Caesar arrives at the Court of his brother-in-law, the King of Navarre—D’Albret’s danger—The Agramont and Beaumont factions—Beaumont holds Viana—War is declared between D’Albret and Beaumont—Caesar is appointed commander of the troops of the King of Navarre—Viana—The chronicler Moret—Caesar is killed—The body is buried in Santa Maria de Viana—His epitaph—Removal of the body and destruction of the tomb—The news of Caesar’s death reaches Italy—The feeling in the peninsula—Caesar’s wife, Charlotte d’Albret, and their descendants—His illegitimate children—Death of Caesar’s mother Vannozza de’ Catanei—Conclusion.

The last of December, 1506, Caesar’s secretary, Don Federico, arrived in Italy with letters from his master announcing his escape. Of these letters, dated December 7, 1506, one was to the Marquis of Mantua, and another to the Cardinal of Este. The former, owing to political reasons, had always been friendly to Valentino; moreover, his wife Isabella was a sister of Alfonso d’Este, Caesar’s brother-in-law. The seal on the letters has the lilies of France and the Borgia arms, with the inscription, “Caesar Borgia de France, Duke of Romagna.”

On arriving in Italy Don Federico immediately went to Ferrara, where he appeared December 28th to impart the good news to Lucretia. Two weeks after leaving Ferrara, Federico was arrested at Bologna by order of Julius II., and Lucretia wrote the Marquis of Mantua, who was in the Pope’s service, and who had just administered a crushing defeat to Bentivoglio, and annexed his domain to the States of the Church, telling him that the messenger had merely come to bring her news of her brother, and not to attempt anything contrary to the Pope’s interests or wishes.

It was suspected that Federico had been sent to feel the pulse of the country, and to ascertain whether the Romagnols were still loyal to Valentino.

If Caesar in prison was a source of uneasiness to the Holy Father, how much more to be feared was he now, at liberty in Navarre, protected by the Emperor Maximilian, and likely to appear in Italy any time, rally his supporters—of whom he still had many—about him, and endeavour to recover Romagna, where his rule was preferred to that of the Pope! It was, therefore, the part of wisdom to nip his plans in the bud; consequently Don Federico was seized.

The Court of Navarre was impoverished and could not be of much help to Caesar, the larger part of whose fortune consisted of deposits with the bankers of Genoa; these funds, however, had been attached by his Holiness. Caesar now remembered that he was a French prince, Duke of Valentinois, and entitled to the revenues of the duchy, in addition to those of the county of Diois—not to mention those of the salt magazines of Issoudun, all assured to him by formal contract at the time of his marriage to Charlotte d’Albret. Besides, there was the dowry of 100,000 livres promised by Louis XII. and guaranteed by the royal treasurers, not a sou of which had he ever received, although it was to have been paid in November, 1500.

Caesar therefore sent his majordomo Requesenz to France to press his claim before Louis XII., and ask permission to come and take his place at Court and serve his Majesty.

In January, 1507, the French King was at Burgos, and there Requesenz presented himself. Louis not only refused to grant any of Caesar’s demands, but, February 18th, by letters patent, formally declared the Duke deprived of the revenues and lordship of Issoudun. From this document it is clear that Louis wanted to punish Caesar for threatening Florence, which he regarded as treachery; for his attack on Pisa, which was under the protection of France; and also for his attempts to expel the King’s ally, Giovanni Bentivoglio, from Bologna.

Caesar was now thirty-one years of age, and his one desire was to avenge himself on his enemies, Julius II., who had deprived him of his estates; on the King of Spain, who had treacherously imprisoned him; and on Louis XII., who had taken all his privileges from him, and who had even withheld the marriage portion. Louis had used the Borgia in securing Milan and Naples, and he had obtained Bretagne thanks to the dispensation of Caesar’s father permitting his marriage with Anne.

When Caesar found refuge at the Court of Navarre, his brother-in-law Jean d’Albret was in sore straits. On one side he was threatened by Ferdinand, the Catholic, who had always regarded Navarre as his prey, and on the other he was imperilled by the contentions of two factions, one headed by the Count of Agramont, the other by Luis de Beaumont, Count of Lerin. Louis XII. was doing all he could to foment the discord, and at this juncture D’Albret’s brother-in-law, Caesar, suggested that the King ask aid of the Emperor Maximilian, and offer him free passage through Navarre to Castile and Aragon. This suggestion immediately approved itself to Jean d’Albret. Caesar, of course, expected to be made commander of the forces of Navarre, and he at once set about putting the castles and strongholds of the kingdom in condition for defence, and enlisting such forces as Navarre could equip and maintain.

The first thing for Jean d’Albret to do was to put an end to the discord among his own subjects. Luis de Beaumont was then in possession of the castle of Viana, and he refused to surrender it on the King’s demand. His rebellion was of long standing. Luis had inherited his father’s affection for Castile, and in 1495 he had entered into an agreement with Ferdinand, the Catholic, by which he relinquished his estates in Navarre, and received in exchange for them equivalent domains in Castile. Thus he became a vassal of the Spanish monarch, and at the same time the latter secured a foothold in the kingdom of Navarre. The convention was duly ratified, but owing to the difficulty which was encountered in adjusting the exchange of estates it was soon abrogated.

Don Juan de Ribera, Captain-General of the Catholic Monarch, had taken charge of the domain hitherto in the possession of Beaumont, whose departure from Navarre had brought peace to the kingdom. Jean d’Albret of course was incensed by the occupation of a part of his territory by a representative of the King of Spain. He therefore went to Seville to endeavour to reach an understanding with Ferdinand; this he succeeded in doing, and the convention included a pardon for his rebellious count, to whom was also restored the office of constable and warder of the castle of Viana, while Don Juan de Ribera, Captain-General of Castile, returned to him all the estates he had conveyed to their Catholic Majesties. Luis de Beaumont was, however, a turbulent soul; his tomb in the monastery of Veruela bears the inscription: En un cuerpo tan pequeno nunca se vi tanta fuerza—Never before in body so small was there such strength.

Ever since 1505 he had regarded himself as the rightful owner of the castles, which he was merely holding for his sovereign, and, forgetful of D’Albret’s generosity, he refused to submit to him, and also continued to make inroads on his neighbours’ domains and appropriate their lands. He was endeavouring to build up a power to oppose the throne of Navarre and had established himself as a conqueror in the castle of Viana. While Jean d’Albret and Caesar were putting the strongholds of the country in fighting condition, the King sent an officer to Beaumont to demand the surrender of the place. Luis had the envoy seized, whipped, and confined in the castle of Larraga. Incensed when he was informed of this, and remembering how he had forgiven the count, the King sent to him three times and commanded him to appear; on his failure to do so he charged him with lese-majeste, declared all his goods confiscate, his titles, honours, and offices forfeit, and himself condemned to death.

Supported by Don Alonzo Carilli de Peralta, Count of San Sebastian, who was also on the side of Castile, Luis prepared to take the field.

War was declared between the King and his rebellious vassal, and Caesar, having been appointed Captain-General of the royal troops, set out February 11, 1507, to invest Larraga, whose defence had been entrusted by Beaumont to Ogier de Verastegui. Caesar attacked with great determination, but the place resisted bravely. Trusting to his lieutenants to cut off all means of communication, Valentino decided to go and attack Beaumont at his camp near Mendavia, adjacent to the small town of Viana, on the road to LogroÑo.

At Viana, near the frontier of Castile, D’Albret would be in an excellent position to receive reinforcements from the Count of Benavente, the Duke of Najera, and Maximilian’s partisans, who were anxious to begin a struggle which would open Castile to the son of Philippe le Beau.

Caesar’s force consisted of a thousand cavalry, more than two hundred lances, an escort of thirty men-at-arms, and five hundred foot-soldiers, with some siege guns and a few field-pieces. It was his intention to invest Viana, and then seek the Count, who had entrusted the defence of the town to his son Luis, and who had himself taken up a position near Mendavia. Viana, being poorly supplied with provisions when the troops of Navarre appeared under her walls, was in no condition to resist a long siege. The Count of Lerin, aware of this, determined to re-victual the place; the undertaking was difficult and would have to be carried out, if at all, by night, for the Navarrais had entirely surrounded the town. The plan was favoured by a terrific storm which occurred during the night of March 11th, when Beaumont set out from Mendavia with two hundred lances and six hundred foot-soldiers, some of whom were armed with blunderbusses, to cover the line of his convoy, which consisted of sixty horses laden with flour. Profiting by the darkness, he advanced up to the very walls of the castle of Viana with a small force, having concealed the greater part of his men in a ravine near the town, so that they might be brought up quickly if needed. Everything was in his favour—the darkness, the storm, the relaxed vigilance of the besiegers, and he succeeded in getting his convoy into the stronghold by a secret gateway. Elated by his good fortune, Beaumont twice repeated the operation, and with equal success. He might have returned to his camp without being detected, but he decided to take advantage of the opportunity and reconnoitre, and, if possible, inflict some loss on the enemy.

As he was manoeuvering his troop they were discovered by a considerable body of soldiers coming down the road leading to LogroÑo who, they thought, were reinforcements sent by the Duke of Najera. At sight of Beaumont’s men a shout went up. The alarm was given in the besiegers’ quarters surrounding the castle. Instantly all was confusion. Caesar hastily donned his armour, sprang to his horse, and without waiting to give any orders dashed out of the gate and down the Solana road.

“When I was a boy,” says the chronicler Moret, “I heard old men eighty years of age, who had it from contemporaries who saw him, say that just as he dashed through the gate, cursing and swearing, his horse stumbled and fell.” Believing that his men were at his heels, the Borgia spurred straight on toward the rebels, and, coming up to the rearguard, with his own hand he slew three of the enemy; oblivious of the fact that he was alone, he spurred on, cursing the rebels the while. Suddenly he was discovered by Beaumont, who ordered some of his men to advance to meet him.

Among those who did so were Luis Garcia de Agredo and Pedro de Allo, who succeeded in drawing him on into a deep ravine, where his followers, who were far behind, were unable to see him. There, hidden from the sight of his own people and also from that of Beaumont’s men, he engaged in a terrible hand-to-hand fight with his adversaries.

Valentino fought for his life, but, wounded in the armpit just as he was about to deliver a blow, he was unhorsed, and finally, covered with wounds, was forced to the ground and killed.

His brilliant armour having attracted the attention of his assailants, they removed it. Entirely unaware who their victim was, they even took his weapons and his charger and its accoutrements. Fearing they might be surprised, they hastily departed, leaving the body naked on the field of battle. When the Count of Lerin saw the costly armour he was incensed because, instead of taking him alive, they had killed a man evidently of high rank, and he ordered some of his followers to fetch the body to his camp at Mendavia. They started for the ravine, but turned back when they heard the shouts of the men of Navarre who, in the early dawn, were searching for the body of their dead chieftain.

Before retreating, however, Beaumont’s men succeeded in capturing an unfortunate equerry whom they had found in manifest grief wandering about the scene of the conflict. Taken to Beaumont, he was shown the brilliant armour and asked to whom it belonged, and “Juanico burst into tears, exclaiming that he had girded it on his master, Caesar Borgia of France, Duke of Romagna, that very morning, and that he had followed him when he dashed through the gate, but had lost him from sight owing to the swiftness of the Duke’s horse.”

In the meantime the King of Navarre was advancing. After the first surprise his forces rallied and deployed before the hill upon which Viana is situated. Beaumont, seeing he was in danger of being cut off from Mendavia, retired with his men, leaving the unhappy squire, who immediately hastened back to the ravine, where he was found by D’Albret and his followers standing over the bleeding body of his master. The King had the corpse taken to Viana, where it was placed in a tomb before the great altar in the parochial church of Santa Maria of Viana, and in the course of the same year—1507—a magnificent monument was erected to Caesar’s memory, and upon it was chiselled the following epitaph:—

Early in the eighteenth century Father Aleson, then in Viana, found nothing left of the monument but two stones which had been inserted in the base of the main altar. In the “Antequedades de Navarra” Yanguez Miranda says the destruction of the sepulchre was, according to oral tradition, which he gathered from some of the inhabitants of Viana, due to the order of a fanatical bishop who felt that the church was desecrated by the presence of Caesar’s ashes.

The Church of Santa Maria de Viana underwent extensive repairs about the end of the seventeenth century, and probably it was at that time that the tomb was removed. Its destruction may have been connected with an incident which occurred long before. In 1498 Pedro de Aranda, Bishop of Calahorra and Superior of the diocese of Viana, was examined by Alexander VI. on the charge of heresy and was condemned and imprisoned in the Castle of St. Angelo, where he was held a long time. As a result of his confinement the bishop died. It is highly probable that the prelates of the diocese of Viana, which had been dishonoured in the person of its bishop by the Borgia, continued to feel resentment toward the family and that one of Pedro de Aranda’s successors revenged them by removing Caesar’s remains from the church. What could have been more natural than for the officiating priest to have desired to have removed from his sight all reminders of the recalcitrant cardinal, the degenerate son of Alexander VI. whose memory was already blasted by history? This much is certain—a bishop did destroy the tomb.

Following Paul Jovius and Tomaso Tomasi, later historians have placed Caesar’s burial at Pamplona; but Father Aleson, who continued Moret’s “Annals of Navarre,” and who lived in Viana, says: “Asi lo llevaron a Viana, no a Pamplona, como algunos quisieron decir; y lo depositaron en la yglesia parocchia de Santa Maria”—Thus they took the body to Viana, not to Pamplona as some say, and placed it in the parochial church at Santa Maria. Then follows a description of the tomb and the epitaph and the fact of the removal of the monument. In 1523, only sixteen years after Valentino’s death, Antonio de Guevara, the Bishop of MondoÑedo, described the tomb and copied the epitaph in his “Lettres Morales.”

Tradition indicated that the final resting-place of Caesar’s remains was just in front of the steps in the Calle de la Rua, leading to the terrace upon which the Church of Santa Maria de Viana stands, and M. Charles Yriarte induced the alcalde of the town, Don Victor Cereceda, to make an excavation at the place. The investigation brought to light a perfectly preserved skeleton—were these the mortal remains of the son of Alexander VI.?

There was nothing to prove that they were; the bishop may have wished to consign them to everlasting oblivion and so placed no mark upon the tomb. With the skeleton were other bones, which may have been removed from the church at the same time, when it was being restored.

Reports of Caesar’s death reached his sister—who in January, 1505, had become Duchess of Ferrara—by way of Naples promptly, and she dispatched one of her servants, a certain Tullio, to Navarre to ascertain whether the rumour was true. As he progressed on his journey he became convinced of the truth of the report, and therefore returned to Ferrara without going to Navarre. The last doubt was dispelled when Juanico Grasica, who had been present at Caesar’s funeral and who had been sent by King Jean d’Albret to inform Lucretia of his death, appeared in Ferrara. Alfonso was absent from his domain, and his brother, Cardinal Ippolito d’Este was the first to receive the news, which he immediately directed Jeronimo Magnanini, the Duke’s secretary, to communicate to his master. This he did in a long letter giving full particulars of Caesar’s death taken down from the lips of his faithful squire Grasica. The details were confirmed by Costabili, who had just come from Rome. Accounts of Valentino’s death are given by Zurita, Moret, Esteban de Garribay, and Avalos de la Piscina, and all closely agree with that of Grasica.

Lucretia’s grief was profound and apparently sincere, and many were the prayers she directed to be said for the repose of Caesar’s soul. Shortly afterwards her Court poet, Ercole Strozzi, dedicated his “Epicedium,” a funeral oration in verse, in honour of Valentino, to her, but Jacopo Sannazzaro, the mortal enemy of the Borgia, invited his friends and all Italy to join him in making merry over “this happy event.”

Caesar, deprived of the support of the Vatican, was merely a bold condottiere, a soldier of fortune, and with these Italy teemed in his day. He was ready to sell his services to the highest bidder, provided he could advance his own projects. Although he was no longer in a position to harm his enemies, all Italy breathed a sigh of relief when the news of his death was confirmed; even Julius II., who was more than a match for Caesar, felt easier, and henceforth he was able peaceably to carry on the work of reconstructing the domain of the Church. Had Valentino survived and entered the employ of Venice in her conflict with the Pope for the possession of Romagna, or if he had taken the side of France when his Holiness withdrew from the League of Cambray, he might have recovered his former influence and power.

But all Italy now laughed at the adventurer who had inscribed on his sword the words, Aut Caesar, aut nihil. Still, there were a few individuals who remained faithful to his memory, and a number of poets published panegyrics and bewailed the loss of the hero. Hieronimus Portius, the Strozzi, Francesco Justolo, and Uberti saw fit to lament him in more or less polished verse. One of the most famous of the epitaphs was written by Jeronimo Casio of Bologna, who had known Caesar:—

Leaving France immediately after his marriage with Charlotte d’Albret, Caesar had never seen his wife again, and there is nothing to show that he regretted her. She was merely a pawn in the political game, and she had been sacrificed by her father for his own gain and to further the plans of Louis XII., on whose marriage to Anne of Bretagne she had retired to Berri to be as near as possible to Jeanne of France, his repudiated Queen. It was not long, however, before she took up her final residence at Motte-Feuilly, where she occupied herself with the education of her daughter Louise, whom the father, Caesar, had never seen. The Duchess of Valentinois died March 11, 1514, leaving, as her sole heir, her daughter, who two years later, when she was seventeen years of age, married Louis II. de La TrÉmoille, Viscount of Thouars and Prince of Talmont, the Chevalier Bayard, the knight sans peur et sans reproche, who was slain at the battle of Pavia in 1525. Five years later she again married, her second husband being Philippe de Bourbon, Lord of Busset, eldest son of Pierre de Bourbon.

Caesar also left an illegitimate son, Girolamo, whose mother is unknown, and who probably died young, as we find no trace of him after his removal to Naples about the time of Caesar’s release by Julius II. He likewise had a natural daughter, whom he named Lucretia in honour of his sister, and who subsequently became abbess of San Bernardino and died at Ferrara in 1573.

Caesar’s mother, Vannozza de’ Catanei, survived him eleven years. Up to the time of her death she had maintained close relations with her numerous children. She lived in Rome and enjoyed a certain competency, provided for her by Alexander VI.; she engaged actively in charitable work. The day of her death, according to the Roman custom, the announcement was made by the public crier:—

“Messer Paolo gives notice of the demise of Madonna Vannozza, mother of the Duke of Gandia. The deceased belonged to the fraternity of the Gonfalon.”

She left her entire fortune to S. Giovanni in Lateran. She was interred in Santa Maria del Popolo, her parish church, and on her tomb her executor inscribed the following epitaph:—

“To Vannozza Catanea, ennobled by her children, the Dukes, Caesar of Valentinois, and Juan of Gandia, the Prince Giuffre of Squillace, and the Duchess Lucretia of Ferrara. To the woman rendered illustrious by her integrity, her piety, her wisdom, and to whom the Hospital of the Lateran is so greatly indebted, Geronimo Pico, her testamentary executor, has erected this monument. She lived seventy-seven years, four months, and thirteen days, and died November 26, 1518.”

For two centuries the friars of Santa Maria del Popolo prayed for the repose of her soul, but a sense of decency or shame finally asserted itself, and the monument was removed. Lucretia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara, survived her brother Caesar twelve years, dying in 1519, greatly beloved by her people. By her husband Alfonso d’Este she had five children: Ercole II, who married RenÉe of France; Ippolito, who passed away in 1572; Eleonora, who became a nun and lived until 1575; Francesco, who survived until 1576; and Alexander, who died in infancy. Ercole II., by his wife RenÉe, daughter of Louis XII., had five children: Alfonso II. Cardinal Ludovico d’Este, Donna Anna, Duchess of Guise, Lucretia, Duchess of Urbino, and Leonora, who never married.

The Spanish chroniclers contemporary with Caesar Borgia discovered the hand of God in his death, which occurred March 12, 1507, on the anniversary of his premature elevation to the Bishopric of Pamplona and in his own diocese, where he had never before set foot!

THE END.