English received but little damage in this battle; the ship that suffered most was the Grafton, Captain Haddock, and being a good sailor, her Captain engaged several ships of the enemy, always pursuing the headmost, and leaving those ships he had disabled or damaged to be taken by those that followed him. Several other men-of-war, fire ships, bomb vessels, etc., were taken and destroyed in this action. As for the prizes that had been taken, they were sent to Port Mahon; where, by an unlucky accident the Royal Philip took fire and blew up with most of the crew on board; but the Spanish Admiral had been before set ashore in Sicily, with some other prisoners of distinction, where he soon afterwards died of his wounds.

As soon as Admiral Byng had obtained a full account of the whole transaction, he dispatched his eldest son to England with the intelligence; who, arriving at Hampton Court in fifteen days from Naples, brought thither the agreeable confirmation of what public fame had before reported, and on which the King had already written a letter to the Admiral as under:

Sir George Byng—Although I have received no news from you directly, I am informed of the victory obtained by the fleet under your command and would not, therefore, defer giving that satisfaction which must result from my approbation of your conduct. I give you my thanks, and desire you will testify the same to all the brave men who have distinguished themselves on this occasion. Mr. Secretary Crags has orders to inform you more fully my intentions, but I was willing to assure you that I am your good friend.

GEORGE R.

Hampton Court, August 23, 1718.

Mr. Byng met with a most gracious reception from his Majesty; who made him a handsome present, and sent him back with plenipotentionary powers to his father to negociate with the several Princes and states of Italy, as there should be occasion; and with his royal grant to the officers and seamen, of all prizes taken by them from the Spaniards.

The Spanish Court was extremely chagrined at this unexpected blow, which had almost totally destroyed the naval force which they had been at so much pains in equipping, and therefore were not slow in expressing their resentments; for they immediately made themselves masters of all the English ships that were in the port of Cadiz, and seized all the effects of the English merchants that were at Malaga. These hostilities occasioned a declaration of war against Spain, in form, on the 17th of December, 1718.

Soon after this battle Mr. Arnold was appointed Captain of the Spy sloop of war, and sent express to the West Indies; but his ship was so very unfit for the voyage that it was expected he would never return. However, he was so fortunate as to arrive safe again in England, and was afterwards appointed to the command of the Fox man-of-war, and ordered upon the Carolina station; but on coming home again, finding his friend Lord Torrington dead; [167] and all his hopes of promotion entirely frustrated, he resigned his command in the navy, and retired to Great Yarmouth, where he ended his days, August 31, 1737, aged 58 years, and was interred in Lowestoft church, where a monument containing a just representation of a brave and gallant officer is erected to his memory.

These are the accounts of the many valiant sea commanders who formerly belonged to the town of Lowestoft, and who by their wisdom, conduct, and gallantry, have not only adorned the annals of their country, but have cast a lustre upon the place of their nativity, and obtained the most distinguished honour to themselves and their posterity.

Lowestoft being a maritime town, it is more distinguished by important events relative to naval affairs, than those respecting military transactions having occurred, which were of considerable importance, such as have given evident demonstrations of the loyalty of its inhabitants, and of their invoilable attachment to the Government.

In the year 1715, a block-house was standing at Lowestoft, well furnished with ordnance, for the defence of such ships as anchored before the town for the purpose of merchandising, which block-house was destroyed by the sea.

In 1549, as soon as the report of Kett having formed a camp upon Mousehold Heath, Norwich, was received in Suffolk, the common people assembled together in great multitudes, made themselves masters of Lothingland, seized six pieces of cannon at Lowestoft, and brought them to an enclosure at the north end of Gorleston, intending to batter from thence the town of Yarmouth. These designs being perceived by the inhabitants, a party of them were dispatched to set fire to a large stack of hay, on the west side of the haven; which being executed, it occasioned a prodigious smoke, and falling upon the face of the rebels, prevented their seeing the Yarmouth men, who, consequently, fell upon the enemy, whereby many of them were slain, thirty were taken prisoners, together with six pieces of cannon. The prisoners, with the cannon, were immediately carried to Yarmouth, where the rebels were committed to prison, and the remainder of the party being disappointed in their design of seizing the town, immediately withdrew themselves, and taking another rout, joined their leader Kett on Mousehold Heath. Afterwards, Queen Elizabeth gave the town of Lowestoft four pieces of cannon and two slings, in the room of those taken away by the Suffolk rabble, when they went to join Kett at Mousehold.

In 1588, when the nation was alarmed with the apprehension of a Spanish invasion it cost the inhabitants of Lowestoft upwards of £200 towards defending the coast against the enemy, which was applied in the following manner: in fitting out a pinnace, £100; in erecting bulwarks, £80; in mounting the cannon £16; and in purchasing gunpowder £16. Also, in the following year, a warrant was issued by the Privy Council to the men of Ipswich, commanding the inhabitants of this town to concur with them in fitting out two ships of war; the charges attending this undertaking amounted to £2,800, and the share allotted to Lowestoft was £23. The town received also a warrant from the Lieutenant of the county, directing that another bulwark should be erected for its defence. In consequence of this order, it was found necessary to apply the money which had been collected in Ipswich, in erecting this bulwark. But about two or three years after, the Ipswich men made a demand of this money; and for non-payment thereof procured an order of Council, whereby several of the principal inhabitants of Lowestoft were arrested, in order to appear before the Council, and answer the charge of disobedience, which cost the town £60.

During the great revolt from loyalty, the usurpation of Oliver Cromwell, the town of Lowestoft exerted its utmost efforts in support of the Royal cause, and consequently was thereby exposed to the greatest dangers and inconveniences; particularly in opposing and counteracting the violent proceedings of Cromwell and the Parliament, respecting the association of the Eastern Counties. Among the many misfortunes and inconveniences which the town was subject to in consequence of this rebellion, may be reckoned, its being obliged, in 1642, to join with Ipswich, Orford, Dunwich, Aldborough, Southwold, Colchester, Maldon, Harwich, Woodbridge, Walberswick, Gorleston, Manningtree, and Barnham, in furnishing a ship of 800 tons burthen, and 260 men, with double tackle, ammunition, wages and stores.

In 1642, when Cromwell was advanced to the rank of Colonel, and also appointed a Commissioner in the order for settling the militia, the eastern counties entered into an association, and agreed to support the Parliament against all its opposers.

The king, in order to defeat the designs of this association, which the Parliament had confirmed, issued out his commission of array.

Cromwell having by his great skill and management, raised a regiment of a thousand horse, obstructed, with the most indefatigable industry, the levies that were raising for the service of the King in Cambridgeshire, Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, and hearing that several gentlemen of eminent rank were assembled at Lowestoft, among whom were Sir John Pettus, Sir Edward Barker, etc., with a design of forming a counter association in this county, and also in Norfolk, for the service of his Majesty, he marched with the utmost expedition to Lowestoft, and surprised them the day before that many others were to have met and joined them; and had not their designs been frustrated by this unexpected surprise, probably all the eastern counties would have been rescued out of the hands of Oliver Cromwell and his adherents.

The inhabitants of Lowestoft, as soon as they were informed of Oliver’s approach were exceedingly alarmed, and exerted their utmost efforts to put the town in a state of defence, and to dispute his entrance; and in order to this purpose, two pieces of cannon were placed at the south end of the town, and two at the head of Rant’s score, but one of the principal inhabitants (Thomas Mighells, merchant, who died in 1695) foreseeing the improbability of a design of this nature being attended with success, and also representing the extreme rashness of attempting it with so inferior a force, as well as the great damage which the town would probably sustain from an unsuccessful opposition, so far prevailed with the inhabitants and members of the association that they declined the resolution of opposing Oliver’s entrance into the town. The sum of twenty pounds was paid by the City of Norwich to Sergeant-Major Sherwood’s volunteers for their service at Lowestoft, where a design was discovered of a counter-association on the King’s behalf, made by Sir John Pettus, Sir Edward Barker, and other loyal gentlemen; and was carried so far, that Colonel Cromwell was in danger of his person, and was very near being taken, had not these volunteers rescued him, by sending for one hundred soldiers from Norwich and also one hundred more afterwards.

In consequence of pacific measures being adopted, Cromwell entered the town without any opposition, and fixed his head quarters at the Swan Inn. While he was here he sent for Sir John Pettus, who accordingly waited on him. After that Oliver had interrogated him very closely respecting the designs of the counter-association, requested that he would inform him to which party it was that he intended to engage himself during these disputes, Sir John, without any duplicity or reservation, declared that he should act for the King. Oliver, so far from shewing the least resentment against Sir John for his ingenuous declaration, highly applauded his frankness and sincerity, and dismissed him with assuring him, that he sincerely wished every man in the kingdom would be as open and sincere in declaring his real sentiments and intentions.

Cromwell by the surrender of the town became possessed of a considerable quantity of ammunition, saddles, pistols, and several pieces of cannon; as many as were sufficient for arming and supplying with necessaries a considerable body of forces.

This unfortunate event exceedingly discouraged the King’s friends of Norfolk and Suffolk; and it appeared afterwards, that, however artfully Cromwell might conceal his resentment on this occasion, yet, he was far from being sincere, or that those resentments were wholly suppressed by the surrender of the town. For he not only declared that had the inhabitants and those concerned in the counter association attempted to fire upon him when he entered the town, he would have put them all to the sword, but also suffered his soldiers, in a great measure, to plunder the town and live at free quarters. The tradesmen in Lowestoft suffered the greatest injuries by Oliver’s soldiers plundering them of their stocks-in-trade, as far as they were useful to the army, without making them any recompense. This misfortune, which happened in the year 1643, together with the terrible fire in 1644, which consumed £10,000 worth of property; the Dutch wars, which followed soon after, and the tedious and expensive law-suit with Yarmouth concerning the herring fishery, almost ruined the town.

In the year 1663 a petition was presented by the town of Lowestoft to the Duke of Albemarle, requesting that the four pieces of cannon then in the town might remain there, in order to guard the coast against any attacks of the enemy.

In consequence of this petition, the four pieces of cannon were permitted by Government to remain at Lowestoft, for the defence of the town; accordingly the inhabitants at their own expense, mounted the same on a platform, and also purchased ammunition necessary for their own security. But this platform being afterwards destroyed by the sea, the town was obliged to present a petition to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Lieutenant of the County, requesting assistance, in order to enable them to erect another platform which petition was granted.

In 1744 a battery of six pieces of cannon, eighteen pounders, was erected at the south end of the town, for protecting ships in the south roads, and guarding the passage of the Stanford. The cannon were given by Government, but the ammunition was furnished by the town.

On the 14th October, 1745, in consequence of the rebellion in Scotland, a subscription was opened in Lowestoft for the defence of his Majesty’s person, the support of the Government and the peace and security of the county; when the sum of £200 was subscribed, advice was received of the victory obtained over the rebels, 16th April, 1746, by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, only £20 of the subscription was paid.

In 1756 a battery of two pieces of canon, eighteen pounders, was erected upon the beach at the north end of the town, near the ness. These pieces were taken from the battery at the south end of the town. They were never of any great service to the town, for vessels belonging to the enemy seldom approach so near to the coast as to come within reach of the guns. On the 7th of April, 1778, Lord Amherst, accompanied by his brother, came to Lowestoft and examined the forts in consequence of the survey they were making by order of the Government, of the state of all the fortifications on the coast.

In 1782, when England was involved in a war with France, Spain, Holland, and America at the same time, was under apprehension that the British Navy was unable to maintain its superiority as mistress of the sea, when threatened by such numerous and powerful enemies, the county of Suffolk held a general meeting at Stowmarket, where it was agreed to open a subscription throughout the county, in order to raise a sum sufficient for building a man-of-war of the line, of seventy-four guns, to be presented to the Government. The town of Lowestoft subscribed £38 6s. 6d. The sum proposed to be raised was £30,000. The utmost efforts were exerted to obtain the money, and weekly accounts were published in the papers of the success that attended it in the several parts of the county; but it appearing, at the close of the year, that the whole subscription amounted to only about £20,000, it was apprehended that the zeal of the county was nearly exhausted, and that the subscription had arrived at almost its utmost limits. In the beginning of the year 1783, the war being terminated in a general peace, a further subscription became unnecessary, and consequently the subscribers were not called on for their subscriptions.

In the beginning of the year 1781, when the war broke out between England and Holland, there were quartered at Lowestoft two companies of the East Suffolk Militia commanded by Col. Goat, which in the May following were succeeded by a party of the 19th Regiment of light horse. Government seemed to have been apprehensive of this war, and also sensible of the necessity of having recourse to such methods as were proper for securing the eastern part of the kingdom against any attacks of the enemy.

On the 31st of July Lord Amherst, Commander-in-chief of his Majesty’s forces in the Kingdom, in his survey of the fortifications on this coast, after being met at Kessingland by a party of light dragoons from Lowestoft, was escorted to Lowestoft, where he surveyed the forts, which were found to be in a very ruinous condition. On the 13th of August the town was alarmed with the appearance of a fleet of large men of war in the offing, steering a direct course for Lowestoft, supposing them to be Dutch ships, but on a nearer approach they were found to be Admiral Parker’s fleet returning from a sharp engagement with a Dutch squadron, commanded by Admiral Zoutman on the Dogger Bank, the 5th August. On the 4th September there arrived in Lowestoft a waggon loaded with powder, shot, &c., guarded by a party of the Huntingdonshire and East Essex Militia, from the camp at Hopton, in order to prove, before General Tryon, four pieces of cannon then lying at the old fort, at the south end of the town, in order to discover whether they were serviceable or not; when, after charging each of them with 16lbs of powder and an 18lb shot, one of them burst, and flying in various directions, part of it struck a boy on the arm, who happily received no material injury. One part of the cannon, weighing between two and three hundred weight, was thrown into a field at a distance of 175 yards. On the 11th October following, Colonel Deibeig proved also the guns lying at the old fort, near the ness, which had laid there since the reign of Queen Anne, when three of them burst. This month the party of the 19th regiment of light horse quartered at this place, left the town, and were succeeded by two companies of the East Suffolk Militia, commanded by Captain Delane, who continued here till the May following.

Government being acquainted with the ruinous condition of the forts at Lowestoft, and the defenceless state of this part of the coast, immediately formed a resolution to erect several new fortifications at this town, and the principal one to be situated at the north end of the town, on the same spot whereon the old fort formerly stood; and also to have it much larger. But the premises on which the fort was designed to be erected being town land, Government was under the necessity of hiring it by a lease for a term of years, and also to purchase of different proprietors about three-quarters of an acre of land to add to it, the former spot not being large enough. Half an acre of this land was purchased of Mr. Robert Reeve, and the other quarter of an acre of Mr. Henry Lucas.

On January 7, 1782, the new fort, at the south end of the town was begun under the direction of Captain Fisher, one of His Majesty’s engineers. About 300 men (including fifty of the East Suffolk militia), were employed in this work. This fort consisted of a ditch about eighteen feet deep, fifteen feet wide, mounted with chevaux de frize. Over this ditch was a drawbridge between four and five feet wide. The inside of the south-west angle measured seventy feet; the width of the other angles were 95, 140, 100, and 249 feet. The terrace before the embrazures was four feet wide. The embrazures were eighteen feet wide and eight high. Next the sea was the glacis, extending about sixty-five yards. There was also a breastwork to defend the bridge, about eighteen feet thick and eight feet high. At the north-west angle of the fort was the magazine, it was thirty feet long and twelve broad; it was sunk beneath the surface of the earth, and was bomb proof, and contained 300 barrels of powder. In the centre of the fort stood the guard house; this was a handsome sashed building, about seventy feet long and twenty-six wide, having a spacious parade in front. At the south-west angle stood the flag staff, fifty-five feet high on which was hoisted an English jack. The battery mounted thirteen pieces of cannon, ten thirty-pounders, and three eighteen-pounders. The whole battery was finished on the 21st December, 1782. The south battery was distant from the north, three quarters of a mile, and from the east battery upon the beach, seven furlongs; and the distance of the north battery, near the distance of the north battery, on the beach three furlongs.

On the 4th April in the same year (1782) the erection of the fort at the north end of the town was commenced about one hundred yards to the north of the light-house. This battery consisted of a breast-work, having four angles, each of them about thirty feet wide. There was a guard house adjoining, about twenty feet long, and sixteen feet broad. Also a magazine, about six feet-square, which was paled round. This battery mounted four eighteen-pounders, and was intended to act with another battery, purposed shortly to be erected upon the Beach near the Ness.

A descent on this coast was so much apprehended about this time that a party of soldiers patrolled through Lowestoft every four hours during the night, in order, if necessary, to give an alarm.

And on the 23rd April following they began to erect the eastern battery upon the hill. It was surrounded by a ditch about fifteen feet wide and twelve deep, over which was a draw-bridge about four feet wide. The south-west angle measured eighty-three feet; the other angles ninety-six, eighty-three, fifty-eight, and twenty-nine feet. There was also a block-house erected, about fifteen feet square, the upper part of which was a guard house. The terrace round the inside of the ditch was four feet broad. The embrazures were eighteen feet wide and four feet high. The magazine was six feet square, and the glacis (which was next the sea) was fifty-three feet broad. This battery mounted six pieces of cannon, four thirty-two pounders, and two nine pounders; and was finished, as was also the north battery, on the 21st December, 1782, just time enough to fire (as it happened) for the general peace concluded the 20th January, 1783. On the 12th August, 1782, in honour of the Prince of Wales’s birthday, nine guns were fired from the south battery, four from the north, and four from the east battery; which was the first time of the cannon being exercised. The camp on East Heath also fired three volleys on the occasion.

The real cause, most probably, that hastened the finishing of these forts, was the information which Government had received of a descent intended to have been made on this coast.

In consequence of this intelligence, on the 23rd March, 1782, Captain Fisher, of the engineers, came to Lowestoft, and afterwards went to East Heath, near Mutford Bridge, and marked out the ground for an encampment.

On the 27th following, the Captain requested a meeting of the inhabitants of the town to know whether a sufficient number of men could be raised in order to work the guns at the batteries, provided that a party of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, then quartered in the town, should undertake to teach them their exercise. On the Captain offering this proposal, a subscription of upwards of £100 was immediately entered into by the principal inhabitants, with a design of carrying the proposal into execution, but not being sufficiently encouraged it came to nothing.

On the 29th March, Colonel Deibieg arrived at Lowestoft, and informed the inhabitants that Government had received undoubted information of an intended invasion shortly to be made at three different parts of the kingdom at the same time, namely at Torbay, Newcastle, and on the coast near Yarmouth; and therefore requested to be informed whether the town was able to furnish two hundred men to work the guns at the batteries. On this application a meeting was called of the inhabitants to take the same into consideration, when the answer was, that by reason of the great number of sailors belonging to the town being at that time employed in the navy, it was impossible to obtain the number of men required.

On June 23rd, Lord Townshend, Commander-in-chief of the camp at Warley common, and the coasts of Essex, Norfolk and Suffolk, came to Lowestoft, and surveyed the works carrying on there, and also the ground intended for the encampment on East Heath. On the 24th his Lordship, accompanied by his aide-de-camps, went to Oulton, and surveyed the dyke there, in order to discover whether that part of the river was fordable by the enemy in case of descent.

July 22nd, the 20 regiment of Light Dragoons, commanded by General Philipson, encamped on East Heath, at the bottom of Fidlers’ hill, near Kirkley bridge. And on September 10th, they were reviewed on the Heath by Lord Townshend, the Earl of Orford, General Tryon, and General Philipson.

September 11, eight pieces of cannon passed through Lowestoft for Benacre, to be placed there, along the coast to Harwich as signal guns.

September 25, General Conway, Commander-in-chief of his Majesty’s forces, arrived at Lowestoft; and being attended by Lord Townshend, General Tryon, General Morrison, and their Aide-de-Camps, surveyed the batteries in Lowestoft, and afterwards reviewed the regiment of Dragoons from East Heath; the regiment of foot and Cambridgeshire militia from Hopton; and the West Norfork militia from Castor, on Fritton Heath.

On the 28th September Captain Heigington’s company of the 10th Regiment of Foot came from Hopton Common, and encamped near the Battery at the north end of the town, to be in readiness, in case of necessity, to assist the artillery at the fort, commanded by Captain Marlow.

On the 14th October his Grace the Duke of Richmond, master of the ordnance, arrived at Lowestoft, accompanied by his son Lord George Lenox and surveyed the works.

In February, 1782, Lord North, Prime Minister, and all the other officers of State belonging to his administration, were under the necessity of resigning their respective employments on account of the American war. The many miseries which the nation was involved in, in consequence of this unhappy war, and the opposition which ministers met with in the House of Commons, as being the authors of these calamities, occasioned an entire new ministry to be formed. The Marquis of Rockingham was made Prime Minister; who, dying soon after was succeeded by the Earl of Shelburne; Admiral Kepple was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, in the room of Earl of Sandwich; General Conway was made Commander-in-chief of His Majesty’s forces in the room of Lord Amherst; and the Duke of Richmond master of the Ordnance in the room of Lord Townsend. These circumstances are necessary to be remembered, as they account for the different noblemen and officers visiting the town in so short a space of time, in order to survey the works and review the troops.

Among the various methods made use of in order to alarm the coast on the approach of an enemy were the following: July 18, 1782, about ten at night General Tryon caused skyrockets to be let off at the several places of Caister, Gorleston Heights, Lowestoft East Battery, Pakefield, and Covehithe, intending thereby to communicate an alarm from Caister and Covehithe, the two most distant places, in the same manner as was practised by lighting up beacons. This method was found to answer exceedingly well, as intelligence could by these means be communicated from Caister to Covehithe in two minutes. September 5, another experiment was made use of by the General to convey an alarm in case the enemy should approach in the night near Lowestoft; which was to set fire to a stack of about fifty faggots of furze, upon a hill, in the bounds of Gunton, and to let off four large skyrockets, so as to be seen at Caister, Hopton camp, Somerly Hall, (the head quarters) and East Ness. September 16, another experiment made, was by firing a signal gun from the East Battery at Lowestoft; to set fire to a stack of furze in the Church lane, and let off some skyrockets. The same methods were made use of at Bawdsey Cliff, and at the several different stations between here and Caister (one of which was the foregoing at Lowestoft) when it was found that an alarm was conveyed in this manner from Bawdsey to Caister, fifty miles, in eleven minutes. September 17, an experiment by daylight was made in making a great smoke. This signal was answered from the camp at Hopton. Another signal was given from the East battery to East Ness, by flash of gun, September 25, an experiment was made to convey an alarm to Norwich from the coast, the camp on East Heath, and from the camp at Herringfleet, by firing skyrockets and cannon, which were answered by other rockets, and platoons of musketry upon Mousehold Heath, Norwich. After which, beacons of piles of wood, were set fire to on Herringfleet and Mousehold Heath. October 9th a similar experiment was made at seven o’clock in the evening. A chain of signals, by skyrockets and fire beacons, were displayed successively from Coxford lodge, near Houghton, Swanton Novers, near Melton Constable; the heights above Attlebridge; and Mousehold Heath, Norwich; to Herringfleet (near the head-quarters at Somerly). These several modes of conveying alarms, in case of an actual invasion, were the most practicable and speedy that could then be made use of in this part of the country.

November 11th, 1784, the camp upon Hopton common broke up, and the Cambridgeshire militia having joined the Light Infantry that had been encamped upon the common at Southwold, went into the winter quarters in Cambridgeshire. At the same time the camp also at Caister broke up, and went into winter quarters at Lynn. And on the 12th the camp upon East Heath broke up, when the troops, together with the 10th Regiment of Foot from Hopton, went into winter quarters at Yarmouth, Gorleston, and Lowestoft. The enemy had not once attempted to carry their intended descent into execution. As the war was terminated on the 20th January following, by a general peace, the fortifications which had been so lately erected in Lowestoft, at a great expense, were allowed to fall into decay.

On the 23rd July, 1785, at four o’clock in the afternoon, Major Money, of Crown Point, near Norwich, ascended from the public gardens in that city, in a car suspended from an air balloon. When arrived at a considerable height, he was not only carried above the clouds, but by a change in the current of air, was driven over Lowestoft, and forced many miles over the sea. About six o’clock, the Major with the balloon fell upon the water, where, after experiencing the most astonishing dangers with the greatest fortitude and presence of mind, he was taken up by a cutter between eleven and twelve o’clock that night, about eighteen miles to the east of Southwold; and the next morning landed safe at Lowestoft, to the great surprise and joy of his friends and the country in general.