Abergavenny, Lord, 90, 92-6, 177.
d'Aguilar, 139.
Alexander, Mr., 296.
Alva, Duke of, 139-43, 165, 171, 210, 275, 276, 285, 292.
Annates, payment of, 239, 240.
Arnold, Sir Nicholas, 114, 260.
Arras, Bishop of, 38, 60, 61, 85, 119, 150, 155, 208.
Arundel, Lord, 13, 18, 21, 22, 28, 42, 43, 116, 171, 313, 314.
"Arundel's," 262.
Ashley, Mrs., 217.
Ashridge, Elizabeth at, 217.
Ashton, Christopher, 260-2.
Askew, Anne, 201, 202.
Astley Park, 101.
Aucher, Mr., 296.
Augsburg, Cardinal of, 190.
Aylmer, 70.

Bagenall, Sir Ralph, 170.
Baker, 308.
Baoardo's History, 1, 10, 20, 28, 35, 40, 92, 100, 102, 111, 112, 141-3.
Barlow, Bishop, 47.
Bath, Earl of, 11, 71.
Baynard's Castle, 18.
Bedford, Lord, 34, 83, 129, 136.
Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 11, 215.
Bedyll, 267, 268.
Bembridge, 310.
Bentham, Thos., 311.
Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 109.
Binifield, 268.
Bird, Bishop, 47.
Bishops Authority Bill, 133;
creation of new, 119;
requests to the, 176, 177;
Mary's letter to the, 212.
Blacklock, 263.
Bocher, Joan, 135.
Bonner, Edmond, 32, 47, 83, 155, 190, 197, 201, 202, 212, 223, 232, 235, 245, 246, 257, 278, 280, 311.
Bourne, Dr., 34, 37, 68, 116, 180.
Bradford, Bishop, 37, 191, 196.
Bradford, John, 220-2.
Bray, Sir Ed., 95, 268.
Brett, Captain, 95, 107-9, 114.
Bromley, Sir Thos., 46, 132.
Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester, 224.
Brown, Sir Anthony, 141.
Brydges, Sir John, 104, 112, 119, 126, 135, 178, 194, 252.
Bucer, Martin, 281.
Burghley, Lord, 320.
Burnet, referred to, 67, 118, 149, 150, 157, 189, 193, 211, 212, 281, 288, 309.
Bush, Paul, 47.
Bushing, 296.

Calais, 294-305, 314.
Caraffa, Cardinal, see Paul IV.
Cardmaker, 191, 213.
Carew, Sir Gawen, 110.
Carew, Sir Peter, 11, 87-90, 120-2, 140, 157.
Castaldo, John Baptiste, 145.
Castro, Alphonse, 197.
Cathie, Catherine, 281.
Causton, Thos., 201.
Cava, meeting at, 292.
Cecil, Sir Wm., 15, 23, 161, 315.
Celi, Medina, 139.
Celibacy of clergy, 47, 70.
Cercamp, conference at, 313.
Cervino, Marcellus, 206, 210.
Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 88, 89.
Chandos, Lord, see Brydges.
Chappelle, Admiral, 136.
Charles V., 24, 25, 29, 30, 51, 55-7, 67, 83, 84, 94, 110, 114-19, 144, 151, 159, 161, 218, 223.
Cheke, Sir John, 6, 15, 20.
Cheny, 70.
Cheyne, Sir Thos., 15, 16, 91, 92, 95, 96, 104, 116.
Chichester, Bishop of, see Scory.
Chichester, Sir John, 88, 89, 262.
Cholmley, Judge, 28.
Christopherson, Bishop, 281.
Church property secularised, 176, 178, 179.
Clarence, Lady, 72, 216.
Clarke, George, 93.
Clinton, Lord, 23, 106, 311, 312, 315.
Cobham, Lord, 13, 90, 91, 94-6, 109, 114, 127, 164.
Cole, 253, 254.
Colebrook, meeting at, 215.
Coligny, Admiral, 290.
Commendone, Cardinal, 53, 54, 67.
Commons Journals, quoted, 133, 232, 239, 240.
ConquÊt, plundering of, 312.
Convocation, demands of the Lower House, 176, 177.
Cornwallis, Sir Thos., 97, 107, 114, 116, 123, 295.
Coronation Oath, 60.
Corry, Thos., 120.
de CouriÈres, 2, 83, 85.
Cotton MSS., 81, 225, 243, 306, 307.
Courtenay, Lord, 6, 24, 30, 37-9, 59, 69-71, 76, 87-91, 103, 107, 110, 113-16, 130, 131, 162, 198, 262, 272.
Coventry, 100.
Coverdale, Miles, 47, 134, 206.
Cowling Castle, 96, 164.
Cranmer, Thos., 15, 20, 48, 74, 110, 118, 134, 165, 212, 224-34, 245-59.
Crofts, Sir James, 23, 87, 102, 110, 114, 157.

Dalaber, Anthony, 203.
Daniel, John, 262, 263, 266, 268.
Darcy, 116.
Day, Bishop, 32, 47.
Debts of the Crown, 33.
Delaware, Lord, 268.
Dennys, Sir Thos., 90.
Derby, Earl of, 11, 36, 37, 71, 83, 116, 136.
Derick, 267, 268.
Desmond, Earl of, 278.
Devonshire, Earl of, 273, 274.
Dives, Louis, 296.
Doria, Andrea, 145.
Drury, Sir Wm., 11.
Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 23, 28, 74.
Dudley, Sir Andrew, 17, 40-2.
Dudley, Lord Guilford, 4, 5, 10, 74.
Dudley, Lord Henry, 12, 74.
Dudley, Sir Henry, 260, 263-7.
Dudley, Lord Robert, 23, 28.
Dunkirk, plundering of, 311.
Durham, Bishop of, 164.
Dymocke, Sir Ed., 61.

Edgecumbe, Sir Richard, 90.
Edward VI., 1-3, 35, 36.
Egmont, Count, 83, 85, 98, 115, 139, 311.
Elder, John, 141.
Elizabeth Tudor, 30-2, 57, 76-8, 93, 94, 103, 110, 114, 115, 122-31, 136, 155, 162, 199, 200, 213-19, 236, 315-320.
d'Enghien, Duc, 291.
Englefield, Sir Francis, 71, 267, 268, 308.
d'Estampes, Duke, 312.
Exeter, Marchioness of, 69.

Fagius, Paul, 281.
Famine in England, 277.
Feckenham, Abbot, 68, 111, 277.
Feria, Count de, 139, 310, 315.
Ferrars, Robert, 47, 134, 203-6.
Fitzgerald, 23.
Fitzwalter, Lord, 129.
Fitzwarren, 23.
Flanders MSS., 85.
Flower, Wm., 206.
Foxe, quoted, 16, 17, 22, 23, 48, 68, 70, 130, 173, 191, 196, 197, 200, 202, 213, 214, 216, 224, 225, 232-5, 245, 246, 253, 269, 270, 281, 282, 309.
Framlingham, 21.

Gage, Sir John, 107, 108, 116, 126, 130.
Gardiner, Stephen, 28, 30, 33, 36, 41, 47, 56-63, 72-6, 83, 89, 91-7, 103, 106, 109, 114-23, 132-5, 162, 171, 172, 175, 177, 190, 196-7, 208, 223, 237, 238.
Gates, Sir Henry, 40-2.
Gates, Sir John, 14, 40-5.
Goldwell, Thos., 81.
Gomez, Ruy, 171, 185, 186.
Gonzaga, Hernando de, 139, 145.
Goodman, 309.
Granvelle Papers, 3, 8, 13, 18, 19, 25, 27, 32, 37-9, 47, 55, 56, 61, 64, 85, 92, 97, 105, 115, 116, 119, 137, 139, 147, 150, 151, 155-7, 162, 176, 178, 179, 185, 186, 197-9, 200, 214, 216, 313.
Gravelines, Cardinal Pole at, 162.
Great Bill, the, 180-2.
Greenwich, disturbance at, 60.
Gresham, Sir Thos., 84, 139, 208, 209, 308.
Grey, Lady Jane, 4-20, 31, 39, 44, 74, 100, 110, 111.
Grey, Lord John, 87, 92, 102, 110, 178.
Grey, Lord Leonard, 87.
Grey, Lord Thomas, 87, 90, 92, 101, 102, 106, 110, 116, 135.
Grey, de Wilton, Lord, 12, 23, 28, 295-304.
Grey, Sir Arthur, 296.
Grey Friars Chronicle, see Machyn.
Griffin, Maurice, 212.
Guise, Duke of, 285, 291, 297-305.
Guisnes, 294-9, 302, 303.
Gybbes, Mr., 88, 89.

Hambletue, 298.
Hammes, 294, 296, 299, 303.
Hampton Court, Mary at, 208;
Elizabeth at, 215.
Harding, 269.
Harleian MSS., 20, 24, 35, 42, 45, 61, 112, 127, 130, 153, 166, 170, 244, 252-4, 257, 258.
Harley, Bishop of Hereford, 67.
Harper, Sir George, 93, 95, 105, 107.
Harpsfeld, 69, 163, 212, 234, 309.
Harrington, Sir John, 263.
Hastings, Sir Ed., 11, 34, 83, 97, 114, 116, 123, 160, 162, 267.
Hastings, Lord, 163.
Hawkes, 201.
Heath, Bishop, 32, 43, 47.
Heneage, 266.
Henry of France, 24, 25, 86, 121, 138, 144, 275-7, 312, 313.
Heresy Bill, 134.
Heresy, Commission on, 280, 281.
Higbed, Thos., 201.
Hoby, Sir Philip, 24, 83.
Holgate, Archbishop, 47.
Holinshed quoted, 8, 9, 22, 98, 108, 124, 128-31, 216, 242.
Holyman, Bishop of Bristol, 224.
Hooper, Bishop, 47, 134, 190-6.
Hormolden, Edgar, 120.
Horn, Count, 115, 139.
Horsey, Ned, 262, 263.
Hot Gospeller, see Underhill.
Howard, Lord Wm., 25, 85, 95, 99, 104, 108, 114, 116, 129, 136, 140, 155, 178, 198, 199, 215, 269, 271, 287.
Hunter, 201-3.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 100-2, 110, 136, 163.

Inglefield, 116.
Irish, Mr., 231.
Isly, Sir Henry, 92, 110.
Italy, Philip's invasion of, 290.

Jenkins quoted, 224, 250, 252, 253.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, 15, 93, 116, 267.
Joanna of Castile, 215.
Julius III., Pope, 53-5, 81, 148, 175, 206.

Karne, Sir Ed., 287, 288.
Keninghal, 3.
Killegrew, Henry, 272, 273.
Kingston, Sir Anthony, 193, 194, 260-2, 266.
Kingston, Wyatt at, 105.
Knight, 201.
Knox, John, 16.
Knyvet, Anthony, 93, 105-9.

Lalaing, Count de, 83, 85.
Lansdowne MSS., 21.
Latimer, Bishop, 48, 110, 118, 134, 161, 224-34.
Lawrence, 201.
Lee, Sir Henry, 233.
Leicester, rising at, 100.
Lennox, Lady, 76, 77.
Lingard, Dr., 223.
Loans, raising of, 308.
Lodge quoted, 239, 267.
Lollard statutes, 178.
London Bridge, closing of, 99, 104.
Longueville, Duke de, 291.
Lords Journals quoted, 132, 135, 240.
Lorraine, Cardinal of, 208, 236.
Low Countries, campaign in, 144, 207.

Machyn, 1, 12, 28, 30, 32, 33, 85, 137, 208, 209, 219, 270, 277.
Markham, Wm., 107.
Marsh, George, 206.
Martin, Dr., 224.
Martyn, Peter, 46, 47, 231, 281.
Mary, Chronicles of Queen, 100, 109, 111-13, 127, 130, 153.
Mary, Queen of Scots, 79, 122.
Mason, Sir John, 13, 19, 35, 145, 161, 176, 295.
Mendoza, Diego de, 65, 139.
Merchant adventurers, loan of the, 308.
Mewtas, Sir Peter, 260.
Michele, Giovanni, 98, 241, 306.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 308.
Mohun's Ottery, 88-90.
Money, shortage of, 239.
Mordaunt, Lord, 11.
Moreman, Dr., 70.
Montague, Judge, 28, 46.
Montague, Lord, 163, 165, 178, 236.
Montmorency, 86, 208, 210, 269, 291.
Montpensier, Duke de, 291.
Morgan, Bishop, 206.
Morone, Cardinal, 148, 149, 151.
Mortmain, Statute of, 176;
suspended, 184.
Mountain, Thos., 62.

Namur attacked, 144, 145.
Navas, Marquis delas, 138.
Newhall, 27.
Newnham Bridge, 299.
Nichols, John Gough, 6.
de Nigry, 83, 85.
Noailles referred to, 7, 12, 19, 25, 30, 36, 46, 57-9, 60-2, 67, 74, 77-80, 86, 87, 90, 92, 98, 99, 103, 114, 121, 122, 125, 129, 130, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 153, 154, 166, 180, 187, 192, 206, 209, 210, 214, 218, 219, 220, 222, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 264, 265, 269, 271, 272, 285.
Norfolk, Duke of, 28, 30, 39, 93.
North, Lord, 178, 214.
Northampton, Marquis of, 23, 28, 31-42, 87, 127.
Northumberland, Duke of, 3, 11-22, 28, 31, 39-42, 43, 44.
Norton, Anthony, 90, 91.
Nowel, Alexander, 67.

Oatlands, Mary at, 219.
Oldcastle, Sir John, 96.
Oliver, Dr., 228.
Ormaneto, 150, 281, 289.
Ormond, Lord, 23, 93.
Oxford, Earl of, 18, 177, 264.
Oxford, Annals of University of, 282.
d'Oysel, 86, 87.

Paget, Lord, 15, 21, 28, 68, 71, 73, 76, 79, 80, 93, 103, 116, 118, 123-7, 132-5, 139, 160, 162, 197, 208, 269.
Paleano, seizure of, 275.
Pallavicino, quoted, 53, 175.
Palmer, Sir Henry, 13, 296, 297, 304.
Palmer, Sir Thomas, 13, 40-2, 45, 46.
Parker, Archbishop, 319.
Parsons, 41.
Paul IV., 210, 236, 239, 275, 287-9, 292.
Peckham, Sir Edmund, 11.
Peckham, Sir Henry, 260-4, 266-8.
Pelham, 105.
Pembroke, Earl of, 14, 16, 18-20, 36, 37, 98, 106-8, 116, 135, 154, 208, 277, 287.
Perrot, Sir John, 262.
Peto, Wm., 80, 289, 292.
Petre, Sir Wm., 6, 33, 92, 94, 114, 116, 270, 308.
Pexall, Sir Richard, 310.
Philibert of Savoy, 144, 145, 155, 162, 213, 290.
Philip of Spain, 38, 71-4, 137-42, 153, 165, 171, 185, 197, 198, 217-24, 268, 269, 303, 312-14.
Phillips, Dean of Rochester, 70.
Phillips, 223.
Philpot, Bishop, 70, 134, 234.
Pigot, 201.
Plots against Mary, 263-8.
Pole, Reginald, 51-4, 65-8, 80, 81, 147-52, 158, 159, 162-70, 178, 188-90, 206-8, 210, 212, 219-22, 231, 234, 278-80, 284, 287-90, 292, 309, 316.
Pollard, Sir Hugh, 262.
Pomfret, 136.
Ponet, Bishop, 32, 47, 105, 107, 118, 134, 165, 215.
Potter, Gilbert, 7, 10, 24.
Premunire, Act of, 184, 187.
Prideaux, John, 90.
Property of Church, 176, 178, 179.
Protestants, set-back to, 69, 70;
hanging of, 84.

Radcliff, Sir Humfrey, 105.
Rampton, Thos., 100.
Regency Bill, 185, 186.
Register introduced, 189.
Religious houses rebuilt, 243.
Religious Persecution Bills, 132.
Renard quoted, 2, 7, 8, 10, 12, 17-21, 24-6, 28-32, 36-40, 46, 47, 49, 51, 55, 57-64, 68-84, 91, 93-7, 102, 103, 106, 108-19, 122-37, 139, 147, 153-9, 162, 176, 178, 185, 186, 197-200, 214, 223.
Renty, attack on, 145.
Repeal, Act of, 179.
Rich, Lord, 18, 177.
Richmond, Mary at, 137.
Ridley, Bishop, 16, 23, 28, 32, 46, 47, 68, 110, 118, 134, 190, 191, 224-34.
Rochester, Sir Robert, 71, 116, 135, 192, 267.
Rochester, rising at, 93.
Rogers, Canon, 190-2.
Rolls House MSS., 6, 10-12, 15, 17, 20, 21, 26, 28, 30, 37, 39, 40, 46, 47, 49, 51, 57-61, 64, 67-9, 70-4, 78-80, 83-4, 86, 91, 93, 94, 97, 102, 103, 106, 108, 110, 114-19, 123, 127, 128, 133, 135.
Rome, supplication to, 172.
Rosey, 266-8.
Russell, Lord, 37, 122, 178.
Rutland, Earl of, 300, 301.
Rymer quoted, 82.
Rysbank, 298-300.

St. AndrÉ, Marshal, 291.
St. Leger, Sir Anthony, 63.
St. Lowe, Sir Wm., 114.
St. Mary Overy, Church of, 190.
St. Quentin, battle of, 290, 291.
Salkyns quoted, 165.
Sandars, Laurence, 134, 191, 195.
Sanders, Ninian, 7.
Sandgate, 299.
Sandys, Edwin, 16, 21, 22, 28.
Scarborough, occupation of, 286, 287.
Scheyfne, 2, 6, 15.
Schoolboys, fight between, 122.
Scory, Bishop, 32, 47.
Scot, Bishop, 281.
Senarpont, 276, 297, 312.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 19, 71, 116, 136, 140, 141, 154, 164, 239, 309.
Sidney, Sir Henry, 23.
Simson, Cuthbert, 309.
Six Articles, the, 318.
Skelton, Sir John, 11.
Sloane MSS., 286.
Smith, Benet, 242.
Smith, Sir Thos., 287, 309, 310.
Somerset, Duchess of, 30.
Soto, P., 231, 232.
Southwell, Sir R., 90-6, 104, 116.
Stafford, Sir Thos., 286, 287.
Stanley, Sir George, 62.
Stanton, Captain, 268.
Story, Dr., 224.
Stourton, Lord, 178.
Stow quoted, 130.
Strangways, 264, 265.
Strozzi, Pietro, 144.
Strype quoted, 36, 48, 49, 63, 94, 137, 208, 221, 222, 243, 280, 286-90, 309-11.
Subsidy Bill, 239, 240.
Succession, question of the, 68, 132, 182, 185, 186, 199, 200, 214, 218.
Suffolk, Duchess of, 76, 77, 102.
Suffolk, Duke of, 19, 20, 31, 87, 92-100, 110, 114, 157.
Sussex, Earl of, 11, 71, 116, 123-7, 136.
Swift, Robert, 267, 268.

Talbot, Lord, 239.
Tanner MSS., 21, 62, 107, 238, 241.
Tate, Richard, 164.
Taylor, Bishop, 67, 134.
Taylor, Rowland, 191, 195.
de Thermes, 311, 312.
Thirlby, Bishop, 69, 245, 246, 280, 313, 314.
Thomas, Wm., 105, 114.
Thornton, Bishop, 212.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, 87, 88, 114, 131, 132, 266.
Throgmortons, the, 264.
Toledo, Antonio de, 139.
Tomkins, 197, 201.
Treason, Act of, 69.
Tregonwell, Dr., 67.
Tremayne, Edmund, 129.
Tremaynes of Colacombe, the, 262, 264.
Tucker, Lazarus, 84.
Tunstal, Cuthbert, 32, 47, 92, 190.
Tytler quoted, 80, 116, 131, 136, 160, 162, 316.

Underhill, Ed., 33, 61, 105, 320.
Uvedale, 264-7.

Valles, Marquis de los, 139.
Vannes, Peter, 273, 274.
Vaughan, Cuthbert, 131.
Villegaignon, Admiral, 87.

Waldegrave, Sir Ed., 71, 83, 116, 267, 268, 308.
Walpole, 267.
Warne, 213.
Warner, Sir Edmund, 87, 90.
Warwick, Earl of, 39-43.
Watson, Bishop, 281.
Watson, Dr., 41, 46, 70.
Wentworth, Lord, 116, 162, 178, 296-300.
Westmoreland, Lord, 154, 177, 264, 287.
Weston, Dr., 36, 70, 103, 130, 134, 176.
Wharton, Lord, 11.
White, Bishop, 224.
White, Rawlins, 206.
White, Thomas, 266, 267.
Wight, Isle of, 122, 264.
Wilkins quoted, 177, 315.
Wilkinson, Mrs., 229.
Williams, Lord, of Thame, 15, 119, 178, 232, 233, 252, 258, 259, 261.
Willoughby, Lord, 264.
Winchester, Bishop of, see Ponet.
Winchester, Marquis of, 9, 16, 116, 124, 136, 178.
Windsor, Lord, 83.
Woodhouse, Sir Wm., 302, 303.
Woodstock, Elizabeth at, 136, 137, 155, 215.
Worcester, Dean of, 316.
Worcester, Lord, 107, 178.
"Worthies, the nine," 153.
Wotton, Dr., 80, 86, 121, 140, 144, 147, 260, 267, 271-6, 285, 286, 313, 314.
Wyatt, Sir Thos., 23, 87-114, 122, 123, 130, 131, 189.

Young, 70.

Footnote 1: Grey Friars' Chronicle: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 2: Baoardo's History of the Revolution in England on the Death of Edward VI., printed at Venice, 1558. A copy of this rare book is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 3: Avant nostre arrivÉe elle mist en delibÉration avec aulcungs de ses plus confidens ce qu'elle debvroit faire, advenant la dicte morte; la quelle treuva, que incontinant la dicte morte decouverte, elle se debvoit publier royne par lettres et escriptz, et qu'en ce faisant, elle conciteroit plusieurs À se dÉclairer pour la maintenir telle, (et aussy que y a quelque observance par de ÇÀ que celuy ou celle qui est appelÉ À la couronne se doit incontinent tel dÉclairer et publier) pour la haine qu'ilz portent audict duc, le tenant tiran et indigne; s'estant absolument resolue qu'elle debvoit suyvre ceste conclusion et conseil, aultrement elle tomberoit en danger de sa personne plus grand qu'elle n'est et perdroit l'espoir de parvenir À la couronne. La quelle conclusion avons treuvÉ estrange, difficile, et dangereuse, pour les raisons soubzcriptes: pour aultant que toutes les forces du pays sont Ès mains dudict duc: que la dicte dame n'a espoir de contraires forces ny d'assistance pour donner pied À ceulx qu'ilz adhÉrer luy vouldroient; que se publiant royne, le roy et royne dÉsignÉs par le dict testament (encores qu'il soit mal) prendroient fondement, de l'invahir par la force et que n'y aura moien d'y rÉsister si vostre majestÉ ne s'en empesche; ce que avons pesÉ pour les grands affaires et empeschemens qu'elle a contre les FranÇoys et en divers lieux, que ne semble convenir que l'on concite en ceste saison les Angloys contre vostre MajestÉ et ses pays.

Comme n'avons peu communiquer verbalement avec elle, l'avons advertie desdicts difficultÉs.... Que si la noblesse ses adhÉrens, ou le peuple la desiroit et maintenoit pour royne, il le pourroit dÉmonstrer par l'effect; que la question estoit grande mÊsme entre barbares et gens de telle condition que les Angloys ... luy touchant ces difficultez pour le respect de sa personne et pour suyvre la fin de la dicte instruction qu'est de non troubler le royaulme au dÉsadvantaige de vostre MajestÉ—The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor: Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv. pp. 19, 20.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 4: Nous avons veu par vos lectres l'advertissement qu'avez donnÉ soubz main À Madame la princesse nostre cousine, affin qu'elle ne se laisse forcompter par ceulx qui luy persuadent qu'elle se haste de se dÉclairer pour royne, que nous a semblÉ tres bien pour les raisons et considerations touschez en vosdictes lectres.—The Emperor to the Ambassadors: Ibid. pp. 24, 25.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 5: Ne se pouvoient faire grand fondement sur la faveur et affection que aulcuns particuliers et le peuple peuvent porter À nostredicte cousine, ne fust que y en y eust plus grant nombre ou des principaulx, n'estant cela souffisant pour contreminer la negociation si fondÉe et de si longue main que le dict duc de Northumberland a empris avec l'assistance que doubtez de France.—Ibid. pp. 25, 26.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 6: Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 7: In the explanation given on the following Tuesday to the Emperor's ambassadors, Madame Marie was said—"N'estre capable dudict royaulme pour le divorce faict entre le feu Roy Henry et la Royne Katherine; se rÉfÉrant aux causes aians meu ledict divorce; et mesme n'estre suffisante pour l'administration d'icelluy comme estant femme, et pour la religion."—Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, p. 28. Noailles was instructed to inform the King of France of the good affection of "the new King" ("le nouveaulx Roy"). He had notice of the approaching coronation of "the King;" and in the first communication of Edward's death to Hoby and Morryson in the Netherlands, a "king," and not a "queen," was described as on the throne in his place.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 8: Letters of Lady Jane Grey to Bullinger: EpistolÆ TigurinÆ, pp. 3-7.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 9: Baoardo—who tells the story as it was told by Lady Jane herself to Abbot Feckenham.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 10: La detta maestÀ haveva ben considerato un atto di Parliamento nel quale fu giÀ deliberato che qualunque volesse riconoscere Maria overo Elizabetha sorelle per heredi della corona fusse tenuto traditore.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 11: Mr. John Gough Nichols, the accomplished editor of so many of the best publications of the Camden Society, throws a doubt on the authenticity of this scene, being unable to find contemporary authority for it. It comes to us, through Baoardo, from Lady Jane herself.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 12: Edward Lord Courtenay was son of the executed Marquis of Exeter and great grandson of Edward IV. He was thrown into the Tower with his father when a little boy, and in that confinement, in fifteen years, he had grown to manhood. Of him and his fortunes all that need be said will unfold itself.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 13: Scheyfne to Charles V., July 10: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 14: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 15: Renard to Charles V.: Papiers d'État du Cardinal Granvelle, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 16: Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 17: Le quale parole io senti con mio gran dispiacere.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 18: Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 19: Se faisoit servir de mesme.—Renard to Charles V.: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 20: Renard to Charles V.: MS. Rolls House.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 21: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 22: Queen Jane and Queen Mary. Renard to Charles V.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 23: Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 24: "Ille impigre quidem, utpote cujus res agebatur, proponit magna stipendia; conducit militem partim invitum partim perfidum; constabant enim majori ex parte satellitia nobilium qui secreto MariÆ favebant."—Julius Terentianus to John 'ab Ulmis: EpistolÆ TigurinÆ, p. 243.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 25: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 26: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 27: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 28: Noailles, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 29: Ajoutant menace de la rigeur de leurs lois barbares.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 30: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 31: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 32: "Aliqui subscripserunt, id quod postea compertum est, ut facilius fallerent Northumbrum, cujus consilio hÆc omnia videbant fieri et tegerent conspirationem quam adornabant in auxilium MariÆ."—Julius Terentianus to John ab Ulmis: EpistolÆ TigurinÆ, p. 242. John Knox allowed his vehemence to carry him too far against the Marquis of Winchester, who unquestionably was not one of those who advised the scheme of Northumberland. In the "aliqui" of Julius Terentianus, the letters of Renard, of Scheyfne, enable us to identify both him and Arundel; but there must have been many more, in the council or out of it, who were acting in concert with them.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 33: Cecil's Submission, printed by Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 34: Scheyfne to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 35: Chronicle of Queen Jane.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 36: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 37: Cecil's Submission: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 38: Stow.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 39: Account of a Sermon at Amersham: Admonition to the Faithful in England, by John Knox.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 40: Some jest, perhaps, upon a shorn crown; at any rate, a euphemism for decapitation; for Foxe, who tells the story, says, "and even so it came to pass, for he and Sir John Gates, who was then at table, were made deacons ere it was long after on the Tower Hill."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 590.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 41: Foxe, vol. viii. p. 590.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 42: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 43: La peine oÙ se retreuve ledict due est qu'il ne se ose fier en personne, pour n'avoir faict oÙ donnÉ occasion À personne de l'aimer,—que a meu envoyer en France le Millor Dudley son frÈre, pour l'assurer du secours que luy a estÉ promis par le roy de France, et le prier en faire demonstration pour intimider ceulx de par deÇa. Car encores qu'il entende qu'il dÉgoustera davantage ceulx du pays pour y amener FranÇois, si est ce craignant d'estre reboutÉ de son emprinse, et d'estre massacrÉ du peuple et sa generation, et que ma dicte dame Marie ne parvienne À la couronne, il ne respectera chose quelconque: plustÔt donnera il pied aux FranÇois ou peys: tel est le couraige d'ung homme tiran, obstinÉ, et resolu, signamment quant il est question de se dÉmesurer pour regner.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 38.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 44: The letter is among the Lansdowne MSS. It is in the hand of Sir John Cheke, and dated July 19. The signatures are Cranmer, Goodrich, Winchester, Bedford, Suffolk, Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Darcy, Paget, Cheyne, Cotton, Petre, Cheke, Baker, Bowes.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 45: Fronting the river, about three-quarters of a mile above London Bridge. The original castle of Baynard the Norman had fallen into ruins at the end of the fifteenth century. Henry VII. built a palace on the site of it, which retained the name.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 46: E quando le persuasioni del conte d'Arundel non habiano luogo appresso di voi, o questa spada farÀ Reina Maria, o perderÒ io la vita.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 47: Renard had been prepared, by a singular notice, to expect their coming, and to suspect their good faith. Ce matin, he wrote, relating the counter-revolution to the Emperor; ce matin, À bonne heure, il y a venu une vieille femme de soixante ans en nostre logis pour nous advertir que l'on deust faire sÇavoir À madicte dame Marie qu'elle se donna garde de ceulx de conseil car its la vouloient tromper soubz couleur de luy monstrer affection.—Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 48: Baoardo to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 49: Narrative of Edward Underhill: Harleian MSS. 425.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 50: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. All authorities agree in the general description of the state of London. Renard, Noailles, and Baoardo are the most explicit and interesting.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 51: This letter is among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It was printed by Stowe.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 52: "Our bounden duties most humbly remembered to your excellent Majesty. It may like the same to understand, that we, your most humble, faithful, and obedient subjects, having always, God we take to witness, remained your Highness's true and humble subjects in our hearts, ever since the death of our late Sovereign Lord and master your Highness's brother, whom God pardon, and seeing hitherto no possibility to utter our determination without great destruction and bloodshed, both of ourselves and others, till this time, have this day proclaimed in your city of London your Majesty to be our true natural sovereign liege Lady and Queen; most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon and remit our former infirmities, and most graciously to accept our meanings, which have been ever to serve your Highness truly, and so shall remain with all our power and force, to the effusion of our blood, as these bearers, our very good Lords, the Earls of Arundel and Paget, can, and be ready more particularly to declare—to whom it may please your excellent Majesty to give firm credence; and thus we do and shall daily pray to Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to reign over us."—Lansdowne MSS. 3. Endorsed, in Cecil's hand, "Copy of the Letter of the Lords to the Queen Mary from Baynard's Castle." The signatures are, unfortunately, wanting.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 53: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 54: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 55: Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 56: Foxe, vol. viii. pp. 591-2.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 57: I must again remind my readers of the distinction between Catholic and Papist. Three-quarters of the English people were Catholics; that is, they were attached to the hereditary and traditionary doctrines of the Church. They detested, as cordially as the Protestants, the interference of a foreign power, whether secular or spiritual, with English liberty.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 58: "Adversity is a good thing. I trust in the Lord to live to see the day her Grace to marry such an one as knoweth what adversity meaneth; so shall we have both a merciful queen and king to their subjects; and would to God I might live to have another virtuous Edward."—Epistle of Poor Pratt to Gilbert Potter, written July 13: Queen Jane and Queen Mary, Appendix, p. 116. The occasion of this curious epistle was the punishment of Gilbert on the pillory. The writer was a Protestant, and evidently thought the Reformation in greater danger from Northumberland than Mary. "We have had many prophets and true preachers," he said, "which did declare that our king shall be taken away from us, and a tyrant shall reign. The gospel shall be plucked away, and the right heir shall be dispossessed; and all for our unthankfulness. And, thinkest thou not, Gilbert, this world is now come? Yea! truly! and what shall follow, if we repent not in time? The same God will take from us the virtuous Lady Mary our lawful Queen, and send such a cruel Pharaoh as the Ragged Bear to rule us, which shall pull and poll us, and utterly destroy us, and bring us in great calamities and miseries."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 59: MS. Harleian, 523.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 60: Governor of Calais.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 61: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 62: Charles V. to Renard, July 22: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 63: Elle sera odieuse, suspecte, et dangereuse.—Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 64: Renard to Queen Mary, copy enclosed to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 65: Vous avez tres bien faict de desconseillier À la dicte Royne qu'elle fist les obsÈques du feu Roy, ce qu'elle peult tant plus delaisser avecque le repos de sa conscience, puisque comme escripvez il est dÉcedÉ soustenant jusques À la fin, selon, qu'il avoit estÉ persuadÉ de depuis sa jeunesse, les opinions de desvoyez de nostre ancienne religion: par ou l'on ne peult sans scrupule luy faire l'enterrement et obsÈques accoustumez en nostre dicte religion. Et est bien que l'ayez persuadÉ par vostre dicte lettre À la dicte dilation.—Charles V. to Renard, July 29: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 66: Et il seroit a esperer que y appellant ceulx du Noort et de Cornuailles avec les autres comme ce sont ceulx qui sont demeurez plus ferme en la religion, et qui ont dÉmonstrÉ plus d'affection en son endroit qu'elle trouveroit envers iceulx pour tout ce qu'elle vouldroit ordonner plus de faveur.—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 67: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. Baoardo. Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 68: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 69: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 70: She, perhaps, imagined that she was not exceeding her statutable right in the refusal. The 17th of the 28th of Henry VIII. empowered any one of the heirs to the crown named in the king's will, on arriving at the age of twenty-four, to repeal laws passed not only in his or her own minority; but under circumstances such as those which had actually occurred, where the first heir had died before coming of age. The 11th of the 1st of Edward VI. modified the act of Henry, limiting the power of repeal to the sovereign in whose own reign the law to be repealed had been passed. But this act of Edward's was, itself, passed in a minority, and Mary might urge that she might repeal that as well as any other statute passed in his reign in virtue of the act of her father.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 71: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 72: "La beautÉ de visage plus que mÉdiocre," are Renard's words to Charles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 73: Renard; Noailles; Machyn; Grey Friars' Chronicle.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 74: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 75: Et luy fust proposÉ l'exemple de Maximus et Victor son filz que Theodose l'Empereur feit mourir pour s'estre attribuÉ le nom d'Empereur par tyrannie et l'avoir voulu continuer en son diet filz Victor, escripvant l'histoire que l'on feit mourir le filz pour le scandale et danger qu'en eust peu advenir.—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. For the story, see Gibbon, cap. xxvii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 76: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 77: Signantment sembleroit que vostre majestÉ ne se deust confier en Madame Elizabeth que bien a point, et discouvrir sur ce qu'elle ne se voit en espoir d'entrer en rÈgne, ne avoir voulu fleschir quant au point de la religion ny ouyr la messe; ce que l'on jugeoit elle deust faire pour la respect de vostre majestÉ, et pour les courtoysies dont elle use en son endroit encores qu'elle ny eust faict sinon l'assister et l'accompaigner. Et davantage l'on peult discouvrir comme elle se maintient en la nouvelle religion par practique, pour attirer et gaigner a sa dÉvotion ceulx quilz sont de la dicte religion en s'en aider, si elle avoit intention de maligner; et jaÇois l'on se pourroit fourcompter quant À son intention, si est en ce commencement, qu'il est plus sure prÉvenir que d'estre prÉvenu et penser a ce que peult advenir; actendu que les objects sont evidens.—Les Ambassadeurs de l'Empereur À Marie, Reine d'Angleterre: Granvelle Papers, vol. ii. pp. 64-69.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 78: Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 82.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 79: August 1553. Debts of the crown. Irish debt, £36,094 18s. Household debts, £14,574 16s. Further household debts, £7450 5s. Berwick debt, with the wages of the officers, £16,639 18s. Calais debt, beside £17,000 of loans and other things, £21,184 10s. Ordnance Office, £3134 7s. Public works, £3200. Admiralty debt, £3923 4s. Debts in the Office of the Chamber, £17,968. Debts beyond the seas by Sir Thomas Gresham's particular bill, £61,068. Alderney's debt, £3028. Scilly debt, £3071.—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. i. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 80: Note of things to be attended to: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. i.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 81: Another natural feature of these curious days was the arrest of suspected persons; one of whom, Edward Underhill, the Hot Gospeller, has left behind him, in the account of his own adventures, a very vivid picture of the time. Underhill was a yeoman of the guard. He had seen service in the French wars, but had been noted chiefly for the zeal which he had shown in the late reign in hunting Catholics into gaol. He had thus worked his way into Court favour. During the brief royalty of Jane Grey, his wife was confined. His child was christened at the Tower church, and Suffolk and Pembroke were "gossips," and Jane herself was godmother. The day that Mary was proclaimed, he put out a ballad, which, as he expected, brought him into trouble. "The next day," he is telling his own story, "after the queen was come to the Tower, the foresaid ballad came into the hands of Secretary Bourne, who straightway made inquiry for the said Edward, who dwelt in Lymehurst; which he having intelligence of, sent the sheriff of Middlesex with a company of bills and glaives, who came into my house, being in my bed, and my wife newly laid in childbed. The high constable, whose name is Thomas Joy, dwelled at the house next to me, whom the sheriff brought also with him. He being my very friend, desired the sheriff and his company to stay without for frighting of my wife, and he would go fetch me unto him; who knocked at the door, saying, he must speak with me. I, lying so near that I might hear him, called unto him, willing him to come unto me, for that he was always my very friend and earnest in the gospel, who declared unto me that the sheriff and a great company was sent for me. Whereupon I rose and made me ready to come unto him.

"Sir, said he, I have commandment from the council to apprehend you and bring you unto them.

"Why, said I, it is now ten of the clock at night; you cannot now carry me unto them.

"No, sir, said he, you shall go with me to my house in London, where you shall have a bed, and to-morrow I will bring you unto them in the Tower.

"In the name of God, quoth I, and so went with him, requiring him if I might understand the cause. He said he knew none."

Underhill, however, conjectured that it was the ballad. He "was nothing dismayed;" and in the morning went readily to the Tower, where he waited in the presence chamber talking to the pensioners.

Sir Edward Hastings passed through, and as he saw him, "frowned earnestly." "Are you come?" said Hastings, "we will talk with you ere you part, I warrant you." They were old acquaintances. Underhill had been controller of the ordnance at Calais when Lord Huntingdon was in command there. The earl being in bad health, his brother Sir Edward was with him, assisting in the duties of the office; and Underhill, being able to play and sing, had been a frequent visitor at the Government House. The earl, moreover, "took great delight to hear him reason" with Sir Edward, on points of controversy—chiefly on the real presence—where the controller of the ordnance (according to his own account) would quote Scripture, and Sir Edward would "swear great oaths," "especially by the Lord's foot;" on which Underhill would say, "Nay, then, it must needs be so, and you prove it with such oaths," and the earl would laugh and exclaim, "Brother, give him over, Underhill is too good for you."

Hastings, it seemed, could not forgive these passages of wit, and Underhill was too smart for them. While he stood waiting, Secretary Bourne came in, "looking as the wolf at the lamb," and seeing the man that he had sent for, carried him off into the council room. Hastings was gone, Bedford sat as President, "and Bedford," says Underhill, "was my friend, for that my chance was to be at the recovery of his son, my Lord Russell, when he was cast into the Thames by Lymehurst, whom I received into my house, and gate him to bed, who was in great peril of his life, the weather being very cold."

Bedford, however, made no sign of recognition. Bourne read the ballad; on which Underhill protested that there was no attack on the queen's title in it. No! Bourne said, but it maintains the queen's title with the help of an arrant heretic, Tyndal. Underhill used the word Papist. Sir John Mason asked what he meant by that: "Sir," he says that he replied, "I think, if you look among the priests in Paul's, you shall find some old mumpsimusses there.

"Mumpsimusses, knave, said he, mumpsimusses! Thou art an heretic knave, by God's blood!

"Yea! by the mass, said the Earl of Bath, I warrant him an heretic knave indeed.

"I beseech your honours," Underhill said, "speaking to the Lords that sat at the table (for those others stood by and were not of the council), be my good Lords. I have offended no laws. I have served the Queen's Majesty's father and brother long time, and spent and consumed my living therein. I went not forth against her Majesty, notwithstanding I was commanded."

He was interrupted by Arundel, who said that, "by his writing," "he wished to set them all by the ears." Hastings re-entered at the moment, telling the council that they must repair to the queen, and the Hot Gospeller was promptly ordered to Newgate.

The sheriff led him through the streets, his friend Joy "following afar off, as Peter followed Christ." He wrote a few words to his wife at the door of Newgate, asking her to send him "his nightgown, his Bible, and his lute;" and then entered the prison, his life in which he goes on to describe.

In the centre of Newgate was "a great open hall." "As soon as it was supper time," the board was covered in the same hall. The keeper, whose name was "Alisander," with his wife, came and sat down, and half a dozen prisoners that were there for felony, Underhill "being the first that for religion was sent unto that prison." One of the felons had served with him in France. "After supper," the story continues, "this good fellow, whose name was Bristow, procured me to have a bed in his chamber, who could play well upon a rebeck. He was a tall fellow, and after one of Queen Mary's guard; yet a Protestant, which he kept secret, for else, he said, he should not have found such favour as he did at the keeper's hands and his wife's, for to such as loved the gospel they were very cruel. Well, said Underhill, I have sent for my Bible, and, by God's grace, therein shall be my daily exercise; I will not hide it from them. Sir, said he, I am poor; but they will bear with you, for they see your estate is to pay well; and I will shew you the nature and manner of them; for I have been here a good while. They both do love music very well. Wherefore you with your lute, and I to play with you on my rebeck, will please them greatly. He loveth to be merry, and to drink wine, and she also. If you will bestow upon them, every dinner and supper, a quart of wine and some music, you shall be their white son, and have all the favour they can shew you."

The honour of being "white son" to the governor and governess of Newgate was worth aspiring after. Underhill duly provided the desired entertainments. The governor gave him the best room in the prison, with all other admissible indulgences.

"At last," however, "the evil savours, great unquietness, with over many drafts of air," threw the poor gentleman into a burning ague. He shifted "his lodgings," but to no purpose; the "evil savours" followed him. The keeper offered him his own parlour, where he escaped from the noise of the prison; but it was near the kitchen, and the smell of the meat was disagreeable. Finally, the wife put him away in her store-closet, amidst her best plate, crockery, and clothes, and there he continued to survive till the middle of September, when he was released on bail through the interference of the Earl of Bedford.—Underhill's Narrative: Harleian MSS. 425.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 82: Strype.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 83: Noailles, vol. ii. p. 111.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 84: Monseigneur, je n'ay sceu trouver moien jusques À ceste heure de communiquer avec la royne, ce que je deliberois faire avec l'occasion des lectres de sa MajestÉ, si sans suspicion, j'eusse pen avoir accÈs, que n'a estÉ possible pour estre les portes en la Tour de Londres oÙ elle este logÉe, si gardÉes que n'est possible y entrer que l'on ne soit congneu; elle m'avoit faict dire si je me pouvoys desguiser et prendre ung manteau, mais il m'a semblÉ pour le mieux et plus seur d'attendre qu'elle soit a Richemont.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. pp. 71, 72.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 85: Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS. Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 15.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 86: Renard says it was at these words that the exasperation broke out.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 87: Car si elle y avoit fantasie, elle ne laisseroit, si elle este du naturel des autres femmes, de passer oultre, et si se ressentiroit À jamais de ce que vous en pourriez avoir dit.—Arras to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 77.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 88: Renard to the Bishop of Arras: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 79. Renard to Charles V., August 16: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 89: Queen Jane and Queen Mary. The anomaly in the constitution of the Court amused Renard, who commented upon it to the Emperor, as an illustration of England and the English character.—Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 90: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. Queen Jane and Queen Mary, Appendix. Baoardo says, Northampton pleaded—Ch' egli non si era mai messo in governo et che sempre attese alla caccia.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 91: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 92: Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p 17, Renard says that he asked the council to intercede for his life.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 93: So Renard states. The author of the Chronicle of Queen Mary says merely that he denied that he had borne arms against the queen, but admitted that he had been with the army.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 94: The authority for this story is Parsons the Jesuit, who learnt it from one of the council who was present at the interview. Parsons says, indeed, that Mary would have spared the duke; but that some one wrote to the emperor, and that the emperor insisted that he should be put to death. This could not be, because there was no time for letters to pass and repass between Brussels and London, in the interval between the sentence and the execution; but Renard says distinctly that Mary did desire to pardon him, and that he was himself obliged to exert his influence to prevent it.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 95: Gardiner.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 96: Harleian MSS. 284. Compare the account of the chronicler, Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 18, 19.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 97: "Not for any hatred towards you," he added, "but for fear that harm might come thereby to my late young master."—Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 20.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 98: Lady Jane Grey spoke a few memorable words on the duke's conduct at the scaffold. "On Tuesday, the 29th of August," says the writer of the Chronicle of Queen Mary, "I dined at Partridge's house (in the Tower) with my Lady Jane, she sitting at the board's-end, Partridge, his wife, and my lady's gentlewoman. We fell in discourse of religion. I pray you, quoth she, have they mass in London. Yea, forsooth, quoth I, in some places. It may so be, quoth she. It is not so strange as the sudden conversion of the late duke; for who could have thought, said she, he would have so done? It was answered her, perchance he thereby hoped to have had his pardon. Pardon! quoth she, woe worth him! He hath brought me and our stock in most miserable calamity by his exceeding ambition; but for the answering that he hoped for life by his turning, though other men be of that opinion, I utterly am not. For what man is there living, I pray you, although he had been innocent, that would hope of life in that case, being in the field in person against the queen, as general, and after his taking so hated and evil spoken of by the Commons; and at his coming into prison, so wondered at as the like was never heard by any man's time. Who can judge that he should hope for pardon whose life was odious to all men? But what will ye more? Like as his life was wicked and full of dissimulation, so was his end thereafter. I pray God I view no friend of mine die so. Should I, who am young and in my few years, forsake my faith for the love of life? Nay, God forbid! Much more he should not, whose fatal course, although he had lived his just number of years, could not have long continued. But life was sweet, it appeared. So he might have lived, you will say, he did not care how; indeed the reason is good; for he that would have lived in chains to have had his life, by like would leave no other means unattempted. But God be merciful to us, for he saith, whoso denyeth him before men, he will not know him in his Father's kingdom."—Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 24.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 99: Harleian MSS. 284.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 100: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 101: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 102: Noailles; Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 103: Renard to Queen Mary: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 65.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 104: Renard to Charles V., September 9: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 105: Some of the Protestant bishops (Cranmer, Hooper, Ridley, and Ferrars were admirable exceptions) had taken care of themselves in the seven years of plenty. At the time of the deposition of the Archbishop of York an inventory was taken of the personal property which was then in his possession. He had five houses, three very well provided, two meetly well. At his house at Battersea he had, of coined gold, £300; plate gilt and parcel gilt, 1600 oz. Mitre, gold, with two pendants set with very fine diamonds, sapphires, and balists, and other stones and pearls, weight 125 oz.; six great gold rings, with very fine sapphires, emeralds, diamonds, turquoises. "At Cawood he had of money £900; mitres, 2. Plate gilt and parcel gilt, 770 oz; broken cross of silver gilt, 46 oz.; two thousand five hundred sheep; two Turkey carpets, as big and as good as any subject had; a chest full of copes and vestments. Household stores: wheat, 200 quarters; malt, 500 quarters; oats, 60 quarters; wine, five or six tuns; fish and ling, six or seven hundred; horses at Cawood, four or five score; harness and artillery sufficient for seven score men."—Strype's Crammer, vol. i. p. 440.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 106: Privy Council Register, MS. Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 107: Foxe.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 108: Strype's Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 109: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. In these late times, when men whose temper has not been tried by danger, feel themselves entitled, nevertheless, by their own innocence of large errors, to sit in judgment on the greatest of their forefathers, Cranmer has received no tender treatment. Because, in the near prospect of a death of agony, his heart for a moment failed him, the passing weakness has been accepted as the key to his life, and he has been railed at as a coward and a sycophant. Considering the position of the writer, and the circumstances under which it was issued, I regard the publication of this letter as one of the bravest actions ever deliberately ventured by man.

Let it be read, and speak for itself.

"As the devil, Christ's antient adversary, is a liar and the father of lying, even so hath he stirred his servants and members to persecute Christ and his true word and religion, which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present. For whereas the most noble prince, of famous memory, King Henry VIII., seeing the great abuses of the Latin masses, reformed some things therein in his time, and also our late sovereign lord King Edward VI. took the same wholly away, for the manifold errours and abuses thereof, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy supper, according to Christ's own institution, and as the Apostles in the primitive Church used the same in the beginning, the devil goeth about by lying to overthrow the Lord's holy supper, and to restore the Latin satisfactory masses, a thing of his own invention and device. And to bring the same more clearly to pass, some have abused the name of me, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, bruiting abroad that I have set up the mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say mass before the Queen's Highness at Paul's Cross and I wot not where. I have been well exercised these twenty years, to suffer and to bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much grieved thereat, and have borne all things quietly; yet where untrue reports and lies turn to the hindrance of God's truth, they be in no ways to be tolerated and suffered. Wherefore these be to signify to the world that it was not I that did set up the mass at Canterbury, but a false, flattering, lying, and dissembling monk, which caused the mass to be set up there without my advice and counsel: and as for offering myself to say mass before the Queen's Highness, or in any other place, I never did, as her Grace knoweth well. But if her Grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove against all that will say the contrary, that the Communion-book, set forth by the most innocent and godly prince King Edward VI., in his High Court of Parliament, is conformable to the order which our Saviour Christ did both observe and command to be observed, which his Apostles and primitive Church used many years; whereas the mass in many things not only hath no foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the primitive Church, but also is contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible blasphemies."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 110: Renard to Charles V., September 9: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 111: Before his embassy to Spain.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 112: Opus in quatuor libros sum partitus.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 113: "Scripta quÆ nunc edo," are his own words in the apology, and therefore, in an earlier part of this work, I said that he published his book himself. There is no doubt, from the context, that in the word scripta he referred to that book and to no other.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 114: "Eum ad te librum Catholice princeps nunc mitto, et sub nominis tui auspiciis cujus te strenuum pietatis ministrum prÆbes in lucem exire volo."—Epistola ad Regem ScotiÆ: Poli EpistolÆ, vol. i. p. 174.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 115: "Qui si postea editus fuit magis id aliorum voluntate et illius qui mihi imperare potuit quam me est factum, mea vero fuit ut impressus supprimeretur."—Ibid. vol. iv. p. 85.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 116: "Nam cum ad urbem ex Hispani rediens libros injussu meo typis excusos reperissem, toto volumine amicorum studio et oper non sine ejus auctoritate qui jus imperandi haberet in plures libros disposito quod ego non feceram quippe qui de ejus editione nunquam cogitÂssem," etc.

"Quid aliud hoc significavit nisi me ab his libris divulgandis penitus abhorruisse ut certe abhorrui."—Epistola ad Edwardum Sextum: Poli EpistolÆ. The book being the sole authority for some of the darkest charges against Henry VIII., the history of it is of some importance.

This was not the only instance in which his recollection of his own conduct was something treacherous. In the apology to Charles V., speaking of a war against Henry, he had said: "Tempus venisse video, ad te primum missus, deinde ad Regem Christianissimum, ut hujus scelera per se quidem minime obscura detegam, et te CÆsar a bello Turcico abducere coner et quantum possum suadeam ut arma tua eo convertas si huic tanto malo aliter mederi non possis." For thus, "levying war against his country," Pole had been attainted. The name of traitor grated upon him. To Edward, therefore, he wrote: "I invited the two sovereigns rather to win back the king, by the ways of love and affection, as a fallen friend and brother, than to assail him with arms as an enemy. This I never desired nor did I urge any such conduct upon them. Hoc ego nunquam profecto volui neque cum illis egi."—Epistola ad Edwardum Sextum; Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 117: He remained fifteen days, and he left for Rome the day after the execution of Northumberland.—Pallavicino.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 118: CÆlitum ductu.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 119: "Nec destiterat regina id ipsum Commendono indicare, eum percontata an existimaret Pontificem ad id legem Polo relaxaturum, cum is nondum sacerdos sed diaconus esset, extarentque hujusmodi relaxionum exempla ingentis alicujus emolumenti gratiÂ."—Pallavicino.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 120: Mary described her throne as, "acquistato per benevolenze di quei popoli, che per la maggior parte odiano a morte questa sancta sede, oltre gl' interessi dei beni ecclesiastici occupati da molti signori, che sono del suo consiglio."—Julius III. to Pole: Poli EpistolÆ, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 121: "Le parole che haveva inteso da lei disse di haver inteso da persone Catholice et digne di fede in quel paese."—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 122: "Et similmente espose l' opinione vostra con le ragioni che vi movano."—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 123: Julius III. to Pole: Poli EpistolÆ, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 124: "Onde se per questa molta diligenza nostra, le avvenisse qualche caso sinistro, si rovinarebbe forse (il che Dio non voglie) ogni speranza della reduttione di quella patria, levando se le forze a questa buona e Catholica regina, overo alienando la de noi par offesa ricevuta."—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 125: "Ayant le Cardinal Pole si expressement declairÉ qu'il n'a nul dÉsir de soy marier, et que nous tenons, que pour avoir si longuement suivi l'État ecclesiastique, et s'accommodÉ aux choses duysant a icelluy et estant diacre."—Charles V. to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 126: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 127: "Elle jura que jamais elle n'avoit senti esquillon de ce que l'on appelle amour, ny entre en pensement de voluptÉ, etc."—Renard to the Bishop of Arras: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 128: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 129: Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. ii. p. 147.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 130: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 131: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 132: Renard to Charles V., September 23: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 133: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 134: Renard to Charles V., September 19: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 135: Noailles; Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 136: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 137: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 138: "Devant les quelz elle se mist À genoulx."—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 139: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 140: The Hot Gospeller, half-recovered from his gaol fever, got out of bed to see the spectacle, and took his station at the west end of St. Paul's. The procession passed so close as almost to touch him, and one of the train seeing him muffled up, and looking more dead than alive, said, There is one that loveth her majesty well, to come out in such condition. The queen turned her head and looked at him. To hear that any one of her subjects loved her just then was too welcome to be overlooked.—Underhill's Narrative: MS. Harleian, 425.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 141: Arras to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 105.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 142: Renard to the Regent Mary: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 143: "Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of England, etc.... to all mayors, sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other our subjects, these our letters, hearing or seeing: whereas we have appointed a certain number of able men to be presently levied for our service within our realm of Ireland, and to be transported hither with diligence, we let you wit that for that purpose we have authorised our trusty Sir George Stanley, Knight," etc.—October 5, 1553. From the original Commission: Tanner MSS. 90, Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 144: "J'estime qu'il desire presentment y veoir une bonne partie de l'Espaigne et Allemaigne, y tenir grosses et fortes garnisons, pour mortifier ce peuple, et s'en venger," etc.—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. ii. p. 169.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 145: A look at Gardiner, at this time, through contemporary eyes, assists much towards the understanding him. Thomas Mountain, parson of St. Michael's by the Tower, an ultra-Reformer, had been out with Northumberland at Cambridge. The following story is related by himself.

"Sunday, October 8," Mountain says, "I ministered service, according to the godly order set forth by that blessed prince King Edward, the parish communicating at the Holy Supper. Now, while I was even a breaking of bread at the table, saying to the communicants, Take and eat this, Drink this, there were standing by several serving-men, to see and hear, belonging to the Bishop of Winchester; among whom one of them most shamefully blasphemed God, saying:

"Yea, by God's blood, standest thou there yet, saying—Take and eat, Take and drink; will not this gear be left yet? You shall be made to sing another song within these few days, I trow, or else I have lost my mark."

A day or two after came an order for Mountain to appear before Gardiner at Winchester House. Mountain said he would appear after morning prayers; but the messenger's orders were not to leave him, and he was obliged to obey on the instant.

The bishop was standing when he entered, "in a bay window, with a great company about him; among them Sir Anthony St. Leger, reappointed Lord Deputy of Ireland."

"Thou heretic," the Bishop began; "how darest thou be so bold as to use that schismatical service still, seeing God hath sent us a Catholic queen. There is such an abominable company of you, as is able to poison a whole realm with heresies."

"My lord," Mountain replied, "I am no heretic, for in that way you count heresy, so worship we the living God."

"God's passion," said the Bishop, "did I not tell you, my Lord Deputy, how you should know a heretic. He is up with his living God as though there was a dead God. They have nothing in their mouths, these heretics, but the Lord liveth; the living God; the Lord! the Lord! and nothing but the Lord."

"Here," says Mountain, "he chafed like a bishop; and as his manner was, many times he put off his cap, and rubbed to and fro up and down the forepart of his head, where a lock of hair was always standing up."

"My good Lord Chancellor," St. Leger said to him, "trouble not yourself with this heretic; I think all the world is full of them; God bless me from them. But, as your Lordship said, having a Christian queen reigning over us, I trust there will shortly be a reformation and an order taken with these heretics." "Submit yourself unto my lord," he said to Mountain, "and you shall find favour."

"Thank you, sir," Mountain answered, "ply your own suit, and let me alone."

A bystander then put in that the parson of St. Michael's was a traitor as well as a heretic. He had been in the field with the duke against the queen.

"Is it even so?" cried Gardiner; "these be always linked together, treason and heresy. Off with him to the Marshalsea; this is one of our new broached brethren that speaketh against good works; your fraternity was, is, and ever will be unprofitable in all ages, and good for nothing but the fire."—Troubles of Thomas Mountain: printed by Strype.

The portraits of Gardiner represent a fine, vehement-looking man. The following description of him, by Ponet, his rival in the See of Winchester, gives the image as it was reflected in Ponet's antipathies.

"The doctor hath a swart colour, hanging look, frowning brows, eyes an inch within his head, a nose, hooked like a buzzard's, nostrils like a horse, ever snuffing in the wind; a sparrow mouth, great paws like the devil, talons on his feet like a gripe, two inches longer than the natural toes, and so tied with sinews that he cannot abide to be touched."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 146: "Que s'il vouloit estre voluptueux ce n'est ce quelle desire pour estre de telle eaige."—Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 147: Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 148: "Vostre MajestÉ seit les humeurs des Angloys et leur voluntez estre forte discordantes, dÉsireux de nouvelletÉ, de mutation, et vindicatifz, soit pour estre insulaires, ou pour tenir ce natural de la marine."—Renard to Mary: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 129.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 149: "Les roys du passÉ on estÉ forcÉs de traicter en rigueur de justice et effusion de sang par l'execution de plusieurs du royaulme, voir du sang royal, pour s'asseurer et maintenir leur royaulme, dont ils out acquis le renom de tyrans et cruelz."—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 150: "Quanto grave peccato et irreparabil danno sia il differir cosa che pertenga alle salute di tante anime, le quale mentre quel regno sta disunito dalla Chiesa, si trovano in manifesto pericolo della loro dannatione."—Pole to the Emperor's Confessor: MS. Germany, bundle 16, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 151: God, he said, had joined the title to the Crown, "con l'obedientia della Sede Apostolica, che levata questa viene a cader in tutto, quella non essendo ella legitime herede del regno, se non per la legitimation del matrimonio della regina sua madre, et questa non valendo senon per l'autorita et dispensa del Papa."—Pole to the Emperor's Confessor: MS. Germany, bundle 16, State Paper office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 152: "Friday, October 13, it was declared by the commissioners that Alex. Nowel, being prebendary in Westminster, and thereby having a voice in the Convocation House, cannot be a member of this House, and so agreed by the House."—Commons Journal, 1 Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 153: Burnet and other Protestant writers are loud-voiced with eloquent generalities on the interference with the elections, and the ill-treatment of the Reforming members; but of interference with the elections they can produce no evidence, and of members ejected they name no more than the two bishops and the two prebends. Noailles, indeed, who had opportunities of knowing, says something on both points. "Ne fault douter, sire," he wrote to the King of France, "que la dicte dame n'obtienne presque tout ce qu'elle vouldra en ce parlement, de tant qu'elle a faict faire election de ceulx qui pourront estre en sa faveur, et jetter quelques uns À elle suspectz." The queen had probably done what she could; but the influence which she could exercise must obviously have been extremely small, and the event showed that the ambassador was entirely wrong in his expectations.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 154: Renard to Charles V., October 19: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 155: Even the most reactionary clergy, men like Abbot Feckenham and Doctor Bourne, had no desire, as yet, to be re-united to Rome. In a discussion with Ridley in the Tower, on the real presence, Feckenham argued that "forty years before all the world was agreed about it. Forty years ago, said Ridley, all held that the Bishop of Rome was supreme head of the Universal Church. What then? was Master Feckenham beginning to say; but Master Secretary (Bourne) took the tale, and said that was a positive law. A positive law, quoth Ridley; he would not have it so; he challenged it by Christ's own word, by the words, 'Thou art Peter; thou art Cephas,' Tush, quoth Master Secretary, it was not counted an article of our faith."—Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 156: Renard to Charles V., October 28: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 157: Ibid. October 15: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 158: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 159: Renard to Charles V., October 21: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 160: 1 Mary, cap. 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 161: Report of the Disputation in the Convocation House.—Foxe, vol. v. p. 395.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 162: Renard to Charles V., October 28: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 163: Ibid. November 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 164: Ibid. December 8.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 165: Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 166: "Elle l'avoit toujours invoquÉ comme son protecteur, conducteur, et conseilleur."—Renard to Charles V., October 31: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 167: Renard to Charles V., October 31: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 168: "Il fauldra obtenir dispense du Pape, pour le parentage, qui ne pourra estre publique ains secrete, autrement le peuple se revolteroit, pour l'auctoritÉ du Pape qu'il ne veult admettre et revoir."—Renard to Charles V., November 9: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 169: Renard to Charles V., November 4: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 170: "Visage intimidÉ et gestes tremblans."—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 171: Renard to Charles V., November 17: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 172: "Fort envieillie et agÉe."—Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 173: Renard is the only authority for this speech, which he heard from the queen. Translated by him into French, and retranslated by myself into English, it has, doubtless, suffered much in the process.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 174: "Ce seroit procurer l'inconvenient de sa mort."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 175: Renard to Charles V., November 28: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 176: "Elle l'a faict quelquefois aller apres la Comtesse de Lennox, que l'on appelle icy Madame Marguerite, et Madame FranÇoise, qu'est la susdicte Duchesse de Suffolk."—Noailles to the King of France, November 30.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 177: Noailles to the King of France, December 6.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 178: "La Reine a tres bien dissimulÉe, en son endroict."—Renard to Charles V., December 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 179: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 180: Renard to Charles V., December 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 181: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 182: "Le dict Paget me respondict qu'il n'estoit ja besoing d'entrer en si grande jalousie, et que tout ainsi que nous les avions faicts amys avecques les Escossoys, ce marriage seroit aussy cause que nous serions amys avecques l'Empereur."—Noailles to the King of France, December 26. Compare also the letter of December 23, Ambassades, vol. ii. pp. 334-356.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 183: Renard to Charles V.: November 14, November 28, December 3, December 8, December 11: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 184: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. The queen wrote to Wotton to learn his authority. The Venetian ambassador, Wotton said, was the person who had told him; but the quarter from which the information originally came, he believed, might be relied on.—Wotton to the Queen and Council: MS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 185: "Un des principaulx qu'il a avec luy que se nomme William Peto, theologien, luy a escript luy donnant conseil de non se marrier, et vivre en celibat; meslant en ses lettres plusieurs allegations du Vieux et Nouveau Testament, repetant x ou xii fois qu'elle tombera en la puissance et servitude du mari, qu'elle n'aura enfans, sinon soubz danger de sa vie pour l'Âge dont elle est."—Renard to Charles V.: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 303.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 186: Instructions of Cardinal Pole to Thomas Goldwell: Cotton MSS. Titus, B. 11.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 187: Renard dwelt much on this point as a reason for haste.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 188: Marriage Treaty between Mary, Queen of England, and Philip of Spain: Rymer, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 189: Renard to Charles V., December 11: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 190: "The English," he said, "sont si traictres, si inconstantes, si doubles, si malicieux, et si faciles À esmover qu'il ne se fault fier; et si l'alliance est grande, aussi est elle hazardeuse pour la personne de son Altesse."—Renard to Charles V., December 12: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 191: Charles V. to Renard, December 24: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 192: Renard to Charles V., December 20: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 193: The queen to Sir Thomas Gresham: Flanders MSS. Mary, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 194: Noailles to the King of France, December 6: Ambassades, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 195: The Bishop of Arras to the Ambassadors in England: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 181, etc.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 196: The 10th day of January the ambassadors rode into Hampton Court, and there they had as great cheer as could be had, and hunted and killed, tag and rag, with hounds and swords.—Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 197: After dinner Lord William Howard entered, and, seeing the queen pensive, whispered something to her in English; then turning to us, he asked if we knew what he had said? The queen bade him not tell, but he paid no attention to her. He told us he had said he hoped soon to see somebody sitting there, pointing to the chair next her majesty. The queen blushed, and asked him how he could say so. He answered that he knew very well she liked it; whereat her majesty laughed, and the court laughed, etc.—Egmont and Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 198: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 199: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 200: Noailles and d'Oysel to the King of France, January 15: Ambassades, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 201: "Sire, tout maintenant en achevant cette lettre, les maire et aldermans de Plymouth, m'ont envoyÉ prier de vous supplier les vouloir prendre en votre protection, voulans et deliberans mettre leur ville entre vos mains, et y recepvoir dedans telle garrison qu'il vous plaira y envoyer; s'estans resoubz de ne recevoir aulcunement le Prince d'Espaigne, ne s'asservir en faÇon que ce soit À ses commandemens, et s'asseurans que tous les gentilz-hommes de l'entour d'icy en feroient de mesme."—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. ii. p. 342.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 202: One of the projects mooted was the queen's murder; a scheme suggested by a man from whom better things might have been expected, William Thomas, the late Clerk of the Council. Wyatt, however, would not stain the cause with dark crimes of that kind, and threatened Thomas with rough handling for his proposal.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 203: The house of Sir Peter Carew.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 204: Miscellaneous Depositions on the State of Devonshire: MS. Domestic, Mary, vol. ii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 205: Instructions to la Marque: Noailles, vol. iii. p. 25, etc.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 206: Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iii. p. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 207: "On the morning of Christmas-day came twelve neighbours of Silverton, being the parish where Mr. Gybbes dwelleth, and they complained to me of a cross of latten, and of an altar-cloth stolen out of the church before that time; and that the cross was set up upon a gate or upon a hedge by the way, where the picture of Christ was dressed with a paste or such like tyre, and the picture of our Lady and St. John tied by threads to the arms of the cross, like thieves." "Mr. Gybbes" could not be actually convicted of having been the perpetrator, but he was "vehemently suspected," and, when examined, had used "vile words."—Depositions of John Prideaux: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. ii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 208: Depositions of John Prideaux: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. ii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 209: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 210: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 211: Confession of Anthony Norton: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. iii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 212: Confession of Anthony Norton: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. iii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 213: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 214: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 215: Charles V. to the Ambassadors in England, January 24 Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 216: Chronicle of Queen Mary. Baoardo says that Suffolk was sent for to take command of the force which was to be sent against Wyatt. But Wyatt's insurrection had not commenced, far less was any resolution taken to send a force against him. Noailles is, doubtless, right in saying that he was to have been arrested.—Ambassades, vol. iii. p. 48.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 217: Southwell to Sir William Petre: MS. Mary. Domestic, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 218: "You shall understand that Henry Lord of Abergavenny; Robert Southwell, knight, and George Clarke, gentleman, have most traitorously, to the disturbance of the commonwealth, stirred and raised up the queen's most loving subjects of this realm, to [maintain the] most wicked and devilish enterprise of certain wicked and perverse councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm, and the perpetual servitude of all her most loving subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thos. Wyatt, knight, Sir George Harper, knight, Anthony Knyvet, esq., with all the faithful gentlemen of Kent, with the trusty commons of the same, do pronounce and declare the said Henry Lord of Abergavenny, Robert Southwell, and George Clarke to be traitors to God, the Crown, and the commonwealth."—MS. Mary, Domestic, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 219: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 220: Strype, vol. v. p. 127. Mr. Tytler appeals to this letter as an evidence of the good feeling of the queen towards her sister; but many and genuine as were Mary's good qualities, she may not be credited with a regard for Elizabeth. Renard's letters explain her real sentiments, and account for her outward graciousness. She had already consulted with Renard and Gardiner on the necessity of sending her to the Tower; and, on the 29th of January, as the princess did not avail herself of the queen's proposal, Renard describes himself to the emperor as pressing her immediate arrest.—Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 221: Renard to Charles V., January 29: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 222: A letter from Gardiner to Sir William Petre is in the State Paper Office, part of which he wrote with the cypher open under his eyes in the first heat of the discovery. The breadth and depth of the pen-strokes express the very pulsation of his passion:—

"As I was in hand with other matters," the paragraph runs, "was delivered such letters as in times past I durst not have opened; but now, somewhat heated with these treasons, I waxed bolder, wherein I trust I shall be borne with; wherein hap helpeth me, for they be worth the breaking up an I could wholly decypher them, wherein I will spend somewhat of my leisure, if I can have any. But this appeareth, that the letter written from my Lady Elizabeth to the Queen's Highness, now late in her excuse, is taken a matter worthy to be sent into France; for I have the copy of it in the French Ambassador's packet. I will know what can be done in the decyphering, and to-morrow remit that I cannot do unto you."—Gardiner to Petre: MS. Mary, Domestic, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 223: Norfolk to the Council from Gravesend, Sunday, January 28, Monday, January 29: MS. Domestic, Mary, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 224: "It is a great deal more than strange," he added, "to see the beastliness of the people, to see how earnestly they be bent in this their most devilish enterprise, and will by no means be persuaded the contrary but that it is for the commonweal of all the realm."—Cheyne to the Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 225: Cowling Castle, a place already famous in English Reforming history as the residence of Sir John Oldcastle.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 226: He contrived to send a letter to the queen the evening of the day on which his house was taken. After describing the scene, he added: "If your Grace will assemble forces in convenient numbers, they not being above 2000 men, and yet not 500 of them able and good armed men, but rascals and rakehells such as live by spoil, I doubt not but your Grace shall have the victory."—Cobham to the Queen: MS. State Paper Office. But Cobham under-estimated the numbers, and undervalued the composition of Wyatt's forces, perhaps intentionally. Renard, who is generally accurate, says that the rebels at this time amounted to three thousand; Noailles says, twelve or fifteen thousand.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 227: Renard to the Emperor, January 29: Rolls House MSS. The Emperor to Renard, February 4: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 204.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 228: Instructions to Sir Thomas Cornwallis and Sir Edward Hastings: MS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 229: Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 230: Holinshed; Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 231: Vous, asseurant, sire, comme celluy qui l'a veu, que scaichant la dicte dame aller au diet lieu, je me deliberay en cape de veoir de quelle visaige elle et sa compaignie y alloient; que je congneus estre aussy triste et desplorÉe qu'il se peult penser.—Noailles to the King of France, Feb. 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 232: La voce grossa et quasi di huomo.—Giovanni Michele: Ellis, vol. ii.] series ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 233: "The Duke has raised evil-disposed persons, minding her Grace's destruction, and to advance the Lady Jane, his daughter, and Guilford Dudley, her husband."—Royal Proclamation: MS. State Paper Office. Printed in the additional Notes to Mr. Nichols's Chronicle of Queen Mary. Baoardo says that the duke actually proclaimed Lady Jane.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 234: Rampton's Confession: MS. Domestic. Mary, vol. iii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 235: Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 236: I follow Baoardo in the account of the duke's capture. Renard says that he was found in the tree by a little dog: "qu'a estÉ grand commencement du miracle pour le succÈs prospere des affaires de la dicte dame."—Renard to the Emperor, February 8: MS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 237: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 238: Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS. February 5.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 239: The Regent Mary to the Ambassadors in England: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 240: Underhill's Narrative.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 241: Underhill, however, was too notorious a person to be allowed to remain on duty at such a time of danger.

"When Wyatt was come to Southwark," he says, "the pensioners were commanded to watch in armour that night at the Court.... After supper, I put on my armour, as the rest did, for we were appointed to watch all the night. So, being all armed, we came up into the chamber of presence with our pole-axes in our hands, wherewith the ladies were very fearful. Some lamenting, crying, and wringing their hands, said, Alas! there is some great mischief toward: we shall all be destroyed this night. What a sight is this, to see the Queen's chamber full of armed men: the like was never seen nor heard of! Mr. Norris, chief usher of Queen Mary's privy chamber, was appointed to call the watch to see if any were lacking; unto whom, Moore, the clerk of our check, delivered the book of our names; and when he came to my name, What, said he, what doth he here? Sir, said the clerk, he is here ready to serve as the rest be. Nay, by God's body, said he, that heretic shall not watch here. Give me a pen. So he struck my name out of the book."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 242: Renard to Charles V., February 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 243: Letter of William Markham: Tanner MSS. Bodleian Library. Compare Stow.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 244: Renard to Charles V., February 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 245: Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 246: The dress of the Londoners who came with Wyatt being the city uniform, they were distinguished by the dirt upon their legs from their night march. The cry of Pembroke's men in the fight was "Down with the daggle-tails!"(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 247: "On Sunday, the 11th of February, the Bishop of Winchester preached in the chapel before the queen." "The preachers for the seven years last past, he said, by dividing of words and other their own additions, had brought in many errours detestable unto the Church of Christ." "He axed a boon of the Queen's Highness, that, like as she had beforetime extended her mercy particularly and privately, [and] so through her lenity and gentleness much conspiracy and open rebellion was grown ... she would now be merciful to the body of the commonwealth and conservation thereof, which could not be unless the rotten and hurtful members thereof were cut off and consumed."—Chronicle of Queen Mary, p. 54.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 248: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 249: Renard to Charles V., February 12: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 250: Baoardo. The writer of the Chronicle of Queen Mary, says, "She was appointed to have been put to death on Friday, but was stayed—for what cause is not known." Baoardo supplies the explanation.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 251: Vol. vi. pp. 415-417.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 252: The story told by Baoardo, to whom, it would seem, Feckenham related it.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 253: Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 254: Chronicle of Queen Mary, p. 57, note. In the same manual are a few words in Guilford Dudley's hand, addressed to Suffolk, and a few words also addressed to Suffolk by Lady Jane. Mr. Nichols supposes that the book (it is still extant among the Harleian MSS.) was used as a means of communicating with the duke when direct intercourse was unpermitted. If this conjecture is right, Lady Jane's letter, perhaps, never reached her father at all. There is some difficulty about the memorial which the Lieutenant of the Tower obtained from her. Baoardo says, that she gave him a book, in which she had written a few words in Greek, Latin, and English.

"La Greca era tale. La morte dara la pena al mio corpo del fallo ma la mia anima giustificara inanzi al conspetto di Dio la innocenza mia.

"La Latina diceva. Se la giustitia ha luogo nel corpo mio l'anima mia l'havera nella misericordia di Dio.

"La Inglese. Il fallo e degno di morte ma il modo della mia ignoranza doueva meritar pieta e excusatione appresso il mondo e alle leggi."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 255: Andate: che nostro Signore Dio vi contenti d'ogni vostro desiderio, e siate sempre infinitamente ringratiato della compagnia che m'havete fatta avenga che da quella sia stata molto piu noiata che hora non mi spaventa la morte.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 256: The 51st: "Have mercy on me, oh Lord, after thy goodness."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 257: Chronicle of Queen Mary, pp. 58, 59.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 258: Renard says: "A hundred were hanged in London and a hundred in Kent." Stow says: "Eighty in London and twenty-two in Kent." The Chronicle of Queen Mary does not mention the number of executions in London, but agrees with Stow on the number sent to Kent. The smaller estimate, in these cases, is generally the right one.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 259: On Sunday the 11th of February, the day on which he exhorted the queen to severity from the pulpit, Gardiner wrote to Sir William Petre, "To-morrow, at your going to the Tower, it shall be good ye be earnest with one little Wyatt there prisoner, who by all likelihood can tell all. He is but a bastard, and hath no substance; and it might stand with the Queen's Highness's pleasure there were no great account to be made whether ye pressed him to say truth by sharp punishment or promise of life."—MS. Domestic, Mary, vol. iii. State Paper Office. I do not know to whom Gardiner referred in the words "little Wyatt."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 260: Renard to the Emperor: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 261: The Order of my Lady Elizabeth's Grace's Voyage to the Court: MS. Mary, Domestic vol. iii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 262: Renard to the Emperor: February 17: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 263: "Pour desguyser le regret qu'elle a," says Renard, unable to relinquish his first conviction.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 264: Renard was instructed to exhort the queen: "Que l'execution et chastoy de ceulx qui le meritent se face tost; usant À l'endroit de Madame Elizabeth et de Cortenay comme elle verra convenir À sa seuretÉ, pour aprÈs user de clÉmence en l'endroit de ceulx qu'il luy semblera, afin de tost reassurer le surplus."—The Emperor to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. pp. 224, 225.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 265: Il est certain l'enterprinse estoit en sa faveur. Et certes, sire, si pendant que l'occasion s'adonne elle ne la punyt et Cortenay, elle ne sera jamais asseurÉe.—Renard to Charles V.: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 311.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 266: Renard to the Emperor, March 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 267: La quelle me respondit et afferme qu'elle ne dort ny repose pour le soucy elle tient de la seurÉ venue de son Altesse.—Renard to the Emperor: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 268: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 267.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 269: Renard to Charles V., March 8: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 270: Arundel nous dit qu'il convenoit que son alteze amena ses cuyseniers, sommeliers du cave, et autres officiers pour son bouche, que quant aux autres luy y pourvoyeroit selon les coustumes d'Angleterre.—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 271: Puis par la main de l'Évesque de Winchester les promesses et paroles de prÆsenti, furent dictes et prononcÉes intelligiblement par la diet Egmont seul et la dicte Dame.—Ibid. Compare Tytler, vol. ii. p. 327. The great value of Mr. Tytler's work is diminished by the many omissions which he has permitted himself to make in the letters which he has edited.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 272: Pole's first commission granted him powers only "concordandi et transigendi cum possessoribus bonorum ecclesiasticorum, (restitutis prius si expedire videtur immobilibus per eos indebite detentis,) super fructibus male perceptis ac bonis mobilibus consumptis."—Commission granted to Reginald Pole: Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iv. Cardinal Morone, writing to Pole as late as June, 1554, said that the pope was still unable to resolve on giving his sanction to the alienation.—Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 273: Paget to Renard: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 274: Par feug et sang.—Renard to Charles V., March 14: Rolls House MSS.; partially printed by Tytler.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 275: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 276: Establir forme d'Inquisition contre les hÉrÉtiques.—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 277: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 278: La chaleur exhorbitante.—Charles V. to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 229.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 279: Pour estre la plus part des Angloys sans foy, sans loy, confuz en la religion, doubles, inconstans, et de nature jaloux et abhorrissans estrangiers.—Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 280: The French and Calais correspondence in the State Paper Office contains a vast number of letters on this subject. The following extracts are specimens:—

On the 24th of March Thomas Corry writes to Lord Grey that "two hundred vessels be in readiness" in the French harbours. "There is lately arrived at Caen in Normandy Sir Peter Carew, Sir William Pickering, Sir Edward Courtenay, John Courtenay, Brian Fitzwilliam, and divers other English gentlemen. It is thought Sir Peter Carew shall have charge of the fleet. There be three ships of Englishmen, which be already gone to sea with Killegrew, which do report that they serve the king to prevent the coming of the King of Spain."—Calais MSS.

On the 28th of March, Edgar Hormolden writes from Guisnes to Sir John Bourne: "The number of Sir Peter Carew's retinue increaseth in France by the confluence of such English qui potius alicujus prÆclari facinoris quam artis bonÆ famam quÆrunt; and they be so entreated there as it cannot be otherwise conjectured but that they practise with France: insomuch I have heard credible intelligence that the said Carew used this persuasion, of late, to his companions: Are not we, said he, allianced with Normandy; yea! what ancient house is either there or in France, but we claim by them and they by us? why should we not rather embrace their love than submit ourselves to the servitude of Spain?"—Calais MSS.

April 17, Dr. Wotton writes in cypher from Paris to the queen: "Yesterday, an Italian brought a letter to my lodging, and delivered it to a servant of mine, and went his way, so that I know not what he is. The effect of his letter is, that for because he taketh it to be the part of every good Christian man to further your godly purpose and Catholic doings, he hath thought good to advertise me that those fugitives of England say to their friends here that they have intelligence of great importance in England with some of the chiefest on the realm, which shall appear on the arrival of the Prince of Spain. Within few days they go to Normandy to embark themselves there, so strong, that, if they do not let the Prince of Spain to land, as they will attempt to do, yet they will not fail, by the help of them that have intelligence with them, to let him come to London."—French MSS. bundle xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 281: Wotton to the Queen: French MSS. bundle xi. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 282: Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 283: "When the Ambassador replied that his master minded to do justly, her Grace remembering how those traitors be there aided, especially such of them as had conspired her death and were in arms in the field against her; and being not able to bear those words, so contrary to their doings, told the Ambassador that, for her own part, her Majesty minded simply and plainly to perform as she had promised, and might with safe conscience swear she ever meant so; but, for their part, her Grace would not swear so, and being those arrant traitors so entertained there as they be, she could not have found in her heart to have used, in like matter, the semblable part towards his master for the gain of two realms, and with those words she departed."—Gardiner to Wotton: French MSS. bundle xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 284: On the 29th of April Wotton wrote in a cypher to Mary; "Towards the end of the summer the French king, by Peter Carew's provocation, intendeth to land the rebels, with a number of Scots, in Essex, and in the Isle of Wight, where they mean to land easily, and either go on, if any number of Englishmen resort unto them, as they say many will, or else fortify themselves there. They council the French king to make war against your Highness in the right and title of the young Queen of Scots."—French MSS. bundle xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 285: The execution was commenced in earnest. The prince, says Noailles, "fust souldainement mesnÉ au gibet par ceulx de la part du Roy et de M. Wyatt; et sans quelques hommes qui tout À propoz y accoururent, ils l'eussent estranglÉ; ce que se peult clairement juger par les marques qu'il en a et aura encores d'icy À long temps au col."—Noailles to Montmorency: Ambassades, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 286: Dict on qu'elle veult que l'ung d'eulx soit sacrifiÉ pour tout le peuple.—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 287: Ce qui faict juger À beaulcoup de gens que Wyatt ne mourra point, mais que la dicte dame le rendra tant son obligÉ par ceste grace de luy rendre la vie qu'elle en pourra tirer beaulcoup de bons et grandes services. Ce qui se faict par le moyen dudict ambassadeur de l'Empereur par l'advis duquel se conduisent aujourdhuy toutes les opinions d'icelle dame, et lequele traice ceste composition avecques la femme dudict Wyatt À laquelle comme l'on diet il a asseurÉ la vie de son dict mari.—Noailles to the Constable of France, March 31. Renard's secrets were betrayed to Noailles by "a corrupt secretary" of the Flemish embassy.—Wotton to the Queen: French MSS. bundle xi. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 288: Noailles says: Wyatt a estÉ condamnÉ À mourir; toutesfois il n'est encores executÉ et avant que luy prononÇer sa sentence on luy avoit promis tant de belles choses que vaincu par leur doulces paroles oultre sa deliberation, il a accusÉ beaulcoup de personnages et parlÉ au desadvantage de mylord de Courtenay et de Madame Elizabeth.—Noailles to d'Oysel, March 29. The different parties were so much interested in Wyatt's confession, that his very last words are so wrapped round with contradictions, that one cannot tell what they were. It is certain, however, that he did implicate Elizabeth to some extent; it is certain, also, that he did not say enough for the purposes of the court, and that the court believed he could say more if he would, for, on Easter Sunday he communicated, and the queen was distressed that he should have been allowed to partake, while his confession was incomplete. As to Courtenay, Renard said he had communicated enough, "mais quant À Elizabeth l'on ne peult encores tomber en preuves suffisantes pour les loys d'Angleterre contre elle."—Renard to Charles V.: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 289: Holinshed says that a certain lord exclaimed that there would be no safety for the realm until Elizabeth's head was off her shoulders; and either Holinshed himself, or his editor, wrote in the margin opposite, the words: "The wicked advice of Lord Paget."—Renard describes so distinctly the attitude of Paget, that there can be no doubt whatever of the injustice of such a charge against him.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 290: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. iv. Printed by Ellis, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 255.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 291: As soon as Noailles learnt that his enclosure formed part of the case against Elizabeth, he came forward to acquit her of having furnished him with it; "jurant et blasphÉmant tous les sermens du monde pour la justification de la dicte Dame Elizabeth."—Renard to Charles V., April 3: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 292: Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 293: Contemporary Narrative: Harleian MSS. 419. Chronicle of Queen Mary, p. 71. Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 294: Renard to Charles V., March 22; Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 295: Il me repliqua que vivant Elizabeth il n'a espoir À la tranquillitÉ du Royaulme, que quant À luy si chascun alloit si rondement en besoyn comme il fait, les choses se porteroient mieux.—Renard to the Emperor, April 3: Rolls House MSS. From these dark plotters, what might not be feared? Holinshed says that while Elizabeth was in the Tower, a writ was sent down for her execution devised, as was believed, by Gardiner; and that Lord Chandos (Sir John Brydges, the Lieutenant of the Tower) refused to put it in force. The story has been treated as a fable, and in the form in which it is told by Holinshed, it was very likely untrue: yet in the presence of these infernal conversations, I think it highly probable that, as the hope of a judicial conviction grew fainter, schemes were talked of, and were perhaps tried, for cutting the knot in a decisive manner. In revolutionary times men feel that if to-day is theirs, to-morrow may be their enemies'; and they are not particularly scrupulous. The anxious words of Sussex did not refer to the merely barring a prisoner's door.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 296: Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 297: Noailles, vol. iii. p. 141.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 298: Renard to Charles V., April 7.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 299: 1 Mary, cap. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 300: See the treaty of marriage between Philip and Mary in Rymer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 301: 1 Mary, cap. i.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 302: Y a telle confusion que l'on n'attend sinon que la querelle se demesle par les armes et tumults.—Renard to Charles V., April 22.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 303: Holinshed says, Edmund Tremayne was racked, and I have already quoted Gardiner's letter to Petre, suggesting the racking of "little Wyatt."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 304: Her grace's cook said to him, My lord, I will never suffer any stranger to come about her diet but her own sworn men as long as I live.—Harleian MSS. 419, and see Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 305: L'Admiral s'est colerÉ au grand chamberlain de la Royne que a la garde de la dicte Elizabeth et luy a dit qu'elle feroit encores trancher tant de testes que luy et autres s'en repentiroient.—Renard to Charles V., April 7: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 306: Lord Chandos stated the same day in the House of Lords that he threw himself at Courtenay's feet and implored him to confess the truth. The sheriffs of London, on the other hand, said that he entreated Courtenay to forgive him for the false charges which he had brought against him and against Elizabeth.—Foxe, vol. vi. Compare Chronicle of Queen Mary, p. 72, note.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 307: So far the Chronicle of Queen Mary, Holinshed, Stow, and the narratives among the Harleian MSS. essentially agree. But the chronicle followed by Stow makes Wyatt add, "As I have declared no less to the Queen's council;" whereas Foxe says that he admitted that he had spoken otherwise to the council, but had spoken untruly. Noailles tells all that was really important in a letter to d'Oysel: "M. Wyatt eust la teste coupÉe, dischargeant advant que de mourir Madame Elizabeth et Courtenay qu'il avoit aulparavant chargÉ de s'estre entendus en son entreprinse sur promesses que l'on luy avoit faictes de luy saulver la vie."—Noailles, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 308: Courtenay, however, certainly was guilty; and had Wyatt acquitted Elizabeth without naming Courtenay, his words would have been far more effective than they were. This, however, it was hard for Wyatt to do, as it would have been equivalent to a repetition of his accusations.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 309: Les gens de loy ne treuvent matiÈre pour la condamner.—Renard to Charles V., April 22: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 310: Ibid. And see a passage in the MS., which Mr. Tytler has omitted.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 311: It is printed at length in Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 312: Que tant altÈre la dicte dame qu'elle a estÉ trois jours malade, et n'est encore bien d'elle.—Renard to Charles V.: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 374.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 313: He whom you wrote of comes to me with a sudden and strange proposal, that, since matters against Madame Elizabeth do not take the turn which was wished, there should be an Act brought into Parliament to disinherit her. I replied that I would give no consent to such a scheme.—Paget to Renard: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 382.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 314: Lords Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 315: Renard complains of Paget's conduct bitterly.—Renard to Charles V., May 1: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 316: Commons Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 317: Paget to Renard; Tytler, vol. ii. p. 382. And compare Renard's correspondence with the emperor during the month of April.—Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 318: Pour ce qui ordinairement les humeurs des Angloys boulissent plus en l'estÉ que en autre temps.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 319: Quant l'on a parlÉ de la peyne des hÉrÉtiques, il a sollicitÉ les sieurs pour non y consentir, y donner lieu À peyne de mort.—Renard to Charles V., May 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 320: Lords Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 321: There can, I think, be no doubt that it was this which the peers said. The statute of Henry IV. was not passed; yet the queen told Renard, "que le peyne antienne contre les hÉrÉtiques fut agrÉe par toute la noblesse, et qu'ilz fairent dire expressement et publiquement qu'ilz entendoient l'hÉrÉsie estre extirpÉe et punie." The chancellor informed Renard that, "Although the Heresy Bill was lost, there were penalties of old standing against heretics which had still the form of law, and could be put in execution." And, on the 3rd of May, the privy council directed the judges and the queen's learned counsel to be called together, and their opinions demanded, "what they think in law her highness may do touching the cases of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, being already, by both the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, judged to be obstinate heretics, which matter is the rather to be consulted upon, for that the said Cranmer is already attainted."—MS. Privy Council Register. The answer of the judges I have not found, but it must have been unfavourable to the intentions of the court. Joan Bocher was burnt under the common law, for her opinions were condemned by all parties in the church, and were looked upon in the same light as witchcraft, or any other profession definitely devilish. But it was difficult to treat as heresy, under the common law, a form of belief which had so recently been sanctioned by act of parliament.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 322: Renard to Charles V., May 13: Rolls House MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 323: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 324: Renard to Charles V., May 13: Tytler, vol. ii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 325: Les ont provoquÉ À debatz, les cerrans et poulsans.—Renard to Charles V.: Tyler vol. ii. p. 413.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 326: Samedy dernier Elizabeth fut tirÉe de la Tour et menÉe a Richmond; et dois ledict Richmond l'on l'a conduit À Woodstock pour y estre gardÉe surement jusques l'on la fasse aller À Pomfret. Et s'est resjouy le peuple de sa departye, pensant qu'elle fut en libertÉ, et passant par devant la Maison des Stillyards ilz tirerent trois coups d'artillerie en signe d'allegrie, que la reyne et son conseil ont prins a desplaisir et regret, et estimons que l'on en fera demonstration.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 327: Machyn's Diary; Strype's Memorials of the Reformation.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 328: Le doubte luy est souvent augmentÉe par plusieurs marchants mariniers et aultres malcontens de son marriage qui venans de France et Espaign luy desguisent et luy controuvent un infinitÉ de nouvelles estranges, les ungs du peu de voluntÉ que le prince a de venir par deÇÀ, les aultres d'avoir ouy et entendus combats sur la mer, et plusieurs d'avoir descouvert grand nombre de voisles FranÇoises avec grand appareil.—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iii. p. 253.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 329: L'on m'a dict que quelques heures de la nuict elle entre en telle resverie de ses amours et passions que bien souvent elle se met hors de soy, et croy que la plus grande occasion de sa douleur vient du desplaisir qu'elle a de veoir sa personne si diminuÉe et ses ans multiplier en telle nombre qu'ilz luy courent tous les jours À grande interest.—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iii. p. 252.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 330: Ibid. p. 255.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 331: Nuper cum litterarum studia pene extincta jacerent cum salus omnium exigu spe dubiÂque penderet quis non fortunÆ incertos eventus extimescebat? Quis non ingemuit et arsit dolore? Pars studia deserere cogebantur; pars huc illucque quovis momento rapiebantur; nec ulli certus ordo suumve propositum diu constabat.—The happy change of the last year was then contrasted with proper point and prolixity.—The University of Oxford to the Queen: MS. Domestic, Mary, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 332: "Homme d'esprit."—Instructions donnÉes À Philippe, Prince d'Espagne: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 267.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 333: Gresham's Correspondence: Flanders MSS. State Paper Office. The bullion was afterwards drawn in procession in carts through the London streets.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 334: Wotton's Correspondence: French MSS. State Paper Office. The title of the Queen of Scots was, perhaps, the difficulty; or Carew may have felt that he could do nothing of real consequence, while he might increase the difficulty of protecting Elizabeth.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 335: Noailles to the King of France, July 23: Ambassades, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 336: Antiquaries dispute whether Philip received the Garter on board his own vessel or after he came on shore. Lord Shrewsbury himself settles the important point. "I, the Lord Steward," Shrewsbury wrote to Wotton, "at his coming to land, presented the Garter to him."—French MSS. Mary, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 337: John Elder to the Bishop of Caithness: Queen Jane and Queen Mary, appendix 10. Elder adds that his stature was about that of a certain "John Hume, my Lord of Jedward's kinsman," which does not help our information. Philip, however, was short.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 338: Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 339: Non havendo mai levato la berretta a persona.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 340: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 341: Crudele pioggia.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 342: La Dominica Mattina se n'ando a messa et tornato a casa mangio in publico servito da gli officiali che gli haveva data la Reina con mala satisfattione degli Spagnuoli, i quali dubitando che la cosa non andasse a lungo, mormoravano assai tra di loro.—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 343: "Sire, la Nostra Reina ama tanto l'Altezza vostra ch'ella non vorebbe che pigliasse disagio di caminar per tempi cosi tristi."—Baoardo.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 344: Wotton to the Queen; cypher: French MSS. Mary, bundle xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 345: "You shall understand that the Emperor hath suddenly caused his army to march towards Namur, and that himself is gone after in person; the deliberation whereof, both of the one and the other, is against the advice of his council, and all other men to the staying of him. Wherein Albert the Duke of Savoy, John Baptiste Castaldo, Don Hernando de Gonzaga, and Andrea Doria have done their best, as well by letter as by their coming from the camp to this town, viv voce alleging to him the puissance of his enemy, the unableness as yet of his army to encounter with them, the danger of the chopping of them between him and this town, the hazard of himself, his estate, and all these countries, in case, being driven to fight, their army should have an overthrow; in the preservation whereof standeth the safety of the whole, and twenty other arguments. Yet was there no remedy, but forth he would, and commanded them that they should march sans plus rÉpliquez. His headiness hath often put him to great hindrance, specially at Metz, and another time at Algiers. This enterprise is more dangerous than they both. God send him better fortune than multi ominantur."—Mason to Petre, Brussels, July 10; German MSS. Mary, bundle 16, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 346: "The Emperor, in these nine or ten days following of his enemy, hath showed a great courage, and no less skilfulness in the war; but much more notably showed the same when, with so small an army as he then had, he entered into Namur, a town of no strength, but commodious for the letting of his enemy's purpose, against the advice and persuasion of all his captains; which, if he had not done, out of doubt first LiÉge, and after, these countries, had had such a foil as would long after have been remembered. By his own wisdom and unconquered courage the enemy's meaning that way was frustrated."—Mason to the Council, Aug. 13: German MSS. Mary, bundle 16, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 347: Renard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 348: Que pourroit estre l'on auroit mis en avant au consistoire cette commission par affection particuliÈre pour plustÔt nuire, que servir aux consciences; attendu qu'ilz sont partiaulx pour les princes Chrestiens, et souvent meslent les choses sÉculiÈres et prophanes avec les conseils divins et ecclÉsiastiques.—Renard to Philip: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 349: He begged Morone not to suppose him ignorant, "quale sia il mare d'Inghilterra nel quale io ho da navigare et che fortuna et travagli potrei haver a sostinere per condurre la navi in porto."—Pole to Morone: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. iv. I have not seen Morone's first letter. The contents are to be gathered, however, from Pole's answer, and from a second letter of apology which Morone wrote two months later.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 350: Scrissi alla Regina non la volendo contristare condolermi di cio, che lo interpretava et intendeva che questa tardita non venisse tanto da lei quanto delle Providentia di Dio, il qual habbia ordinato che si come per discordia matrimoniale d'un Re Inglese et d'una Regina Hispana fu levata l'obedientia della chiesa de quel Regno cosi dalla concordia matrimoniale d'un Re Hispano et d'una Regina Inglese ella vi doverse ritornare.—Pole to Morone: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 351: E benchÈ S. SanctitÀ non havesse patienza secundo l'ordinario suo di leggere o di udir la lettera, nondimeno le dissi talmente la summa che nostro restare satisfattissima, e disse esser piÙ che certa che quella non haveva dato causa ne all' Imperatore ne ad altri d'usar con lei termini cosi extravaganti.—Morone to Pole: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 352: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 353: Powers granted by the Pope to Cardinal Pole: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 354: Charles V. to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 355: Che gran differenza sarebbe se fosse stata commessa la cosa o al S. Cardinale, o alli Serenissimi Principi.—Ormaneto to Priuli, July 31: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 356: Salvo tamen in his, in quibus propter rerum magnitudinem et gravitatem hÆc sancta sedes merito tibi videretur consulenda, nostro et prÆfatÆ sedis beneplacito et confirmatione.—Powers granted by the Pope to Cardinal Pole: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 357: Nondimeno non si risolveva in tutto, com anco non si risolveva nella materia delli beni ecclesiastici, sopra la qual sua SanctitÀ ha parlato molte volte variamente.—Morone to Pole, July 13: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 358: Il sÇauroit bien user de modÉration quant aux biens occupez; mais que toutesfois il fauldroit que se fust de sorte que la reste de la ChrestientÉ n'en prÎnt malvais exemple; et signamment que aucuns Catholiques qui tiennent biens ecclÉsiastiques soubz leur main ne voulsissent pretendre d'eulx approprier avec cest exemple; et que de vouloir laisser les biens À ceulx qui les occupent, il ne conviendroit pour ce qu'il sembleroit que ce seroit racheter, comme À deniers comptans l'auctoritÉ du siÉge apostolique en ce coustel-lÀ. The Emperor to Renard: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. pp. 282, 283.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 359: Nous sÇavons que le diet Cardinal n'a commission de presser si chauldement en cette affaire—ains avons heu soubz main advertissement du nunce propre de sa SainctetÉ que la rÉsolution de la commission dudict Cardinal est que toutes choses se traictent comm'il nous semblera pour le mieulx et qu'il tienne cecy pour rÈgle.—Granv. Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 360: Trop plus chastolleux que celuy de la vraye religion.—Renard to the Emperor: Ibid. p. 287.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 361: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 362: Pole to Philip: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 363: Avecques d'aultres petits depportements de mocquerie qui croissent tous les jours d'ung coustÉ et d'aultre.—Noailles to the King of France, August 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 364: Noailles, and compare Pole to Miranda, Oct. 6: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 365: Chronicle of Queen Mary. Contemporary Narrative: MS. Harleian, 419.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 366: Chronicle of Queen Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 367: Tant et si longuement que se seroit l'utilitÉ et commoditÉ de ce dict Royaulme d'Angleterre.—Noailles to the King of France.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 368: Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 294.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 369: Renard to the Bishop of Arras: Ibid. p. 330.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 370: Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 321.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 371: Entre les seigneurs et gens de la noblesse et de credit et administration, il y a telle partialitÉ que l'un ne se fie de l'autre.—Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 372: Les choses se vont accommoder À quoy sert la saison de l'hiver et ce que en la court l'on y danse souvent; que les Espaignolz et Angloys commencent À converser les ungs avec les aultres ... et n'y a personne qui puisse imaginer que Dieu ait voulu ung si grand marriage et de telz princes, pour en esperer sinon ung grand bien publique pour la ChrestientÉ, et pour restablir et asseurer les estatz de vostre majestÉ troublez par ses ennemis.—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 319.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 373: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 320.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 374: Royal Circular; printed in Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 375: Les lettres de la convocation du parlement sont estÉ pourjectÉes sur la vieille forme dont l'on usoit au temps du Roy Henry septiÈme pour avoir en icelluy gens de bien Catholiques: et À propos et selon ce ceulx de Londre en publique assemblÉe ont choisiz quatre personnaiges que l'on tient estre fort saiges et modestes.—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 324.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 376: Le mandement et declaration que vostre MajestÉ a faict publier sur le point de la religion, laissant la libertÉ À ung chacun pour tenir quelle religion l'on vouldra.—Renard to Philip and Mary: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 327.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 377: Et que sa SainctetÉ le fonde in pietate Christian et ecclesiastic quia, nunquam Ecclesia claudit gremium, semper indulget exemplo Salvatoris, et Evangelium semper consolatur, semper remittit, et sur plusieurs aultres fondemens generaulx.—Ibid. p. 326.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 378: Perciocche quanto alla Doctrina disse che poco se ne curavano questo tali non credendo ne all' una ne all' altra via.—Pole to the Pope, October 13: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 379: Disse anche che essendo stati questi beni dedicati a Dio non era da concedere cosi ogna cosa a quelli che la tenevano.—Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 380: The greatest and only means to procure the agreement of the noblemen and others of our council was our promise that the Pope's Holiness would, at our suit, dispense with all possessors of any lands or goods of monasteries, colleges, or other ecclesiastical houses, to hold and enjoy their said lands and goods without any trouble or scruple; without which promise it had been impossible to have had their consent, and shall be utterly impossible to have any fruit and good concord ensue. For which purpose you shall earnestly pray our said cousin to use all possible diligence, and say that if he have not already, he may so receive authority from the See Apostolic to dispense in this manner as the same, being now in good towardness, may so in this Parliament take the desired effect; whereof we see no likelihood except it may be therewithal provided for this matter of the lands and goods of the Church.—Instructions to Paget and Hastings, November 5; Tytler, vol. ii. p. 446.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 381: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 446.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 382: Cecil had taken no formal part in Mary's government, but his handwriting can be traced in many papers of State, and in the Irish department he seems to have given his assistance throughout the reign. In religion Cecil, like Paget, was a latitudinarian. His conformity under Mary has been commented upon bitterly; but there is no occasion to be surprised at his conduct—no occasion, when one thinks seriously of his position, to blame his conduct. There were many things in the Catholic creed of which Cecil disapproved; and when his opportunity came, he gave his effectual assistance for the abolition of them; but as long as that creed was the law of the land, as a citizen he paid the law the respect of external obedience.

At present religion is no longer under the control of law, and is left to the conscience. To profess openly, therefore, a faith which we do not believe is justly condemned as hypocrisy. But wherever public law extends, personal responsibility is limited. A minority is not permitted to resist the decisions of the legislature on subjects in which the legislature is entitled to interfere; and in the sixteenth century opinion was as entirely under rule and prescription as actions or things. Men may do their best to improve the laws which they consider unjust. They are not, under ordinary circumstances, to disobey them so long as they exist. However wide the basis of a government, questions will ever rise between the individual and the state—questions, for instance, of peace or war, in which the conscience has as much a voice as any other subject; where, nevertheless, individuals, if they are in the minority, must sacrifice their own opinions; they must contribute their war taxes without resistance; if they are soldiers, they must take part as combatants for a cause of which they are convinced of the injustice. That is to say, they must do things which it would be impious and wicked in them to do, were they as free in their obligations as citizens as they are now free in the religion which they will profess.

This was the view in which the mass was regarded by statesmen like Cecil, and generally by many men of plain straightforward understanding, who believed transubstantiation as little as he. In Protestantism, as a constructive theology, they had as little interest as in Popery; when the alternative lay between the two, they saw no reason to sacrifice themselves for either.

It was the view of common sense. It was not the view of a saint. To Latimer, also, technical theology was indifferent—indifferent in proportion to his piety. But he hated lies—legalised or unlegalised—he could not tolerate them, and he died sooner than seem to tolerate them. The counsels of perfection, however, lead to conduct neither possible, nor, perhaps, desirable for ordinary men.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 383: Charles was particular in his inquiries of Mary's prospect of a family. He spoke to Sir John Mason about it, who was then the resident ambassador:—

"Sir, quoth I," so Mason reported the conversation, "I have from herself nothing to say, for she will not confess the matter till it be proved to her face; but by others I understand, to my great joy, that her garments wax very straight. I never doubted, quoth he, of the matter, but that God, that for her had wrought so many miracles, would make the same perfect to the assisting of nature to his good and most desired work: and I warrant it shall be, quoth he, a man-child. Be it man, quoth I, or be it woman, welcome it shall be; for by that we shall be at the least come to some certainty to whom God shall appoint by succession the government of our estates."—Mason to the King and Queen, November 9: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 444.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 384: Paget and Hastings to the Queen: Ibid. p. 459(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 385: Neantmoins il sera necessaire achever avec elle selon l'advis de vostre MajestÉ.—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 386: Dio gran tempo perduto e hora ritrovato.—Descriptio Reductionis AngliÆ: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 387: Imbarcatosi adunque sua S. R. ad un hora di giorno, passo a Doure nell' Isola in tre hore et mezza che fu camino di quaranta miglia fatto con extraordinaria prestezza.—Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 388: "Tu es Polus, qui aperis nobis Polum regni cÆlorum. Aer, flumina, terra, parietes ipsi, omnia denique te desiderant. Quamdiu abfuisti omnia fuerunt tristia et adversa. In adventu tuo, omnia rident, omnia lÆta, omnia tranquilla." I have endeavoured to preserve the play on the word Polus, altering the meaning as little as the necessities of translation would allow. It has been suggested to me that the word "parietes" implies properly internal walls, and the allusion was to the defacement of the cathedral.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 389: "Cardinalis cum reginam salutaret, nec ulla humana verba occurrerent tali muliere digna, Sanctis Scripturarum verbis abuti non verebatur, sed in primo congressu iisdem quibus matrem Dei salutavit Angelus, Reginam Polus alloquitur, Ave Maria," etc.—Salkyns to Bullinger: EpistolÆ TigurinÆ, p. 169.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 390: "Il Signor Legato rispose che Dio havea voluto, che fusse tardato a tempo piÚ maturo, perchÈ egli havesse potuto dire a sua Altezza come diceva Benedictus fructus ventris tui."—Descriptio Reductionis AngliÆ.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 391: Descriptio Reductionis AngliÆ.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 392: The queen's assurances respecting her child were so emphatic, that even Noailles believed her. Profane persons were still incredulous. On Sunday the 25th, the day after the Te Deums, Noailles says, "S'est trouve ung placard attachÉ À la porte de son palais, y estant ces mots en substance: 'serons nous si bestes, oh nobles Angloys, que croy renotre reyne estre enciente si non d'un marmot ou d'un dogue?'"(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 393: Contemporary Diary: MS. Harleian, iv. 19.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 394: The writer of the Italian "Description" says that Bagenall gave way the next day. The contemporary narrative among the Harleian MSS. says that he persisted, and refused to kneel at the absolution.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 395: "Mentre la casa alta mandava a far sapere la sua conclusione alla casa bassa, la casa bassa mandava anch' ella per fare intendere il medesimo alla casa alta, sicchÈ i messi s' incontrarono per via; segno evidentissimo che lo Spirito di Dio lavorava in amendue i luoghi in un tempo i di una medesima conformita."—Descriptio Reductionis AngliÆ.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 396: Foxe, vol. vi. p. 571. The petition was in Latin; but, as I have nowhere seen the original, I have not ventured to interfere with Foxe's translation. Foxe, who could translate very idiomatically when he pleased, perhaps relieved his indignation on the present occasion by translating as awkwardly as possible.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 397: Descriptio Reductionis AngliÆ: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 398: This amazing comparison (for one cannot forget what Philip had been, was, and was to be) must be given in the original words of the legate:

"Quam sancte sanctitas vestra omni auctoritate studioque huic matrimonio favit; quod sane videtur prÆ se ferre magnam summi illius regis similitudinem, qui mundi hÆres a regalibus sedibus a patre demissus fuit, ut esset virginis sponsus et filius, et hÂc ratione universum genus humanum consolaretur ac servaret. Sic enim hic rex maximus omnium qui in terris sunt hÆres, patriis relictis regnis de illis quidem amplissimis ac felicissimis in hoc turbulentum regnum de contulit, hujusque virginis sponsus et filius est factus; ita enim erga illam se gerit tanquam filius esset cum sit sponsus, ut quod jam plane perfecit sequestrem se atque adjutorem ad reconciliandos Christo et EcclesiÆ hos populos prÆberet."—Pole to the Pope: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 399: Pallavicino.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 400: Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 401: "It was this morning told me by one of the Emperor's council, who misliked much the matter, that a preacher of ours whose name he rehearsed, beateth the pulpit jollily in England for a restitution of abbey lands. It is a strange thing in a well-ordered commonwealth that a subject should be so hardy to cry unto the people openly such learning, whereby your winter work may in the summer be attempted with some storm. These unbridled preachings were so much misliked in the ill-governed time as men trusted in this good governance it should have been amended; and so may it be when it shall please my Lords of the Council as diligently to consider it, as it is more than necessary to be looked unto. The party methinketh might well be put to silence, if he were asked now, being a monk, and having professed and vowed solemnly wilful poverty, he can with conscience keep a deanery and three or four benefices."—Mason to Petre: MS. Germany, bundle 16, Mary, State Paper Office. It is not clear who the offender was. Perhaps it was Weston, Dean of Westminster and Prolocutor of Convocation.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 402: Demands of the Lower House of Convocation, December, 1554; printed in Wilkins's Concilia.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 403: "La chambre haulte y faict difficultÉ pour ce que l'auctoritÉ et jurisdiction des evesques est autorizÉe et renouvellÉe, et que le peine semble trop griefve. Mais l'on tient qu'ilz s'accorderont par la pluralitÉ."—Renard to the Emperor, December 21: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 404: "Le parlement faict instance que, en statut de la dicte obedience la dicte dispense soit inserÉe, ce que le dict cardinal ne veult admettre, À ce que ne semble la dicte obedience avoir este rachetÉe; et est passÉe si avant la dicte difficultÉ que le dict cardinal a dÉclarÉ qu'il retourneroit plutÔt À Rome et delaisseront la chose imparfaite que consentir À chose contre l'auctoritÉ dudict S. SiÉge, et de si grande prÉjudice."—Renard to the Emperor, December: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 405: "Ces jours passez, il y eust ung personnaige de la haulte chambre, auquel il sembla pour ne perdre temps debvoir porter, (comme il fist) un billette À la basse par laquelle il mettait en advant s'il n'estoit pas raisonnable que le filz secourust le pÈre, voullant dire de ce roy a l'Empereur. Ce qui fut si bien recueilly du tiers estat, si promptment et avecques grande raison respondu, comme par le dernier parlement et le traitÉ de mariaige d'entre ce roy et royne cela avoit estÉ et estoit tellement considÉrÉ, qu'il n'estoit plus besoing mettre telles choses en advant pour les faire entrer À la guerre."—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 76.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 406: "Je vous puis dire, Sire, que toutes ces choses ont passÉ bien loing de l'espÉrance qu'il avoit, puisqu'il s'attendoit de se faire couronner, comme despuis six jours il en avoit particuliÈrement faict rechercher ceulx de la basse chambre dudict parlement qui luy out tous d'une voix rejettÉ."—Noailles to the King of France: Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 137.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 407: 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 408: 21 Henry VIII. cap. 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 409: 23 Henry VIII. cap. 9.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 410: 24 Henry VIII. cap. 12.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 411: 23 Henry VIII. cap. 20. The Act was repealed, but the annates were not restored.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 412: 25 Henry VIII. cap. 19.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 413: 25 Henry VIII. cap. 20.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 414: 25 Henry VIII. cap. 21.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 415: 26 Henry VIII. cap. 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 416: 26 Henry VIII. cap. 14.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 417: 27 Henry VIII. cap. 15.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 418: 28 Henry VIII. cap. 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 419: 28 Henry VIII. cap. 16.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 420: 31 Henry VIII. cap. 9.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 421: 33 Henry VIII. cap. 38.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 422: 35 Henry VIII. cap. 3.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 423: 37 Henry VIII. cap. 17.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 424: 28 Henry VIII. cap. 7; 35 Henry VIII. cap. 1.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 425: "Albeit, by the laws of the Church, the bishops and clergy were the defenders and protectors of all ecclesiastical rights, and would therefore in nature be bound to use their best endeavours for the recovery of the lands and goods lost to the Church during the late schism, they, nevertheless, perceiving the tenures of those lands and goods were now complicated beyond power of extrication, and that the attempt to recover them might promote disaffection in the realm, and cause the overthrow of the present happy settlement of religion, preferring public peace to private commodity, and the salvation of souls to worldly possessions, did consent that the present disposition of those lands and goods should remain undisturbed. They besought their Majesties to intercede with the legate for his consent, and, for themselves, they requested, in return, that the lawful jurisdiction of the Church might be restored."—1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8, sec. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 426: "Et licet omnes res mobiles ecclesiarum indistincte iis qui eas tenent relaxaverimus, eos tamen admonitos esse volumus ut ante oculos habentes divini judicii severitatem contra Balthazarem Regem Babylonis, qui vasa sacra non a se sed a patre a templo ablata in profanos usus convertit, ea propriis ecclesiis si extant vel aliis restituant, hortantes etiam et per viscera misericordiÆ Jesu Christi obtestantes eos omnes quos hÆc res tangit, ut salutis suÆ non omnino immemores hoc saltem efficiant, ut ex bonis ecclesiasticis maxime iis quÆ ratione personatuum et vicariatuum populi ministrorum sustentationi fuerint specialiter destinata, seu aliis cathedralibus et aliis quÆ nunc extant inferioribus ecclesiis curam animarum exercentibus, ita provideatur, ut eorum pastores commode et honeste juxta eorum qualitatem et statum sustentari possint, et curam animarum laudabiliter exercere."—1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8, sec. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 427: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 428: 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 8, sec. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 429: "It was suspected," says Renard, "que le dict act se proposoit À maulvais fin, qu'il estoit contre les traictez et capitulation de marriage pour hereder la couronne qui venoit de maulvais auteurs quilz plustÔt desiroient le mal dudict S. roy et inquietude dudict royaulme que le bien."—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 347.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 430: Ibid. vol. iv. p. 348.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 431: "Et que en son absence il y pourra nommer qui luy plaira."—Ibid. vol. iv. p. 348.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 432: "Aulcuns particuliers proposaient en ladicte chambre basse que le dict S. roy deust demeurer roy absolut dudict royaulme mourant ladicte dame sans hoirs sa vie durant."—Ibid. vol. iv. p. 348.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 433: "Ruy Gomez est allÉ vers l'Empereur pour faire entendre les difficultez qu'ilz trouvent de faire demeurer ceste couronne À son dict filz, au cas que la royne sa femme allast de vie À trespaz sans enfans, et d'aultant qu'ilz ont congneu la voluntÉ de ceulx cy estre bien loin de leur intention; et pour ce scavoir par quelz moyens il semblera bon audict Empereur qu'on puisse mettre cela en termes devant la fin de ce parlement."—Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 434: "Et quant À la declaration de bastardise l'on n'est d'opinion qu'elle se doige entamer aux dict parlement, puisque l'apparence d'heretier est certaine et pour l'evident et congneue contrarietÉ que seroit en toute le royaulme."—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, p. 348.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 435: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 436: 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, cap. 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 437: "Ilz sont pour cejourdhuy bien esloignez de ce qu'ilz pensoient faire il y a six sepmaines en ce parlement, ou ilz faisoient compte que ne pouvant couronner ce roy ou luy faire succeder ce royaulme, À tout le moings de luy en faire tumber l'administration, avecques tel pouvoir sur les forces et finances qu'il en eust pen disposer À sa voluntÉ. Toutefois la chose a prins telle issue que pour ce coup il fault qu'il se contente À beaucoup moings qu'il ne s'attendoit.

"Ce qui a tellement despleu À cedict roy et royne, que le 16 de ce mois ilz allerent par eau tous deulx clorre et terminer ledict parlement, sur les quatre heures du soir, assez petitement accompaignez et sans aulcune ceremonie, monstrans et faisans congnoistre À ung chascun avoir quelque grand mescontentement contre l'assemblÉ d'icelluy."—Noailles to the Constable: Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 153.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 438: Instructions of Cardinal Pole to the Bishops: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 439: The opinion of Pole, on the propriety of putting men to death for nonconformity, was strictly orthodox. He regarded heretics, he said, as rebellious children, with whom persuasion and mild correction should first be tried. "Nec tamen, negÂrim fieri posse," he continued, "ut alicujus opiniones tam perniciosÆ existant, ipseque jam corruptus tam sit ad corrumpendos alios promptus ac sedulus ut non dubitÂrim dicere eum e vit tolli oportere et tanquam putridum membrum e corpore exsecari. Neque id tamen priusquam ejus sanandi caus omnis leviter medendi tentata sit ratio."—Pole to the Cardinal of Augsburg: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 440: Privy Council Register, Edward VI. MS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 441: Correspondence between Hooper and Ridley: Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 442: Account of Hooper's Imprisonment, by himself: Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 443: Bradford to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer: Foxe.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 444: "Cejourdhuy a estÉ faicte la confirmation de l'alliance entre le Pape et ce Royaulme par ung sacrifice publique et solempnel d'ung docteur predicant nommÉ Rogerus, lequel a estÉ brulÉ tout vif pour estre Lutherien; mais il est mort persistant en son opinion, À quoy la plus grand part de ce peuple a prins tel plaisir qu'ilz n'ont eu craincte de luy faire plusieurs acclamations pour comforter son courage; et mesmes ses enfans y ont assistÉs le consolantes de telle faÇon qu'il sembloit qu'on le menast aux nopces."—Noailles to Montmorency: Ambassades, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 445: Mandate for the execution of Hooper: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 446: Foxe.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 447: Hooper to his friends: Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 448: "L'Évesque de Londres avec les autres Évesques assemblÉez en ce lieu pour l'exÉcution du statut conclu en dernier Parlement sur le faict de la religion, a fait brusler trois hÉrÉtiques; l'ung en ce lieu et les deux autres en pays; et sont aprÈs pour continuer contre les obstinez: dont les nobles et le peuple hÉrÉtique murmure et s'altÈre; selon que l'ay faict entendre au roy par ung billet par escript duquel la copie va avec les prÉsentes; et la noblesse tousjours dÉsire d'avoir occasion d'attirer le peuple et le faire joindre À rÉvolte avec elle; et prÉvoys si Dieu n'y remÉdie, ou que telle prÉcipitation ne se modÈre, les choses prendront dangereux succÈs, et signamment les partiaulx, contre le chancelier ne perdront ceste commoditÉ de vengeance.... Les dictes conseilliers se retirent de nÉgoces. Paget se voyant en la male grÂce de la royne, et de la pluspart du conseil, se trouve souvent au quartier dudict Sieurroy ... le peuple parle contre la royne estrangement.... Comme j'entendz que l'on parle pour me faire demeurer, et sÉjourner par deÇÀ aprÈs le dÉpart du roy, je n'ay pen dÉlaisser de supplier trÈs humblement vostre majestÉ me excuser ... je suys certain l'on me tueroit incontinant aprÈs ledict parlement," etc.—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. pp. 400-402.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 449: "Et a l'on dict que plusieurs ... se sont voulu voluntairement mettre sur le bÛche À costÉ de ceulx que l'on brusloit."—Ibid. p. 404.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 450: "Un bourgeois estant interrougÉ par ledict Évesque de Londres se souffriroit bien le feug, respondist qu'il en fist l'expÉrience: et aiant fait apporter une chandelle allumÉe, il meit la main dessus sans la retirer ny se mouvoir."—Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. vi. p. 404. The man's name was Tomkins. Foxe, who tells the story as an illustration of Bonner's brutality, says that the Bishop himself held the hand. But Renard's is probably the truer version.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 451: Renard to Charles V.: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 403.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 452: Renard to Charles V.: Ibid. pp. 404, 405.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 453: "Et combien l'on pouvoit requÉrir plus de civilitÉ en la Reyne.—Renard to Philip: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 394.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 454: "Les gens d'Église ne sont reformÉes, il y a plusieurs abuz qui donnent scandale et maulvaise impression, et ilz ne respondent aux offices auxquelz ilz sont appellez."—Ibid. p. 395.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 455: "Donner ce contentement À la royne d'avoir intention de asseurer et establir ses affaires et la secourir comme bon Seigneur et mari."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 456: "Que Ès choses de la religion l'on ne use de prÉcipitation par punition cruelle, ains avec la modÉration, et mansuÉtude requise, et dont l'Église a tousjours usÉ; retirant le peuple de l'erreur par doctrine et prÉdication, et que si ce n'est un acte scandaleux l'on ne passe oultre en chastoy que puisse altÉrer le peuple et le dÉsgouter, que la reformation requise pour le bon example, soit introduicte sur les gens de l'Église comme le lÉgat advisera pour le mieulx."—Renard to Philip: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv. p. 395.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 457: Foxe, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 458: The story of Hunter was left in writing by his brother, and was printed by Foxe. I have already said that whenever Foxe prints documents instead of relating hearsays, I have found him uniformly trustworthy; so far, that is to say, as there are means of testing him.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 459: Wherefore it came to pass that Hannah bare a son, and called his name Samuel, saying, Because I have asked him of the Lord. 1 Samuel i. 20.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 460: Foxe, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 461: Noailles to the King of France, April 5 and April 17. Montmorency to Noailles, April 21. Noailles to Montmorency, April 30: Ambassades, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 462: Letters to and from Sir Thomas Gresham: MS. Flanders, Mary, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 463: Strype's Memorials.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 464: Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 465: These curious records of disappointed expectations remain in large numbers in the State Paper Office. The following is the letter addressed to Pole:—

Philip.—Mary the Queen.—Most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, We greet you well: And whereas it hath pleased Almighty God, of His infinite goodness, to add unto the great number of other His benefits bestowed upon us, the gladding of us with the happy deliverance of a prince, for the which we do most humbly thank Him; knowing your affections to be such towards us as whatsoever shall fortunately succeed unto us, the same cannot be but acceptable unto you also; We have thought good to communicate unto you these happy news of ours, to the intent you may rejoice with us; and praying for us, give God thanks for this his work accordingly. Given under our signet, at our house of Hampton Court, the —— of ——, the 1st and 2nd year of our and my Lord the King's reign.—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. v. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 466: Noailles to Montmorency, April 30: Ambassades, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 467: Sir Thomas Gresham to the Council: MS. Flanders, Mary, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 468: Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 469: Noailles to Montmorency, May 15: Ambassades, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 470: Philip and Mary to Gardiner, Arundel, and Paget: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 471: Noailles: Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 313.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 472: "Et lÀ oÙ ladicte paix ou trefve adviendront ledict seigneur (l'Empereur) fera bientost aprÈs repasser en ce royaulme le duc d'Alva avecque la plus grande part de sesdictes forces pour y fabvoriser les affaires de ce roy."—Noailles, vol. iv. p. 330.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 473: "Il n'est rien que l'Empereur ne fasse pour venir À la paix, tant il dÉsire avant de retourner en Espaigne de faire couronner son filz, roy de ce pays. Et pensera par mÊme moyen se saisir des places fortes d'icelluy et chastier des Angloys d'infinies injures qu'ilz out faict recepvoir aux Espagnols, mettant grosses garnisons en ceste ville de Londres, et aultres lieux, À quoy ces roy et royne proposent ... s'y faire obÉir absolument aux parlemens, suyvant ce qu'ilz n'ont peu faire par cydevant."—Noailles, vol. iv. pp. 332, 333.

In these reports the truth was anticipated but not exceeded. It will be seen that such projects were really formed at a later period.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 474: "Ladicte dame plusieurs fois de le jour demeure longtemps assise À terre, les genoulx aussy haultz que la teste.

"Se trouva hier fort malade et plus que de coustume, et pour la soulager, fust trouvÉ À mesme heure en sa court plusieurs lettres semÉes contre son honneur," etc.—Noailles, vol. iv. p. 342.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 475: "The Queen said she could not be safely and happily delivered, nor could anything succeed prosperously with her, unless all the heretics in prison were burnt ad unum."—Burnet.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 476: Burnet's Collectanea. This letter is addressed to Bonner, and was taken from Bonner's Register; but, from the form, it was evidently a circular. The Bishop of London had not deserved to be singled out to be especially admonished for want of energy.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 477: Foxe, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 478: A letter of Mary's to Philip on the subject will be given in the following chapter, which reveals the disagreement which had arisen between them about this marriage.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 479: The impression was very generally spread. Noailles mentions it, writing on the 20th of June to the King of France; and Foxe mentions a mysterious attempt of Lord North to obtain a new-born child from its mother, as having happened within his own knowledge. The existence of the belief, however, proves nothing. At such a time it was inevitable, nor was there any good evidence to connect Lord North, supposing Foxe's story true, with the court. The risk of discovery would have been great, the consequences terrible, and few people have been more incapable than Mary of knowingly doing a wrong thing.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 480: Renard to the Emperor, June 27: Granvelle Papers, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 481: Joanna of Castille, the emperor's mad mother, dying soon after, masses were said for her with some solemnity at St. Paul's. "Aux obsÈques que la royne commanda estre faictes À Londres, l'admiral d'Angleterre dÉmontra ouvertement avoir quelque ressentment, de ce qu'il disoit le roy ne luy faisoit si bonne chiere et dÉmonstration si favorable qu'il avoit accoustumÉ, disant qu'il sÇavoit bien pourquoy s'estoit, infÉrant que ce fust pour ce qu'il avoit faict baiser les mains de Elizabetz aux gentilhommes qui l'avoient visitez."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 482: Foxe; Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 483: Le dict conseil voyant que plusieurs gentilhommes s'assembloient À Londres, et communicquoient par ensemble, qu'ils se tenoient À Londres, contre ce qu'est accoustumÉ en Angleterre, qu'est que ceulx qu'ilz eu moien ne demeurent À Londres en l'estÉ, ains au pays pour la chaleur et maladies ordinaires qu'ilz y reignent, et que toutes les dicts gentilhommes sont hÉrÉtiques, ains estÉ pour le plus part rebelles, les autres parens et adhÉrens de Elizabetz, leur a faict faire commandement de se retirer chascun en sa maison et se separer; qu'ilz ont prins mal et en out fait grandes doleances, en prÉtendant qu'ilz estoient gens de bien, qu'ilz n'estoient traistres.—Renard to the Emperor: Granvelle Papers, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 484: Noailles, vol. v. pp. 77-82.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 485: Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 486: Noailles, vol. v. pp. 98, 99, 123.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 487: Elle a bonne part en la grace dudict Seigneur Roy, lequel par plusieurs lettres qu'il escript À la royne sa femme la luy recommende, comme aussy il a faict particuliÈrement et par soubz main aux principaux seigneurs Espaignolz qui sont demourez en ce lieu.—Ibid. p. 127.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 488: Domine Jesu Christe, qui es verus sponsus animÆ meÆ, verus Rex ac Dominus meus qui me ad Regni hujus gubernacula singulari tu providenti ac benignitate vocatam, cum antea essem derelicta et tanquam mulier ab adolescenti abjecta, eum virum in matrimonium et regni societatem expetere voluis ti, qui plus cÆteris imaginem tuam quam in sanctitate et justiti mundo ostendisti in suis meisque actionibus dirigendis exprimeret, et expetitum dedisti, cujus nunc discessum moerens defleo—quÆso per illum pretiosissimum sanguinem quem pro me spons tu proque illo et omnibus in ar crucis effudisti, ut hunc meum dolorem ita lenias, ita purges, ita temperes, ut quoties ille sanctis suis consiliis mihi adest, quoties per litteras quÆ ad salutem hujus populi tui pertinent commendat, toties illum prÆsentem esse, teque unicum consolatorem in medio nostro adesse sentiam, utque in illo te semper amem atque glorificem. Obsecro, Domine, ut in nobis tua imago sic indies per tuam gratiam renovetur in conspectu populi tui, quern nobis gubernandum commisisti, ut cum is justitiÆ tuÆ severitatem, in iis quÆ amiserat dum hi regnarent qui a rect fide declinantes sanctitatem et justitiam expulerunt, jam pridem senserit, quÆ nunc per tuam misericordiam recuperaverit sub illorum Regno quos nunquam a rect fide declinare es passus, cum gratiarum actione lÆtus intelligat ut uno ore tarn nos quam populus noster Deum patrem per te ejus unicum filium in unitate SpiritÛs glorificemus, ad nostram ipsorum et piorum omnium salutem et consolationem. Amen.—Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 489: Il me fauldroit faire ung merveilleux discours pour vous rendre compte de tous les propoz qui font dans les dictes lettres. Je vous diray seulment ce qui plus tousche et regarde le lieu oÙ vous estes. Et premiÈrement la royne a tant enchantÉ et ensorcelÉ ce beau jeune prince son mary que de luy avoir faict croyre ung an entier qu'elle estoit grosse pour le retenir prÈs d'elle, dont il se trouve À prÉsent si confus et faschÉ qu'il n'a plus dÉlibÉrÉ de retourner habiter ceste terre, promettant À tous ses serviteurs que s'il peult estre une fois en Espaigne qu'il n'en sortira plus À si maulvaise occasion, etc....—Le Protonotaire de Noailles À M. de Noailles: Ambassades, vol. v. p. 136.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 490: Not the martyr; he had been despatched by Bonner among the victims of the summer; but a person otherwise-known.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 491: "Ye will say, How could this fellow know their counsel?—I was chamberlain to one of the privy council, and with all diligence gave myself to write and read Spanish, which thing once obtained I kept secret from my master and my fellow-servants, because I might be trusted in my master's closet or study, where I might read such writing as I saw daily brought into the council chamber."—John Bradford to the Lords of the Council: Strype's Memorials of the Reformation.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 492: Elizabeth, when she came to the throne, refused to admit that she was under any real obligation to Philip. She was entirely right in her refusal. The Spaniards had sworn, if possible, to make away "with all those which by any means might lay claim to the crown."

"I call God to record," Bradford continues, "I have heard it with mine ears, and seen the said persons with mine eyes, that have said, if ever the king obtain the crown, he would make the Lady Elizabeth safe from ever coming to the same, or any of our cursed nation. For they say, that if they can find the means to keep England in subjection, they would do more with the land than with all the rest of his kingdoms. I speak not of any fool's communication, but of the wisest, and that no mean persons. Yea, and they trust that there shall means be found before that time to despatch the Lady Elizabeth well enough by the help of assured traitors, as they have already in England plenty, and then they may the more easier destroy the others when she is rid out of the way.

2. I speak not this, as some men would take it, to move dissension; for that were the best way for the Spaniards to come to their prey. Such a time they look for, and such a time they say some nobleman hath promised to provide for them.

3. God is my witness that my heart will not suffer me for very shame to declare such vile reports as I have heard them speak against the queen, and yet her Grace taketh them for her faithful friends. The Spaniards say, that if they obtain not the crown, they may curse the time that ever the king was married to a wife so unmeet for him by natural course of years; but and if that may be brought to pass that was meant in marriage-making, they shall keep old rich robes for high festival days.

"Alas, for pity! Ye be yet in such good estate that ye may, without loss of any man's life, keep the crown and realm quietly. If ye will hear a fool's counsel, keep still the crown to the right succession in your hands, and give it to no foreign princes. Peradventure her Grace thinketh the king will keep her the more company and love her the better, if she give him the crown. Ye will crown him to make him chaste contrary to his nature. They have a saying—'The baker's daughter is better in her gown than Queen Mary without the crown.' They say, 'Old wives must be cherished for their young fair gifts.' 'Old wives,' they say, 'for fair words will give all that they have.' But how be they used afterwards? Doth the queen think the king will remain in England with giving him the realm? The council of Spain purposeth to establish other matters; to appoint in England a viceroy with a great army of Spanish soldiers, and let the queen live at her beads like a good antient lady."—John Bradford to the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Derby, and Pembroke: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 340, etc.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 493: Prayer written by Cardinal Pole for Queen Mary: supra.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 494: Noailles to the King of France, October 21: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 495: Noailles to Montmorency, December 5: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 496: Phillips.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 497: Foxe says the 12th; but this is wrong.—See Cranmer's letter to the Queen: Jenkins, vol. i. p. 369.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 498: Exhortation of the Bishop of Gloucester to Thomas Cranmer: Cotton MSS., Vespasian, A. 25. A copy, more rounded and finished, is given by Foxe, in his account of Cranmer's trial: but the latter has the appearance of having been touched up afterwards.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 499: The address concluded with a prolix exhortation to repentance, which I omit. It may be read in a form sufficiently accurate in Foxe.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 500: Although the circumstances of the time called properly for an open declaration of this kind on the part of Cranmer, yet every one of his predecessors, from the time of Edward I., must have been inducted with a tacit understanding of the same kind. If a bishop had been prosecuted under the Statutes of Provisors, his oath to the Papacy would have been no more admitted as an excuse by the Plantagenet sovereigns, than the oath of a college Fellow to obey the statutes of the founder would have saved him from penalties under the House of Hanover had he said mass in his college chapel. Because Cranmer, foreseeing an immediate collision between two powers, which each asserted claims upon him, expressed in words a qualification which was implied in the nature of the case—it was, and is (I regret to be obliged to speak in the present tense), but a shallow sarcasm to taunt him with premeditated perjury.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 501: If the gift of a pot of cold water shall not be in oblivion with God, how can God forget your manifold and bountiful gifts, when He shall say unto you. "I was in prison, and you visited me." God grant us all to do and suffer while we be here as may be to His will and pleasure.—Latimer to Mrs. Wilkinson, from Bocardo: Latimer's Remains, p. 444.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 502: Latimer's Remains, p. 429.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 503: A Rev. P. Soto accepi litteras Oxonio datas quibus me certiorem facit quid cum duobus illis hÆreticis egerit qui jam erant damnati, quorum alter ne loqui quidem cum eo voluit: cum altero est locutus sed nihil profecit, ut facile intelligatur a nemine servari posse quos Deus projecerit. Itaque de illis supplicium est sumptum.—Pole to Philip: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v. p. 47.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 504: Foxe, vol. vii. p. 545. It is to the discredit of Mary that she paid no attention to this appeal, and left Bonner's injustice to be repaired by the first parliament of Elizabeth. Commons Journals, 1 Elizabeth.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 505: The execution, however, was doubtless appointed to take place on that spot, that Cranmer might see it. An old engraving in Foxe's Martyrs represents him as on the leads of the Tower while the burning was going forward, looking at it, and praying.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 506: Foxe, vols. vii. viii., passim, especially vol. vii. p. 605. Philpot's Petition, Ibid. p. 682; and an account of the Prisons at Canterbury, vol. viii. p. 255. At Canterbury, after Pole became archbishop, his archdeacon, Harpsfeld, had fifteen prisoners confined together, of whom five were starved to death; the other ten were burnt. But before they suffered, and while one of those who died of hunger still survived, they left on record the following account of their treatment, and threw it out of a window of the castle:—

"Be it known to all men that shall read, or hear read, these our letters, that we, the poor prisoners of the castle of Canterbury, for God's truth, are kept and lie in cold irons, and our keeper will not suffer any meat to be brought to us to comfort us. And if any man do bring in anything—as bread, butter, cheese, or any other food—the said keeper will charge them that so bring us anything (except money or raiment), to carry it thence again; or else, if he do receive any food of any for us, he doth keep it for himself, and he and his servants do spend it; so that we have nothing thereof: and thus the keeper keepeth away our victuals from us; insomuch that there are four of us prisoners there for God's truth famished already, and thus it is his mind to famish us all. And we think he is appointed thereto by the bishops and priests, and also of the justices, so to famish us; and not only us of the said castle, but also all other prisoners in other prisons for the like cause to be also famished. Notwithstanding, we write not these our letters to that intent we might not afford to be famished for the Lord Jesus' sake, but for this cause and intent, that they having no law so to famish us in prison, should not do it privily, but that the murderers' hearts should be openly known to all the world, that all men may know of what church they are, and who is their father."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 255.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 507: See especially his conversation with Philpot: Foxe, vol. vii. p. 611.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 508: Godly Letter addressed to Bonner: Ibid. p. 712.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 509: Pour le faire plustost retourner elle fera toutes choses incrÉdible en ce dict parlement en faveur dudict Sieur.... L'on dict que l'occasion pour laquelle le dict parlement a estÉ assemblÉ, ne tend À aultre fin que pour faire s'il est possible tomber le gouvernement absolu de ce royaulme entre les mains de ce roy.—Noailles to the King of France, October 21: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 510: Ce soit ung argument plus grand que tout aultre pour faire entrer ceulx cy À la guerre ouverte; estant ceste nation comme ung chascung sÇait fort ennemie de sadict SainctitÉ.—Noailles to Montmorency: Ambassades, vol. v. p. 188.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 511: Same to the same.—Ibid. p. 150.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 512: Special Grace appointed to have been said at York on the Accession of Elizabeth.—Tanner MSS., Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 513: Commons Journals, 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 514: Commons Journals, 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.—Noailles to the Constable, October 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 515: Commons Journal. Noailles says that the queen demanded the fifteenths, and that the Commons refused to grant them. The account in the Journals is confirmed by a letter of Lord Talbot to the Earl of Shrewsbury.—Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 207.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 516: Mr. Speaker declared the queen's pleasure to be spoken yesterday, for to depart with the first-fruits and tenths; and my Lord Cardinal spake for the tithes and impropriations of benefices to be spiritual.—Commons Journals, November 20: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 517: Lords Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 518: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary, cap. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 519: Commons Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 520: Ibid. The temper of the opposition may be gathered from the language of a pamphlet which appeared on the accession of Elizabeth.

The writer describes the clergy as "lads of circumspection, and verily filii hujus sÆculi." He complains of their avarice in inducing the queen, "at one chop, to give away fifty thousand pounds and better yearly from the inheritance of her crown unto them, and many a thousand after, unto those idle hypocrites besides."

He then goes on:—

"And yet this great profusion of their prince did so smally serve their hungry guts, like starven tikes that were never content with more than enough; at all their collations, assemblies, and sermons, they never left yelling and yelping in pursuit of their prey, Restore! Restore! These devout deacons nothing regarded how some for long service and travail abroad, while they sat at home—some for shedding his blood in defence of his prince's cause and country, while they with safety, all careless in their cabins, in luxe and lewdness, did sail in a sure port—some selling his antient patrimony for purchase of these lands, while they must have all by gift a God's name—they nothing regarding, I say, what injury to thousands, what undoing to most men, what danger of uproar and tumult throughout the whole realm, and what a weakening to the State, should thereby arise; with none of these matters were they moved a whit, but still held on their cry, Restore! Restore!"

"And that ye may be sure they meant nothing more than how to have all, and that with all haste; after that their Pope, this seditious Paul IV., that now is, had sent hither his bulls and his thunderbolts for that cause, and other (and yet little restored, because the world, indeed, would not be so faced out of their livelihood) sundry of our prelates, like hardy champions, slacke not a whit themselves to thrust lords out of their lands, and picked quarrels to their lawful possessions. Well. Let nobility consider the case as they list; but, as some think, if the clergy come to be masters again, they will teach them a school point. Christ taught the young man that perfection was in vade, vende, et da, not in mane, acquire, accumula."—Grace to be said at the Accession of Elizabeth: Tannes MSS., Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 521: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 522: Michele, the Venetian ambassador, in his curious but most inaccurate account of England during this reign, states that the queen had it in her power to cut off Elizabeth from the succession, but that she was prevented from doing it by Philip. Michele's information suffered from the policy of Venice. Venice held aloof from the complications of the rest of Europe, and her representatives were punished by exclusion from secrets of state. The letters of Noailles might be suspected, but the correspondence of Renard with Charles V. leaves no doubt whatever either as to the views of the Spaniards towards Elizabeth, of their designs on the crown, or of the causes by which they were baffled.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 523: Noailles to the King of France, December 16.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 524: The witty Katherine Brandon, widow of Henry VIII.'s Charles Brandon, married to Richard Bertie. She was a lady of advanced opinions, between whom and the Bishop of Winchester there were some passages-at-arms. She dressed a dog in a rochet on one occasion, and called it Bishop Gardiner.

Gardiner himself said that he was once at a party at the Duke of Suffolk's, and it was a question who should take the duchess down to dinner. She wanted to go with her husband; but as that could not be, "My lady," said Gardiner, "taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not take her himself, said that, forasmuch as she could not sit down with my lord whom she loved best, she had chosen me whom she loved worst."—Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 525: Et de mesme fust rejettÉ audict parlement À la grande confusion de ladicte dame ung aultre bill, par lequel elle vouloit confisquer les personnes et biens de ceulx qui sont transfuges de ce royaulme despuis son advÈnement À la couronne.—Noailles to the King of France, December 16: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 526: 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary, cap. 17.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 527: FranÇois de Noailles to Madame de Roye: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 528: Among the surviving memorials of Mary, none is more affecting than a rough copy of an answer to one of these epistles, which is preserved in the Cotton Library. It is painfully scrawled, and covered with erasures and corrections, in which may be traced the dread in which she stood of offending Philip. Demander license de votre Haultesse, is crossed through and altered into Supplier trÈs humblement. Where she had described herself as obeissante, she enlarged the word into trÈs obeissante; and the tone throughout is most piteous. She entreats the king to appoint some person or persons to talk with her about the marriage. She says that the conscience which she has about it she has had for twenty-four years; that is to say, since Elizabeth's birth. Nevertheless, she will agree to Philip's wish, if the realm will agree. She is ready to discuss it; but she complains, so far as she dares complain, of the confessor. The priests trouble her, she says. "Alfonsez espÉcialement me proposoit questions si obscures que mon simple entendement ne les pouvoit comprehendre, comme pour exemple il me demandoit qui estoit roy au temps de Adam, et disoit comme j'estoy obligÉe de faire ceste marriage par ung article de mon Credo, mais il ne l'exposoit.... Aultres choses trop difficiles pour moy d'entendre ... ainsy qu'il estoit impossible en si peu de temps de changer ... conscience.... Votre Haultesse escript en ses dictes lettres que si le consent de ce royaulme iroyt au contraire, Votre Haultesse en imputeroit la coulpe en moy. Je supplie en toute humilitÉ votre Haultesse de diffÉrer ceste affaire jusques À votre retour; et donques Votre Haultesse sera juge si je seray coulpable ou non. Car autrement je vinray en jalousie de Votre Haultesse la quelle sera pire À moy que mort; car j'en ay commencÉ dÉjÀ d'en taster trop À mon grand regret," etc.—Cotton MSS., Titus, B. 2: printed very incorrectly in Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. 418.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 529: Noailles.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 530: Cranmer to Queen Mary: Jenkins, vol. i. p. 369. This protest was committed to Pole to answer, who replied to it at length.

The authority of the pope in a secular kingdom, the legate said, was no more a foreign power than "the authority of the soul of man coming from heaven in the body generate on earth." "The pope's laws spiritual did no other but that the soul did in the body, giving life to the same, confirming and strengthening the same;" and that it was which the angel signified in Christ's conception, declaring what his authority should be, that he should sit super domum David, which was a temporal reign, ut confirmet illud et corroboret, as the spiritual laws did.

The quotation is inaccurate. The words in the Vulgate are, Dabit illi Dominus sedem David patris ejus: et regnabit in domo Jacob in Æternum.

The letter contains another illustration of Pole's habit of mind. "There was never spiritual man," he says, "put to execution according to the order of the laws of the realm but he was first by the canon laws condemned and degraded; whereof there be as many examples afore the time of breaking the old order of the realm these last years, as hath been delinquents. Let the records be seen. And specially this is notable of the Bishop of ——, which, being imprisoned for high treason, the king would not proceed to his condemnation and punishment afore he had the pope's bull given him...."

The historical argument proceeded smoothly up to the name, which, however, was not and is not to be found. Pole was probably thinking of Archbishop Scrope, who, however, unfortunately for the argument, was put to death without the pope's sanction.—Draft of a Letter from Cardinal Pole to Cranmer: Harleian MSS. 417.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 531: Pole to Philip: EpistolÆ Reg. Pol., vol. v. p. 47.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 532: DamnatÆ memoriÆ. Sentence Definitive against Thomas Cranmer: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 533: An allusion to a scaffold in St. Paul's Church, on which Cranmer had sat as a commissioner; said to have been erected over an altar.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 534: Foxe, vol. viii. p. 73.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 535: Cranmer to a Lawyer: Jenkins, vol. i. p. 384.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 536: Epist. Reg. Pol., vol. v. p. 248. I am obliged to abridge and epitomise.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 537: Car se je n'Écourtois que les mouvemens de la nature, se je ne vous parlois qu'en mon nom, je vous tiendrois un autre langage au plutÔt je ne vous dirois rien; je m'entretiendrois avec Dieu seul at je lui demanderois de faire tomber le feu du ciel pour vous consumer avec cette maison oÙ vous avez passÉ en abandonnant l'Église. The letter was only known to the editor of Pole's remains in a French translation. I do not know whether the original exists, or whether it was in Latin or in English.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 538: The innumerable modern writers who agree with Pole on the iniquity of the divorce of Catherine forget that, according to the rule which most of us now acknowledge, the marriage of Henry with his brother's wife really was incestuous—really was forbidden by the laws of God and nature; that the pope had no more authority to dispense with those laws then than he has now; and that if modern law is right, Cranmer did no more than his duty.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 539: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 129.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 540: Forasmuch as the king's and queen's majesties, by consent of parliament, have received the pope's authority within this realm, I am content to submit myself to their laws herein, and to take the pope for chief head of this Church of England so far as God's laws and the customs of this realm will permit.—Thomas Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 541: Of this fifth submission there is a contemporary copy among the MSS. at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. It was the only one known to Foxe; and this, with the fact of its being found in a separate form, gives a colour of probability to Mr. Southey's suspicion that the rest were forgeries. The whole collection was published by Bonner, who injured his claims to credit by printing with the others a seventh recantation, which was never made, and by concealing the real truth. But the balance of evidence I still think is in favour of the genuineness of the first six. The first four lead up to the fifth, and the invention of them after the fifth had been made would have been needless. The sixth I agree with Strype in considering to have been composed by Pole, and signed by Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 542: Recantations of Thomas Cranmer: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 393.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 543: Death of Cranmer, related by a Bystander: Harleian MSS., 442. Printed, with some inaccuracies, by Strype.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 544: Narrative of the Execution of Thomas Cranmer: MS. Harleian, 422. Another account gives among the causes which Cole mentioned, that "it seemed meet, according to the law of equality, that, as the death of the Duke of Northumberland of late made even with Sir Thomas More, Chancellor, that died for the Church, so there should be one that should make even with Fisher, Bishop of Rochester; and because that Ridley, Hooper, and Ferrars were not able to make even with that man, it seemed that Cranmer should be joined with them to fill up their part of equality."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 85. Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 133.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 545: MS. Harleian, 422.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 546: Shakspeare was perhaps thinking of this speech of Cranmer when he wrote the magnificent lines which he placed in the mouth of the dying Gaunt:—

Footnote 547: There are two original contemporary accounts of Cranmer's words—Harleian MSS., 417 and 422—and they agree so far almost word for word with "The Prayer and Saying of Thomas Cranmer a little before his Death," which was published immediately after by Bonner. But we now encounter the singular difficulty, that the conclusion given by Bonner is altogether different. The archbishop is made to repeat his recantation, and express especial grief for the books which he had written upon the Sacrament.

There is no uncertainty as to what Cranmer really said; but, inasmuch is Bonner at the head of his version of the speech has described it as "written with his own hand," it has been inferred that he was required to make a copy of what he intended to say—that he actually wrote what Bonner printed, hoping to the end that his life would be spared; and that he would have repeated it publicly, had he seen that there was a chance of his escape. Finding, however, that his execution had been irrevocably determined on, he made the substitution at the last moment.

There are many difficulties in this view, chiefly from the character of the speech itself, which has the stamp upon it of too evident sincerity to have been composed with any underhand intentions. The tone is in harmony throughout, and the beginning leads naturally to the conclusion which Cranmer really spoke.

There is another explanation, which is to me more credible. The Catholics were furious at their expected triumph being snatched from them. Whether Cranmer did or did not write what Bonner says he wrote, Bonner knew that he had not spoken it, and yet was dishonest enough to print it as having been spoken by him, evidently hoping that the truth could be suppressed, and that the Catholic cause might escape the injury which the archbishop's recovered constancy must inflict upon it. A man who was capable of so considerable a falsehood would not have hesitated for the same good purpose to alter a few sentences. Pious frauds have been committed by more religious men than Edmund Bonner. See the Recantation of Thomas Cranmer, reprinted from Bonner's original pamphlet: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 393.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 548: Harleian MS., 422. Strype has misread the word into "run," losing the point of the expression.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 549: Saying of Sir Nicholas Arnold: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 550: The conversations with Ashton were sometimes at his own house; sometimes at an inn by the waterside, near Lambeth; sometimes at other places. The localities are not always easy to make out.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 551: Deposition of Thomas White: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 552: Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13. State Paper Office. Kingston was one of the members of the House of Commons who was imprisoned at the close of the late session, for the freedom of his language in parliament. He was "Vice-Admiral of the Ports about the Severn," and a man of large influence in the Welsh Marches.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 553: Younger son of Sir Edward Peckham, Cofferer of the Household, and Member of Council under Edward VI.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 554: Lord Williams of Thame, who superintended the executions of Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 555: Confession of Sir Henry Peckham: Mary, Domestic, MS. vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 556: Confession of John Daniel: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 557: Noailles to the King of France, March 12: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 558: Uvedale's Confession: Mary, Domestic, MS., vol. vii.; Peckham's Confession, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 559: John Throgmorton said to Bedyll, Derick, and me, on this wise: "Whatsoever becomes of any of us in this dangerous enterprise, we will here promise, that albeit, I, you, and your nannye, every of us, by name, should accuse any of us of this, or any part touching this enterprise, bye and bye to revile him with most taunting and naughty rebukes that may be devised. And thereby setting a stern countenance, and for our couraging and better comfort herein, he shewed us of a matter that was most true, and accused by Strangways against two brethren, meaning [the] Tremaynes, who being but little men in personage, so reviled Strangways, accusing them before your honours, that because Strangways had no further proof but his only saying, and they so stoutly denying it, even to the threatening of the rack (or whether they were anything thereto constrained or no, as he said, I do not perfectly remember); but at length Strangways was in effect ready to weep, and think he had accused them wrongfully, and so they dismissed, and Strangways much of your honours rebuked."—Thomas White to the Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 560: The Constable to Noailles, Feb. 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 561: De leur prÊtur un peu d'espaule.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 562: Wotton to the Queen: French MSS., bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 563: Although they be promised by your means to move the queen's majesty to be gracious lady to them, they know that it is not so meant; but to suck out of others all ye may, and yet thereby to have no mercy shewed.—Thomas White to the Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. vii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 564: Robert Swift to Lord Shrewsbury: Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 565: Walpole's Deposition: MS. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 566: Peckham's Confession: MS. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 567: Swift to Lord Shrewsbury: Ibid., vol. i.; Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 568: Daniel was supposed, like Throgmorton, to know more than he had told; and to quicken his confession he was confined in a dungeon, of which he has left his own description in an appeal to the mercy of the commissioners. "I beseech your honours be good to me," he wrote, "for I am a sick man, laid here in a dungeon where I am fain to do —— and —— in the place that I do lie in, and if I do lie here all this night, I think I shall not be alive to-morrow. Mr. Binifield [perhaps an examiner] as he cometh to me is ready to cast his gorge, so he saith; and I have no light all day so much as to see my hands perfectly. Pity me, for God's sake—Your honours' footstool, John Daniel. Good Master of the House, good Mr. Controller, good Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, good Mr. Englefield, good Mr. Waldegrave!"

Again in another letter, he writes:—

"For God's sake, be my honourable masters, and rid me out of this dungeon, for I do lie here a man sore pained with the stone, and among the newts and spiders. For the love of God, I ask it; for I do all things in the place that I do lie in. My good and honourable masters, for God's sake, be good to me, and consider that I did never give my consent to do no evil. Good Mr. Englefield, consider my meaning, and be good master to me, and consider the place I lie in, and the pain of the stone."—Daniel's Confessions: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. viii.

The effect, however, apparently was what the examiners desired. A note of the council remains to the effect that—

"Daniel being yesterday removed, to a worse lodging, beginneth this day to be more open and plain than he hath been, whereby we perceive he knoweth all, and we trust and think verily he will utter the same."—Privy Council Minutes, Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 569: Estant en continuel fureur de ne pouvoir jouir de la prÉsence de son mary ny de l'amour de son peuple, et dans une fort grande peur d'estre offensÉe de sa propre vie par aulcungs des siens.—Noailles to the King of France, May 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 570: Same to Montmorency, April 21: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 571: Foxe. This hideous story was challenged by Harding, the controversialist, in the next reign. He was unfortunate in calling attention to it, for the case was inquired into, and the account was found too certainly true.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 572: Machyn's Diary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 573: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 574: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 575: See their stories: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 576: Foxe, vol. viii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 577: Wotton to Petre, cypher: French MSS., Mary, bundle 13. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 578: The Queen to Wotton: MS. France, bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 579: Gens abominables, hÉrÉtiques et traistres villains et exÉcrables.—Noailles to the King, May 7: Ambassades, vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 580: Wotton to Petre, cypher: French MSS. State Paper Office, bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 581: His death was of course attributed by the world to poison. Courtenay's birth, and the fortune which was so nearly thrust upon him, give his fate a kind of interest, and an authentic account of it may not be unwelcome.

On the 18th of September, Peter Vannes, the English resident at Venice, wrote to the queen from Padua:—

"It hath pleased Almighty God, as the Author of all goodness, and as One that doth nothing in vain, to call the Earl of Devonshire to his mercy, even about the hour, or little more or less, that I am writing of this present; and being very sorry to trouble your Highness with this kind of news, yet forasmuch as the providence of God must be fulfilled in all things, I shall somewhat touch his sickness till the hour of death. True it is that he, as I have perceived, for the avoiding all suspicion from himself, hath chosen a life more solitary than needed, saving the company of certain gentlemen, Venetians, among whom he was much made of. It chanced him upon three weeks agone, for his honest recreation, to go to a place called Lio, a piece of an island five miles from Venice, for to see his hawks fly upon a wasted ground, without any houses; and there he was suddenly taken with a great tempest of wind and rain, insomuch that his boat, called [a] gondola, could not well return to Venice: and he was fain, for his succour, to take a certain searcher's boat that by chance there arrived, and so to Venice he came, being body and legs very thinly clothed, refusing to change them with any warmer garment. And upon that time, or within few days after, as he told me, had a fall upon the stairs of his house, and after seeming to himself to be well, and finding no pain, took his journey hither unto Padua; and for the avoiding of the weariness of the water, and the labouring of horses, chose the worse way coming; and so by certain waggons called coaches, very shaking and uneasy to my judgment, came to Padua upon Saturday at night. Of whose coming being advertised, I went to visit him on the morrow after, and found him very weak; and since that time he began to appear every day worse and worse, avoiding friends' visitations; and drew himself to the counsel of two of the best physicians of this town, and entered into a continued hot ague, sometimes more vehement than at another; and as I have seen and heard, he hath been always diligently attended. I have charged his servants in your name, and as they will avoid your displeasure, that a true inventory shall be made of such small movables as he had here, and that especially all kind of writings and letters that he had either here or at Venice, shall be put in assurance, abiding for your commandment. I am now about to see the order of his burial, with as much sparing and as much honour as can be done; for the merchantmen on whom, by your Grace's commandment, he had a credit of 3 or 4 thousand crowns, are not as yet willing to disburse any money without a sufficient discharge of my Lord of Devonshire's hand, the doing whereof is past. I shall shift to see him buried as well as I can; notwithstanding, I beseech your Grace not to be discontented with me that I am at the next door to go a begging.

"My said Lord of Devonshire is dead, in mine opinion a very good Christian man; for after that I had much exhorted him to take his communion and rites of the Church as a thing most necessary, and by whose means God giveth unto His chosen people health, both bodily and ghostly, he answered me, by broken words, that he was well content so to do: and in token thereof, and in repentance for his sins, he lift up his eyes and knocked himself upon the heart; and after I had suffered him to pause a good while, I caused the Sacrament to be brought, and after the priest's godly exhortation, he forced himself to receive the blessed Communion; but his tongue had so stopped his mouth, and his teeth so clove together, that in no wise he could receive that same; and after this sort this gentleman is gone, as I do not doubt, to God his mercy.

"I shall not let to say to your Grace, that since his coming to Padua, by way of communication, he showed unto me, that it had been reported unto him that some one had said that he was better French than English, and if God did recover him and send him his health so that he might come to the knowledge of his misreporter, he was minded to try that quarrel by the sword."

In a letter written a few days later, Vannes said that, in consequence of rumours having gone abroad that the earl had been poisoned, the Podesta, at his request, had ordered the body to be opened, and examined by physicians, which was accordingly done.—Peter Vannes to the Queen: Venetian MSS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 582: Letters of Wotton to the Queen: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 583: Wotton to Petre: MS. Ibid. Compare Sir James Melville's Memoirs, p. 38.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 584: "Pontifex, tantum abest ut mollissimis obsequiis atque officiis acquieverit, non potuit tandem sibi obtemperare quin pleno Cardinalium Senatu Regni Neapolitani privationem per suum fiscalem proposuerit, cum nullius nos in ipsum Pontificem, aut sedem apostolicam contumaciÆ, summÆ quin potius uti fas est observantiÆ nobis simus conscii, ac ne in prÆfract quidem ejus obstinatione a solitis officiis destitum est, donec cum null molliore ope malum posset mitigari; magisque indies ac magis propagaretur videretque AlbÆ Dux copias eum undique contrahere, apparatum facere, tempus ducere, quoscumque principes quibuscumque conditionibus sollicitare, ut ingruenti rerum omnium ruinÆ occurreret, ad hoc extremum remedium invitus coactusque descendit. QuÆ omnia quanquam vobis comperta quando in eorum mentionem per vestras litteras incidistis, per nos etiam vobis significanda duximus; atque id prÆterea e temperanti ac modesti hoc bellum a duce geri atque administrari, ut nihil nisi orbis Christiani tranquillitas, sedis apostolicÆ dignitas, et nostrorum regnorum securitas procuretur, neque ullum nos ex hoc bello gloriÆ aucupemur, summum potius dolorem animique Ægritudinem percipiamus."—Philip to the English Council: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. ix. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 585: "There is a faction or dissension within Calais for religion's sake, whereof it seemeth that a commission of late sent thither, I cannot tell whether somewhat rigorously used, may have given occasion."—Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 586: Wotton to the Queen, cypher: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 587: The Council to Philip, November 22nd: MS. Domestic, Mary, vol. ix.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 588: Machyn.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 589: The new monks did not do credit to their restoration. Anne of Cleves died the next year, and lay in state in the abbey.

"The 22nd of August," says Machyn, "was the herse of my Lady Anne Cleves taken down at Westminster, the which the monks by night had spoiled of all velvet cloth, arms, banners, penselles, of all the majesty and valence, the which was never seen afore so done."—Diary, p. 148.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 590: Desmond to the Queen: Irish MSS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 591: "Three years and more after the restoration of the people to the church," the legate says in the body of the letter. The date of it will be December, 1556, or December, 1557, as the three years are calculated from the restoration of Orthodoxy, or from the reunion with Rome.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 592: Address of Cardinal Pole to the citizens of London: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 593: Royal Commission printed in Foxe, vol. viii. p. 301, and by Burnet in his Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 594: Articles of the visitation of Cardinal Pole: Foxe, vol. iii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 595: Wood's Annals of the University of Oxford.—The story is authentic. The following is the Roman Catholic version of it:—"Oxonii sepulta fuerat digna Petro Martyre concubina, parthenonis et ipsa desertrix sacrilega ut ille coenobii. Ejus ossa refodi jusserat Maria et sterquilinio ut par erat condi. Nunc Æmulo plane sanctitatis et virginitatis in ElizabÂthe ingenio requisita sunt inter sordes sterquilinii publici quarum foedissima pars erant, et incredibili studio inventa purgata lota in thecam eandem reponuntur in qu S. FrideswidÆ reliquiÆ colebantur, et cum his adeo confusa ut null unquam possunt diligenti secerni. Clauditur loculus et cubitalibus litteris hoc epitaphio decoratur, 'Hic jacet religio cum superstitione,' meliore titulo meretrici hÆretici pessimi concubinÆ; proh nefas! deteriore ancillÆ Christi sanctissimÆ virgini attributo."—Foxe, vol. viii. Editor's note.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 596: An excellent epistle, translated from French into English by Thomas Pownell, with a preface, A.D. 1556. The copy from which I make my extract is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford; it is marked in the margin in various places with a finger ? apparently almost as old as the printing; and this finger was perhaps drawn by some one whom the words were consoling or inspiriting in the hour of his own trial.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 597: Wotton to Petre: French MSS., bundle 13, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 598: Answer of the Privy Council to the queen's question whether England shall enter the wars with France.—Sloane MSS. 1786, British Museum.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 599: Proclamation of Thomas Stafford, son to the Lord Henry, rightful Duke of Buckingham.—Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 515.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 600: Exchequer Accounts: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 601: Bitterly hating their work that they were sent upon, "the people went to the musters, said Sir Thomas Smith, with kerchiefs on their heads—they went to the wars hanging down their looks; they came from them as men dismayed and forlorn."—Strype's Life of Sir Thomas Smith, Appendix, p. 249.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 602: Instructions to the Lord Admiral: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 603: Sir Edward Karne to the Queen: Burnet's Collectanea.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 604: Printed by Strype, Memorials of the Reformation, vol. vi. p. 476, and described by him as a letter of the parliament. But at this time there was no parliament in existence; the last had been dissolved eighteen months before, the next did not meet till the ensuing January. The queen's letter is dated the 21st May, and the letter which I suppose to have been from the council, and another, said also to have been from "the nobility," were evidently written under the same impression, and at the same time, when the idea of the recall was new.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 605: Letters to the Pope: Strype, vol. vi. pp. 476-482. The drafts of the letters are not signed, nor does it appear what names were attached to them. It is not even certain that they were sent.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 606: Pole to the Pope: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 34, etc.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 607: Pole's sufferings in consequence were really piteous. "Your holiness," he wrote on the 30th of March, 1558, "is taking my life from me when you take from me the reputation of orthodoxy. You told the English ambassador it was God's doing; God has told you, like Abraham, to kill your son; and that your holiness intends that kind of death for me, I know far more certainly than Isaac seemed to know his father's purpose. When I see the fire and the knife in the hands of your holiness, and the wood laid upon my shoulders, there is no need for me to ask where is the victim.

"When I was yet a lamb, I gave myself as a sacrifice to the pontiff, who chose me for a cardinal. Thus I thought of myself; thus I spoke when I lay prostrate before the altar. Little did I then think the time would come, when I should be offered up by my father's hands a second time, especially when the Bishop of Rochester was here hanging as a ram among the briars ready to be immolated," etc.—Pole to the Pope: EpistolÆ, vol. v. p. 31.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 608: Commission for the Loan: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 609: Ibid. vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 610: The queen to all sheriffs, mayors, etc.—For the well choosing of the knights of the shire and burgesses:

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: and whereas for certain great and weighty causes touching both the honour of Almighty God, and the wealth and good government of this our realm, we have summoned our High Court of Parliament, to be holden at Westminster, the 20th of January next: and forasmuch as we consider that a great part of the furthering of such things, as shall be treated in our said parliament, and bringing them to good effect, shall consist in the well appointing and choosing of such as shall be knights of shires, citizens of any city, or burgesses of other towns corporate, we have thought good to require you to have good regard, and so far forth as in you may lie, to provide that such as shall be appointed may be men given to good order, Catholic, and discreet, and so qualified, as the antient law of this realm requireth; giving the freeholders, citizens, burgesses within our said county to understand, what our will and pleasure is in that behalf. Hereby as you shall do good service unto God and this your country, so shall you also do us right acceptable pleasure, which we shall consider towards you as any occasion may shew. Given under our signet, December 10, 1557."—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 611: MS. Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 612: A complete account of the repairs at Calais, with the cost of work, and the wages of the workmen, is printed in an appendix to the Chronicle of Calais, published by the Camden Society.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 613: Chronicle of Calais.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 614: Lord Grey to the Queen, June 13, 1557: Calais MSS. bundle 10, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 615: In 1550, Sir John Mason wrote to the council, "I have heard say that, not long sythen the Low Countries were able to set to the field 300 able men on horseback; I think there lacketh of that number at this present a great many, the occasion whereof, by the report of the king's ministers on this side, is for that the king's lands are so raised as no man is able to live thereupon unless it is a sort of poor dryvells, that must dig their living with their nails out of the ground, and be not able scarce to maintain a jade to carry their corn to market." French MSS. Edward VI. bundle 9.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 616: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 617: Cornwallis to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 618: When all your majesty's pieces on this side make account to be furnished of victuals and other necessaries from hence, it is so that of victuals your highness hath presently none here, and the town hath none; by reason that the restraint in the realm hath been so strait, and the victuallers as were wont to bring daily hither good quantities of butter, cheese, bacon, wheat, and other things, might not of late be suffered to have any recourse hither, whereby is grown a very great scarcity.—Wentworth to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 619: Sir Arthur Grey.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 620: Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 621: He was held up by the Earl of Warwick, who sprang from his own horse, and "did lift a firkin of ale" to Grey's mouth. Life of Lord Grey of Wilton, by his son.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 622: Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 623: Wentworth and Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 624: The Queen to Wentworth: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 625: "Surely," Wentworth wrote to the queen, "if your majesty's ships had been on the shore, they might either have letted this voyage, or, at the least, very much hindered it, and not unlike to have distressed them, being only small boats. Their ordnance that comes shall be conveyed in the same sort. It may therefore please your majesty to consider it. I am, as a man may be, most sure that they will first attempt upon Rysbank, and that way chiefly assail the town. Marry, I think that they lie hovering in the country for the coming of their great artillery and also to be masters of the sea, and therefore I trust your highness will haste over all things necessary with all expedition."—Wentworth to the Queen: Calais MSS. bundle 10.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 626: Grey to the Queen: Calais MSS. The letter was dated January 4, seven o'clock at night. The messenger was to carry it to Gravelines under cover of darkness. It is endorsed, "Haste, haste, haste! post haste for thy life, for thy life."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 627: Rutland to the Queen: Calais MSS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 628: MS. Council Records.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 629: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 630: The Queen to Sir William Woodhouse, January 12: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 631: Circular for Staying of the Musters: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 632: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii., January 17.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 633: Commons Journals.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 634: Ibid. The famous graziers and other people, how well willing soever they be taken to be, will not be known of their wealth, and by miscontentment of their loss, be grown stubborn and liberal of talk. The Council to Philip: Cotton. MS. Titus, B. 2.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 635: Estimate of the money to be provided for the furniture and charges of the war: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 636: Discourse on the order that was used in granting of the Subsidy: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 637: The Council to Philip: Cotton. MSS. Titus, B. 2.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 638: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 639: 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, statute 2.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 640: Ibid. statute 3.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 641: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 642: Flanders MSS. Mary. The aggregate of the debts to the Flanders Jews, which Elizabeth inherited, cannot be prudently guessed at; and I have not yet found any complete account on which I can rely. It cost her, however, fifteen years of economy to pay them off.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 643: Queen Mary to the Aldermen of the City of London: MS. Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 644: Foxe: Burnet.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 645: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 120.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 646: Privy Council Register, MS. Mary.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 647: Royal Proclamation, June 6, 1558: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi.; Foxe, vol. xiii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 648: Oration on the Queen's Marriage: Strype's Life of Sir Thomas Smith.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 649: Privy Council Register, MS.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 650: Bentham to Lever: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 651: "This fact," says Foxe, "purchased him more hatred than any that he had done of the common people."(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 652: Swift to the Earl of Shrewsbury: Lodge's Illustrations.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 653: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xiii.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 654: Renard found it necessary to warn Philip of this, in a despatch written in October: Granvelle Papers, vol. v. p. 225.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 655: Arundel, Thirlby, and Wotton to the Council: French MSS., bundle 13.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 656: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 657: Philip to the English Ambassador, October 30: Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 658: "Condigna animadversione plectendos."—Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iv.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 659: Report of the Count de Feria: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 494. Memorial of the Duchess of Feria, MS., quoted by Lingard.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 660: Cotton. MS. Vespasian. F. 3. The letter is written in a shaking hand. The address is lost, and being dated the 14th of November, while Mary was still alive, it has been described as to her and not to her sister. But an endorsement "From the queen's majesty at Hatfield," leaves no doubt to whom it was written.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 661: Among the apocryphal or vaguely attested anecdotes of the end of Mary, she is reported to have said, that if her body was opened, Calais would be found written on her heart. The story is not particularly characteristic, but having come somehow into existence, there is no reason why it should not continue to be believed.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 662: Underhill's Narrative.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 663: Burghley's Execution of Justice.(Back to Main Text)

Footnote 664: The number is variously computed at 270, 280, and 290.(Back to Main Text)