CHAPTER IX.

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January, 1851, Ordered to El Paso—Capt. Sitgreaves—Sail for Havana—Barnum and Jennie Lind—Sail for New Orleans—By Steamer to Galveston—On the Gulf for Indianola—San Antonio—Report of Expedition—Unprecedented March without Water—Indians—With Gen. Jesup—Hartford Convention—Battles on the Canadian Frontier—Gov. W. P. Duval (Ralph Ringwood)—United States Senators—Clay's Magnetism—His Duel with John Randolph—Lieut R. F. Stockton, United States Navy, Duel with English Officers at Gibraltar—John Howard Payne—Commodore Van Rensselaer Morgan—My Marriage—Assigned to Fort Smith, Ark.—Trips to Washita, Fort Gibson, and Towson—Choctaws and Cherokees—John Ross—Journey from Fort Smith to Natchez, Miss.—A Misanthrope—Gen. John A. Quitman—Death of Mrs. Roberts—Tender My Resignation—Go to My Plantation—Go to San Antonio—Death of Mrs. French—Sail for Europe—John Brown's Raid.

In the early part of January, 1851, Gen. Jesup told me that he would have to send me to El Paso again. I suggested that some other officer be ordered on that duty, as I had made the trip once. He said that there had been no rain in Western Texas for over a year; that the report was the troops were out of provisions, and as I had been over the road and knew the country, I must go again; that he would not under such circumstances intrust the expedition to any one else. This was complimentary, to be sure, and I pointed out the difficulties that would be encountered on such a long journey over a now barren country, destitute of water and grass; but told him I would do the best I could to make the expedition a success.

Capt. Lorenzo Sitgreaves, topographical engineer, United States army, was in the city under orders to make a survey of the Gila river, and, as he had to go to El Paso, would accompany the expedition. With him was Dr. S. W. Woodhouse, of Philadelphia, Pa. In due time we went to New York, and sailed for Havana, Cuba.

In Havana at the hotel were P. T. Barnum with Miss Jennie Lind, James G. Bennett and wife. We remained in the city about a week, and then took steamer for New Orleans. Capt. Hartstine, of the United States navy, commanded the steamer. He gave Miss Jennie his stateroom on deck. I was sitting with Miss Jennie in her room when we entered the Mississippi river. Soon a sweet little girl came in, and, dropping on her knees before the songstress, said: "Miss Jennie, you promised that you would sing for me when we got in smooth water. Please do, for the winds and waves are still." And she sung "I Dreamt I Dwelt in Marble Halls" and "Home, Sweet Home." O how melodious her voice sounded to us alone there far away, where the waters of half a continent mingled with the ocean, and awakened new emotions that moistened the eye with a tear! I heard her sing on the stage, but I remember better her songs to the little girl. She asked me about the length of the Mississippi river, and her astonishment was great when I informed her that she could go all the way from where we were, if the river were straightened out, to her home in Stockholm.

When we arrived at the landing in New Orleans there were perhaps a thousand persons present. The police appeared helpless. To land the ladies looked like an impossibility. How could they get through that crowd to the carriages? Miss Jennie would not attempt it. After a long time Barnum's tact accomplished it. The crowd had seen both Miss Jennie and Barnum's daughter on the deck when the steamer arrived. They were now below deck in despair. Barnum arrayed his daughter like Miss Jennie, covering her face with a thick veil, gave her his arm, and met the crowd, worked his way through to a carriage that was covered with people, and finally got his daughter inside, and jumped in. The carriage moved slowly on, the mob after it to see her get out. Then Miss Jennie was landed, and put in another carriage that followed. But the crowd discovered the deception, met Miss Jennie, and escorted her to her hotel. All this was merely a desire to see a distinguished vocalist. An hour or two after, we also got on shore. I have failed to tell you that Dr. Fisher, of Philadelphia, was one of our party. He was employed by me as physician to render medical services to the civil employees on the expedition. From New Orleans we took steamer to Galveston, where we were detained some days.

How often do extremes meet! In New Orleans we had just listened to the sweet voice of Jennie Lind; here we were entertained by an old negro slave with music drawn out of a cheese box made into a banjo. He knew but one song, and as he played it over and over we paid him to quit instead of encouraging him to continue. It made me feel very sad to see the poor fellow trying to please the people at the hotel with his rude banjo and song. What a fall from a Cremona or Stradivarius to a cheese box!

From Galveston we sailed to Indianola, and thence to San Antonio by stage, where we arrived February 24.

As it will be too much trouble for me to abbreviate my report of this expedition, I will, mainly for preservation, give it in full:

REPORT.

Washington City, November 2, 1851.

General: I have the honor to inclose to you the accompanying report in relation to the late expedition to El Paso, made in compliance with the following order:

Quartermaster General's Office, }
Washington City, January 14, 1851.}

Sir: A large supply of stores for El Paso is on the way from Baltimore to Indianola, Tex., as you are aware, to meet an apprehended deficiency of subsistence for the troops at that post and its dependencies in New Mexico. This supply is to be taken to its destination in a public train. You are selected to take charge of and conduct it. You will proceed to San Antonio, and report to Maj. Babbitt for that service. On your way thither you will stop at New Orleans, and ascertain from Col. Hunt the state of the wagons which he has shipped to Indianola by orders from this office; and if they are not in every respect in a condition for the service in which they are to be employed, you will call for whatsoever you may think necessary to the efficiency of the service. Should you obtain information on the route of the loss of any of the wagons shipped recently from Philadelphia, you will take measures to replace as many of them as you may think necessary.

The expenses of the department are enormous, and they must, if practicable, be reduced. You must therefore carefully avoid any expense not absolutely required; but at the same time, economy is not to be carried so far as to impair efficiency.

Maj. Babbitt has been written to and informed that you are to organize a train under his instructions, or to aid him in organizing it, and that you are to have charge of it. Let that service be performed in your usual manner, and with your accustomed energy, and I am sure all will go right.

All the operatives employed must go armed, and if a small escort be necessary in addition, the commanding general I have no doubt will direct it. Let it however be as small as possible, so as not to use so large a portion of the supplies as are usually required for escorts.

Collect all the information you can in regard to the country, its resources, the condition of the Indians who roam over it, what are their numbers, and how they can best be controlled; also whether settlements might not be formed on the route sufficiently strong to protect themselves from the Indians, and furnish supplies for emigrants and troops.

With entire reliance on your energy, talents, and zeal, I am respectfully your obedient servant,

Th. S. Jesup, Quartermaster General.

Capt. S. G. French, Assistant Quartermaster, Washington City.

In pursuance of the above orders I proceeded to San Antonio, and reported for duty on the 24th of February, and commenced making preparations for the organization of the train. Many of the wagons required for the service, and all the stores, were still on the coast, and all the available means that Maj. Babbitt had were immediately employed in bringing them to the depot at San Antonio. An estimate of the number of animals that would be required was made, and, as there were not enough in his possession, some three hundred were received by purchase, and formed into teams for the road, and a small train thus organized was dispatched to Indianola to hasten up with the subsistence. But little hired transportation could be procured, for the severity of the winter had destroyed all vegetation, and the cattle could barely subsist. Some of the stores thus sent by the citizens from the coast were nearly or quite a month on the road up to the depot at San Antonio. By the last of April most of the stores had arrived, the requisite number of employees had been engaged, and the loading of the wagons was commenced. As they received the loads, they were sent in small detachments to Leona, the point I had designated as the general rendezvous. By the 7th of May the last train left the depot, and I started with it for Leona. The supplies for El Paso were kept separate from those drawn for the escort and employees, and, in order to avoid the expense of transporting salt provisions for the command, I received from the commissary of subsistence eighty days' fresh meat, the beeves being driven along by men in the employ of the contractors, and furnished when required. As the Indians on the borders had manifested considerable hostility during the spring, I deemed it necessary to ask of Maj. Gen. Harney, commanding the department, the protection of an escort. For this service a detachment of eighty men from the first regiment of infantry was ordered; but, as the transportation of their subsistence would incur considerable expense, I thought it consistent with proper economy and perfect safety to suggest its reduction to fifty men. The number was accordingly diminished, and on my reaching Fort Inge I found the escort there under the command of Capt. B. H. Arthur awaiting my arrival, and I will here express my obligations to him for the cheerful aid he always afforded me.

I encamped at the rendezvous on the 11th. On the 12th the last of the wagons arrived, and the day following was passed in making final preparations for our departure. The entire expedition, comprising one hundred and fifty wagons (including three belonging to Maj. Backus,[17] Capt. Sitgreaves, and Lieut. Williamson, en route to New Mexico) and over one thousand animals, moved on the 14th, and encamped on the banks of the Nueces. These numbers were further increased by those of citizens availing themselves of our protection to pass through the Indian country.

The march was now continued without any accidents or unnecessary delay, until the night of the 23d, when we were visited by a thunderstorm, accompanied by such violent gusts of wind as to prostrate all our tents and expose us to the rain till morning. We were encamped in the valley of the San Pedro river, and, knowing that it was subject to sudden overflows from heavy falls of rain, I examined the ford the next day about noon, and could perceive only a slight rise in the water, and therefore commenced crossing the baggage wagons, giving directions for the main train to follow soon after; but no sooner were the former completely over than in the space of a few minutes the waters rose several feet, thereby completely cutting off all communication with the main train for nearly two days. The waters having subsided enough so as not to enter the wagon bodies, the stream was passed, and we continued the march again without interruption to the Pecos river. We found the water of this stream low; but an examination of the ford led me to believe that it was still too deep to pass over in safety, and I was obliged to cause three cylindrical iron rods, or wires, that had been left across the river by the contractors for the year previous, to be raised and secured to the shores by means of strong cables, which being planked over formed a suspension bridge forty feet in length, over which the wagons with the stores were run by hand. About seventy wagons had been thus passed across, when the end of one of the rods that was bent at a right angle broke, and the bridge became impassable. A second examination of the river led to the discovery of a ledge of rocks affording a good bottom, where the rest of the wagons were driven across with but little difficulty. The west bank of the river having been gained, we resumed our journey. At the Comanche Springs we were overtaken by Col. J. D. Graham, U. S. army, topographical engineer, on his way to the Mexican Boundary Commission, who continued with us to El Paso.

The disappointment arising from not having water where on former occasions it had been characterized as permanent or living, together with the parched-up condition of the country, caused me to move with more circumspection. The Lempia was found dry its entire length, excepting one place, that was a mile distant from the road and almost inaccessible to animals, and another at its source at the Painted Camp. I therefore remained at the last-mentioned place, and sent expresses ahead to look for water, which resulted in the discovery of a pool in a ravine twenty miles in advance, to which point we moved. The condensation of vapor on the mountain sides caused some rain to fall about ten miles farther on the road, where the men in advance, by digging trenches on the plain, drained it from the surface where it had not been absorbed, in sufficient abundance for all the animals. Preparations had been made in anticipation of a long journey without water, by filling all the water barrels and kegs at the Lempia. There was now but little hope of finding water short of Eagle Springs, sixty-five miles distant, and the weather being extremely warm, and the roads excessively dusty, I started at two o'clock A.M.; but, much to the joy of every one, a small hole containing water enough for a part of the advance train was found about sunrise, and two others containing sufficient to allow each animal a few quarts were discovered where we halted at noon; again about sunset some was found in a small water gulley in Providence Creek, and each animal was given a few gallons as they passed by and moved in advance in quest of an encamping place where there was some grazing for the animals. But the dryness of the herbage seemed only to increase the thirst of the poor mules, and all night they kept up a continued braying. At one A.M. I again started for the springs, still twenty-nine miles distant, halting at eleven o'clock to give the animals all the water in the kegs and to permit them to graze. Our baggage wagons and the advance of the escort continued on to the springs, which, to the astonishment of all, were so nearly dry that the few animals with us scarcely got enough to slake their thirst. I immediately set some men to the task of digging out the springs, and dispatched a party several miles up the mountains to where on a former occasion a large stream was found running, but they returned and reported it perfectly dry. As to procuring water from the springs where the men were digging, it was an impossibility. While thus perplexed, a thunder shower that hovered around a distant peak of the mountains, and then rolled up the valley, for a time inspired hope, but like the cloud it soon passed away. About four P.M. the trains arrived, and I directed them to continue the march all night to the Rio Grande, thirty-two miles distant. All day difficulties had been accumulating. In the morning an express had overtaken us, giving the information that some of the mules belonging to the Boundary Commission had strayed for water during the night, and they were unable to move from Providence Creek. They could not be left there without water; and, lest the missing animals should not be recovered, I caused four teams to remain at Eagle Springs; so that, should their animals be irrecoverably lost, I might give assistance to get their wagons up to the springs the next day, and resolved to remain in camp till two o'clock the next morning, believing that ere then they would reach our camp, which fortunately was the case. At two o'clock in the morning I left the springs, and arrived at the mouth of the caÑon[18] through which the valley of the Rio Grande is gained, about nine A.M., and found in it near twenty wagons blocking up the passage, the animals exhausted for want of water and from fatigue. They were immediately loosed and driven to the river, eight miles distant, where the main body was encamped, and in the evening these wagons were brought into camp from out the caÑon where they had been left. Thus, from not finding water at Eagle Springs, and being obliged to continue on to the Rio Grande, the trains were forced to make a march of ninety-six miles in fifty-two consecutive hours, the last sixty miles having been made in thirty hours. These marches were as disagreeable as can well be imagined, and continued to be so to the place of destination, owing to the intolerable heat, the thermometer during the day in the shade standing at 110 degrees, and to the immense volumes of dust that rested on either side the road like a cloud, obscuring everything from the view, except when wafted away by the wind.

We reached El Paso on the 24th of June, forty-nine days after leaving San Antonio, during which time thirty-nine only were passed in traveling. The stores were all delivered in good condition; and an estimate being made of what would be required on the return trip, I found more salt provisions on hand than were necessary, and therefore caused a part of them to be left at San Elizario, whereby the supplies were increased by about eighteen hundred rations. As soon as the stores were delivered and I could complete my duties, the journey homeward was commenced. We left El Paso on the 7th of July, and reached San Antonio on the 9th of August. The same difficulty in regard to water was not experienced when returning; for at Eagle Springs Mr. Smith, a gentleman who had charge of a small train of wagons, arriving there about a week after us, finding no water, remained there in camp while his animals were being driven to the Rio Grande, thirty-two miles distant, and dug out the springs to a capacity four times greater than I had left them. I also divided the train in sections, marching on consecutive days, so as to let the springs fill during the intervals between the departure and the arrival. The marches were always made with a view to favor the animals, and the time of starting, etc., was determined by the circumstances of distance, the weather, grazing, and water. On the journey out, I generally had the animals corralled at night for safety when there was no moon; but after the stores were delivered, and the main object of the expedition had been accomplished, more risk could be afforded; and accordingly, from the time we left the Rio Grande until the arrival at San Antonio, the animals were herded all the time excepting when in harness. By thus giving them every opportunity to graze, and always traveling with a view to favoring them, I am pleased to state that they returned to the depot in about as good condition as when they started, after marching a continuous journey of more than two thousand miles, if the trips to the coast from the depot be included. The loss of animals from deaths, straying, thefts, and otherwise, from the rendezvous to El Paso and back, was two and a fraction to each hundred. No Indians were ever met on the route, though the guard at night on two occasions fired on what were supposed to be Indians. Often they hovered near our camp, making signal fires on the mountains.

In regard to the country through which the route lies, you were furnished with a description in a former communication. Of course all the peculiar characteristics that it has obtained from the formations remain the same; but every feature of productiveness and beauty, derived from the seasons in their annual course, is sensibly changed, and to the eye it presents but little that is attractive, owing to the drought. From the Nueces to the mountains, which divide the waters that flow into the Pacific from those that flow into the Atlantic, the whole country appears altered. But little rain has fallen for near two years, and hills that before were clothed in verdure now are bare. Valleys that seemed to vie in fertility with the most favored appear sterile; and plains where two years ago the tall grass waved like fields of wheat now are rocky and barren. Parasitical plants hang leafless to the trees, and the mistletoe has ceased to put forth its buds. Where the prairie had been swept over by the fires of the previous summer the surface of the earth was still black and covered with ashes, and nothing green showed that the spring season had passed. The vegetation of the previous years had become so dried and withered by the scorching rays of the sun that it appeared cineritious, crumbling into ashes or dust when pressed in the hand or trodden on by animals. The little lakes that once bordered the streams were dried up, and the streams themselves had often ceased to flow. Even the prairie dogs had forsaken the central part of their town, from starvation, and inhabited the suburbs bordering on the vegetation that widely encircles them, remote from their former homes. It seemed as if Providence had withdrawn his protecting care and left the country to itself. I never before had such a negative proof of the fertilizing properties of rain and dews. The general aspect of that vast extent of country west of the Nueces is thus changed from what it was two years since, when it was an untrodden wilderness unknown to the white man. A general drought has prevailed, and it was only occasionally that green grass was found where a shower had passed in the spring. Notwithstanding the tide of immigration settling into the country, the acknowledged enterprise of our people, the rapid subjugation of the wild lands to useful purposes by the settlers, and the utmost protection that may be given to the advance of all our settlements—yet such are the few attractions that most of that region of country, on the route west of the intersection of the table-lands with the Rio Grande, Northern Mexico, or perchance to the Pacific Coast, it will be a long time before it can attract the attention of agriculturists, or even become a pastoral country to any great extent. The establishment of a mail route from San Antonio to El Paso may cause a small post to be established at Live Oak Creek or Howard's Springs, but, generally speaking, the San Felipe limits the fertile portions of Texas (south of the great plain) in a westerly direction.

I have endeavored to collect some information in regard to the Indians, as required by your orders, and from having been on duty in Texas principally, since 1848, during which time I have traveled over a considerable portion of the country they frequent (in the south and west as far as New Mexico), some conclusions I have arrived at may differ from the generally received opinions in regard to them.

Their numbers appear to have been considerably overestimated, if the report of men who have been among them can be relied on, and the information gained by Lieut. Col. Hardee in his late expedition to their country be correct. It is believed that the entire number, including all ages and the different sexes, of all the tribes that frequent the border settlements of Texas, in the Eighth Military Department, does not exceed four thousand.

The respective numbers of the different bands may be set down (by their own computation principally) about as follows: Delawares, 63; Shawnees, 70; Tonkaways, 300; Quapas, 200; Caddoes, 160; Anadoces, 200; Iones, 113; Keechies, 48; Tawacanoes, 140; Wacoes, 114; Lepans, 350; Lower Comanches, 700; and the Northern Comanches at 1,500. These tribes roam over the country watered by the Red, Trinity, Brazos, Colorado, Nueces, and San Pedro rivers and their tributaries near their sources. The Northern Comanches have the most extensive range for the pursuit of the buffalo to the north of the Canadian. They traverse the entire country to the south, and by their ancient warpaths cross the Pecos, continue to the Rio Grande, enter Mexico, and carry their depredations far into the interior of that distracted country. The southern band of Comanches, and all the other tribes enumerated, are found frequently associated together, and on the northern portions of the line near their home visit those posts in seeming friendship.

That barren, dreary, and desolate region immediately west of the Pecos has not sufficient claims to be in possession of any Indians. The Northern Comanches pass over a portion of it as they wander alternately from the north to the south, and the different bands into which the Apaches are divided approach its borders from the north and west.

The Apaches are divided into numerous bands, and, united with other tribes in New Mexico, have been variously estimated at from fifteen to thirty thousand, the former being perhaps nearer the truth.

The condition of all these Indians, except some few of the Delawares, is truly lamentable. Denied the possession of lands and a home, despising industry, and regarding labor as degrading, no provision is made for subsistence by the cultivation of the soil; but, depending entirely upon the flesh of the horse, the mule, the uncertainty of the chase, and the few wild products of the country, they wander about exposed to all the vicissitudes and every ill of life that can arise from disease, extreme exposure to cold, nakedness, and hunger bordering on starvation, leading an existence more filthy than swine, and as precarious and uncertain as the wolf; and this life is rendered, if it be possible, even yet more intolerable by the almost entire absence of laws respecting property and the rights of the individual. Their views of property tend toward socialism, without that restraint by which the strong are prevented from plundering the weak, and but few injuries have legal redress. However strongly their condition would seem to appeal to philanthropy for relief, much sympathy is lost in the remembrance that their code of morals inculcates many of our vices as their cardinal virtues, and regards our virtues as so many vices or traits of weakness, while their atrocious barbarities shock every sensibility of nature and humanity. The experience of the Jesuit fathers, other Christian missionaries, and learned professors would almost incline us to believe that the Indian is endowed with certain instincts, as they might be called, that are inherent in his nature, and not always directing him to good, which neither separation from his people, education from infancy, the attainments of academies, attractions of wealth, the refinements of society, nor the doctrines and precepts of Christianity can destroy; and, after all, he stands in nature an Indian still. Be this as it may, of one thing we are certain, they are thrown on our borders and violate our laws, and it becomes a question how best to control them, and what policy to pursue in our relations with them. They are now being encroached upon by settlements on the frontier that will soon encompass them on many sides. We are circumscribing their bounds, limiting their hunting expeditions, and destroying their game. And there is no checking these encroachments, for the State of Texas claims possession of all the domain within her boundaries, and no act of the agents of the Federal government can at present cede them a portion of her territory, or military force restrain the lawless traders established in the Indian country. Treaties may be effected with them, but they cannot stipulate to restrain citizens from settling on their hunting grounds, nor grant them many immunities. It is, under the present condition of affairs, vain to suppose that the most skillful combinations for military operations can check a famished, wild, and degraded people from committing depredations on the lonely roads and extended prairies, for the purpose of clothing their naked women and children and to satisfy the calls of hunger; and more especially so when these very acts are not regarded as wrong, and are the only steps by which the untutored brave gains distinction or renown among his people and receives the awards due to valor. Theft with them is no crime, but only a legitimate profession. In all civilized communities ambition is satisfied in pursuing innumerable channels of a civil nature. The Indian has but two, war and the chase, and they are now no longer pleasures, but made a burden by the stern necessities of providing subsistence.

How to control these nomadic tribes various plans have been suggested, but all calling for legislative action, and I feel a reluctance in alluding to them. But I know of none more humane in the end than to teach them the power of our government, then grant them a territory, dismount them as far as necessary, feed and clothe them to a sufficient extent to make them dependent on our agents, elevate the character of their war and council chiefs in the estimation of their respective tribes by treating them with some distinction and consideration, whereby their influence over the bands will become greater, and they will become instrumental in carrying out our wishes. Encourage the cultivation of the soil, and establish a few plain, salutary laws for their government and for regulating the intercourse of the whites with them, and have them enforced by the aid of the military; and then, perhaps ere long, tranquillity may be known on the frontier where for so many years partial war has been waged. A similar policy might be urged from other considerations, especially to prevent the immense amount of claims constantly growing out of what are alleged to be Indian depredations, and the expense of maintaining so large a force remote from points where the supplies are drawn.

Were the State of Texas to grant the Indians within her borders a definite territory, ceding the jurisdiction thereof to the United States, so that the proper laws regulating the intercourse of the whites with them could be established and enforced, and were they but partially clothed and fed, the State would have peace on the frontier, immigration to her shores would increase, the immense resources of the country would be developed, and prosperity, spreading happiness among her people, would spring up over her entire dominions.

The service upon which I have been engaged has induced me to urge upon your consideration the propriety of recommending to the honorable Secretary of War the necessity for, and the advantages that would be derived from, a legislative enactment whereby a limited number of employees could be enlisted in the service of the department for a term of years, subject to such rules and regulations as in such cases may be established by proper authority.

When passing through Galveston I had the pleasure to examine the establishment of Mr. G. Borden for the manufacture of meat biscuit. Two cans, in a crushed state, containing five pounds each, were purchased, and on our journey to El Paso and back it was almost constantly used; and, in connection with vegetables, was found an excellent article. We had no such object in view as to test the usefulness to any extent, but from its convenience and palatable qualities it naturally came into daily use. I gave away one can of it, which served a party of four persons, who came from New Mexico to San Antonio without pack animals, as a reliable dependence for food on a journey of about six hundred miles to the nearest settlements. They made it a substitute for animal food excepting when they chanced to meet game, and spoke of it in commendable terms. In forming a part of the ration it would commend itself, economically, in a degree somewhat proportionate to the diminution it would make in the weight of the ration; but the military advantages it would afford, where land transportation is difficult, and certain results are to be obtained, cannot be so well calculated. In many points of view it commends itself so favorably, as a component part of the ration for particular service, that it is worthy of more than a single trial.

During the months of March and April the teams were employed in bringing up the supplies for the troops in the Eighth Military Department, and were sent on any other duty that the service required, and were not confined exclusively to transporting the stores destined for the troops in New Mexico. The provisions for the escort were conveyed from San Antonio; and from the forage that I received were fed the animals belonging to the officers' teams, and some was issued to the train of the Boundary Commission in the service of Col. Graham. These and other circumstances connected with the general duties of the service have rendered it impossible for me to present you with more than an approximate estimate of the cost per pound for transportation to El Paso. I have embraced in the calculation the cost of freight of the provisions for the escort; the transportation of the rations for the employees of the department, and the value thereof; the compensation for service of all persons connected with the train; the loss of animals; incidental expenses, etc.; and find the cost per pound, from the Gulf to El Paso, to be about nineteen cents. This will not exceed the expenses per pound under the contract for the previous year, but it exceeds that now paid citizens who own small trains and are carrying, to a limited amount, by four cents per pound. To the government the forage for the animals has been a heavy item of expenditure, and although I allowed only a third of the rations of corn, without long forage, yet it has, owing to the exorbitant price it commands, amounted to over two-fifths of the entire expense of the expedition.

When the grazing is good small trains of twenty or thirty wagons may avoid the use of grain almost entirely by traveling more slowly and stopping oftener to graze; and if the department will thus risk supplies without escorts of any kind, it may, to some extent, diminish expense, but it will be attended with more uncertainty.

It may be gratifying to you to learn that during the time we were absent on the journey, with the exceptions I have mentioned, nothing of note occurred. The trains were always ready to move at the hours designated, and would come into camp without any of those vexatious delays caused by animals "giving out" from fatigue, or the breaking of wagons, or other accidents generally attendant on such expeditions.

Respectfully your obedient servant,

S. G. French.
Captain and Assistant Quartermaster.

Maj. Gen. Thomas A. Jesup, Quartermaster General, U. S. A., Washington, D. C.

The officers who accompanied me were Capt. B. H. Arthur, in command of the escort, and Col. J. D. Graham, Maj. Backus, Capt. Sitgreaves, Lieut. Williamson, who availed themselves of the protection of the expedition to go to El Paso; also my brother, John C. French, Bishop Lama, and Mr. Wright, collecting plants for Prof. Gray. His herbarium and large plants filled three wagons. I brought several loads of cacti, embracing about sixty varieties. Unfortunately they were all frozen in transit from New York to Philadelphia, an almost irreparable loss.

During the winter of 1851-52 I occupied a desk in Gen. Jesup's private office. The morning hours, from nine to twelve, were generally given to visitors calling on business or socially. Often were the battles of Niagara, Lundy's Lane, and Chippewa fought over again, until the hour to dine was at hand, and, when visitors ceased to call, the General would look over the morning's mail, then hand the letters to me to answer, telling me what reply to make to every letter. I found it very difficult at first to answer so many letters handed to me one after another, the answers to each verbally given me. Besides I seldom reached the hotel until dinner was over.

The General used to tell me all about the war of 1812. How he was ordered to Hartford on some ostensible service, but really to watch the proceedings of the Secession Convention held at Hartford. Daily he reported to President Madison, as far as possible, what the proceedings were. They had the desire to secede, but were apprehensive of the consequences.

John C. French.

As I have before me the proceedings of the Hartford Convention, and an attested copy of the secret journal of that body published in Boston by O. Everett, 13 Cornhill, 1823, I will give a few extracts from the journal.

Members of the Convention.

From Massachusetts: George Cabot, William Prescott, Harrison Gray Otis, Timothy Biglow, Nathaniel Dane, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, Hodijah Bayliss, Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman, Samuel W. Wilde, and Stephen Longfellow.

From Connecticut: Chauncey Goodrich, James Hillhouse, John Treadwell, Zepheniah Swift, Nathaniel Smith, Calvin Goddard, and Roger M. Sherman.

From New Hampshire: Benjamin West and Miles Olcott.

From Rhode Island: Daniel Lyman, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward Manton.

George Cabot was chosen President of the Convention.

Convention assembled December 15, 1814, and prepared rules and orders. 1. Meetings to be opened each morning with prayer.... 2. The most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each member of the Convention, including doorkeeper, etc....

December 16, 1814, committee met, ... opened with prayer.... Committee reported the following to be proper subjects for the consideration of the Convention:

The powers claimed by the Executive of the United States to determine conclusively in respect to calling out the militia of the States into the service of the United States, and dividing the United States into military districts with an officer of the army in each thereof, with discretionary authority from the Executive of the United States to call for the militia to be under the command of such officer.... The refusal of the Executive of the United States to supply or pay the militia of certain States when called out in their defense.... The failure of the Government of the United States to provide for the common defense, ... leaving the separate States to defend themselves, etc.

December 17, 1814, met and opened with prayer, ... and adjourned.

Monday, 19th, met as usual. (Proceedings of no importance.)

Tuesday, December 20, and 21st, 22d, and 23d as well, opened with usual prayers and adjournments.

Saturday, December 24, 1814, opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. Jenkins.... The committee appointed to prepare and report the measures as it may be proper for this Convention to adopt respectfully report:

Article 1. Complains about the unconstitutional attempts of the Executive Government of the United States to infringe upon the rights of the individual States in regard to the militia.... Recommends the adoption of decisive measures to protect the States from usurpations, etc.

Article 2. Recommends the States to make provision for mutual defense by retaining a portion of the taxes....

Article 3. Recommends certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States as follows:

(1) That the power to declare and make war by the Congress of the United States be restricted.

(2) That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new States, and to admit them into the Union.

(3) That the powers of Congress be restrained in laying embargoes and restrictions on commerce.

(4) That a President shall not be elected from the same State two terms successively.

(5) That the same person shall not be elected President a second time.

(6) That an amendment be proposed respecting slave representation and slave taxation.

On motion it was voted that this Convention be adjourned to Monday afternoon at three o'clock, then to meet at this place.

Monday, December 26, 1814, the Convention met pursuant to adjournment, etc.

On the 26th, 27th, and 28th nothing of importance was done.

On the 29th, after prayers, a proposition was referred to the committee appointed on the 21st inst.:

That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, or profit ought to be restrained; and that it is expedient to propose an amendment to the Constitution of the United States in relation to that subject.

But this is enough to show the drift and patriotism as they saw and felt it.

One day, being late to dinner as usual, the table at Willard's was nearly deserted; but seeing Gen. Harney, I took a seat beside him. Soon after, Gov. W. P. Duval, of Florida, came, and, seeing Gen. Harney, he came over and was seated between us. I knew he was a good raconteur, and hoped to have him relate some Florida stories. After he and the General had talked over their experiences with the Seminoles and the Florida war, I asked him to relate some of his adventures in early life. He began the story of Ralph Ringwood, with his schoolboy days, the imported "jack," putting him in the smokehouse, the fright of the old negro housekeeper, Barbara, when she opened the door and the jack brayed, his leaving home, and so on all the way through as related by Washington Irving, with this difference, that he embellished it with many more incidents. He gave us an amusing account of his first visit to New York City. When he reached Washington City President Jackson invited him to dine with him privately. He was not familiar with regular courses at dinner, and came near getting nothing to eat, for while he would be telling a story to Jackson the servant would take his plate away, provisions and all, and put an empty one there. This occurred so often that when he was "helped" again, while talking to the President, he held on to his plate by holding his fork in it perpendicularly, pressing it down hard. The Governor was a very amusing story-teller, and I think he said the way "The Experiences of Ralph Ringwood" came to be published was: Being at West Point Academy, a member of the Board of Visitors, he was invited by Mr. Kemble, who lived on the shore of the Hudson opposite West Point, to dine with him, and there he met Irving and Spaulding and related to them his experiences in early life.

From the time I returned from Mexico, in 1847, until 1854 I was retained on duty in Washington City, to be sent on such incidental service as occasion required, and I am happy to tell you that during all these years I enjoyed the confidence and respect of all the officers in the War Department.

There were long periods of leisure, and I passed much of my time at the Capitol interested in the Congressional debates, especially in the Senate, where, through a friend of mine, I generally enjoyed the privilege of the seats under the gallery or on the floor. I have listened to Everett, the scholar; Sumner, the rhetorician; Choate, the lawyer; Calhoun, the metaphysician; Clay, the orator; Webster, the expounder, and all the other Senators in their best efforts day by day, and I must declare Henry Clay the most eloquent and persuasive speaker of all. The glowing words fell from his lips as though they had been touched by a burning coal from the altar of Elijah on Mt. Carmel. The great natural gift of Savonarola was his. I could illustrate his wonderful magnetic power over men by many occurrences.

In the Metropolitan Hotel the hall leading from the entrance of the office was long and wide. Seats were arranged to the wall on either side, and in this hall, at night, prominent persons were wont to assemble. An Englishman of high official position, on a visit to this country, had arrived in Washington and was a guest at the hotel. In the evening a number of Senators and government officials called to pay their respects to him. Now, without regard to the order of arrival, I will merely observe: When Mr. Cass entered the hall a few persons spoke to him on his way to the office. His card was sent up and he was shown to the reception room. Mr. Clayton came in and was shown up. Mr. Webster arrived, in buff vest and blue coat, and a cloud on his brow, and on his way to the office exchanged a few words with some of his friends. After a while Mr. Clay came. Instantly all rose from their seats. Though the hall was filled, the crowd pressed around him. He had a pleasant word for every one, and the gracious reception he gave them was so magnetic that with difficulty he reached the office and parted from his friends, leaving them en rapport with him from sympathetic cheerfulness. When I was first introduced to Mr. Clay he said, "Ah, an ÉlÈve of the Military Academy, I suppose?" and then spoke in commendation of the school. I felt sure the shade of his son rose up before him, for he was educated there, and was killed on the battlefield of Buena Vista. I once related to Mr. Clay a story I had heard about James K. Polk. His reply was emphatic: "It cannot be true. No man with such a heart could ever have been President of the United States." Contrast with this Mr. Benton's remark about Stephen A. Douglas: "He can never be elected President of the United States. His coat tail hangs too near the ground." I never heard Mr. Benton make a speech in favor of a measure; he was generally in opposition. If asked who I regarded the finest speaker in the Senate at that time, I would reply: "Henry Clay." I think his reply to Mr. Soule, of Louisiana, on the boundary of New Mexico the best speech I have ever heard. He was the most self-reliant man I ever knew. Gen. Jesup, who knew him well, told me that Mr. Clay's self-reliance prevented him being elected President. He would frame a bill on an important measure, introduce it, and whip the whole Whig party into supporting it. Mr. Webster and other great men in the party disliked coercion, and their support would be lukewarm, when he might have had their hearty coÖperation if he had, before presenting a bill, called them to his room, shown it to them to make suggestions, and asked their support in advance, and made them feel that it was their bill as well as his. But no; he was a great leader of men, and commanded them to follow. That is well in military affairs, but in politics it creates jealousy where the leader is not established by law. In the Senate, where acts are recorded, he did command; in politics the vote is secret, his rivals were envious and, at heart, indifferent to his success, and he fell from his own greatness in the struggle for the presidency.

I recall what Gen. Jesup told me of Clay's duel with John Randolph, of Roanoke. When Randolph called Clay "a being so brilliant and so corrupt, only to be compared, indeed, to one thing under the skies—a heap of rotten mackerel by moonlight, that shines and stinks," Clay challenged him. Gen. Jesup and Dr. Hunt were Clay's seconds, and Gen. James Hamilton and Col. Tatnell were Randolph's. Gen. Jesup carried the cartel to Randolph, who referred him to Hamilton. The preliminaries were arranged and the parties met on the Virginia side of the Potomac above the bridge over the Little Falls at 4 P.M. April 8, 1826. Randolph drove out there in his morning wrapper. Randolph declared that he would fire in the air, against which Hamilton remonstrated in vain. Without relating the particulars of Randolph's wearing gloves, and how, therefrom, his pistol was prematurely discharged, I will only observe that at the word Clay fired, the ball passing through Randolph's wrapper without touching his person; then Randolph fired in the air. Seeing this, Clay advanced, seized Randolph in his arms, and exclaimed, "I hope, my dear sir, you are not hurt. What do I not owe you?" Randolph exclaimed, "Mr. Clay, you owe me a new wrapper," pointing to the rent made in it by the pistol ball.

But what I wish more particularly to relate is that many years after this, when Randolph was passing through Washington on his way to Philadelphia, he was driven to the capitol, a sick man, and carried into the Senate chamber and placed on a sofa. It so chanced that Clay was then speaking, and Randolph exclaimed: "Raise me up! be quick, that I may hear that matchless voice once more." What testimony to Clay's eloquence![19]

Randolph was Minister to the court of St. Petersburg. He died on reaching Philadelphia, and his last words were: "Remorse! remorse!"

Washington was the home of many eminent men, remarkable for their integrity in the administration of their duties, purity of character, and modest manner of living. In the army there was Gen. Scott, the brave and successful soldier. He had a few eccentricities in regard to language. He called a lieutenant a "leftenant;" a clerk, a "clark." If any one failed among us youngsters to not give "guard" the letter "u" long, he would be corrected; and as president of military boards he would assume to be recorder, and generally wrote the proceedings himself. The press ridiculed him for writing "sparcely settled" and "conquering a peace," and the Democratic party harped on his "hasty plate of soup" when he was nominated for the presidency; to such mean tricks will a party descend.

There was Gen. Nathan Towson, who so gallantly captured the British brig Caledonia under the guns of Fort Erie, in October, 1812, ever a polite gentleman; and Gen. George Gibson, J. G. Totten, and T. S. Jesup, the last twice breveted for gallant service in the battles of Chippewa and Niagara. And I often met Col. George Croghan, noted for gallantry in defense of Fort Sandusky, and of whom President Jackson said, when charges of intoxication were presented to him against Croghan, "Tear them up; Col. Croghan may drink whenever he pleases;" and Col. J. B. Walbach, who was, if my memory serves me aright, one of the defenders of the Tuilleries when it was destroyed.

There were, of course, many naval officers at the capital, and a jovial, good set of men they were. Commodore R. F. Stockton resigned after the explosion of the "big" gun (the Peacemaker) on the propeller Princeton, and soon afterwards represented the State of New Jersey in the Senate. Lieut. Stockton was, as I was told the story, on the U. S. ship Delaware (in the harbor of Gibraltar), commanded by Commodore Pattison. Dining one day at a hotel on the neutral ground, among others present were three young English officers of the garrison and a young man, captain of a fine American ship. The three officers had indulged freely of wine, and made some offensive remarks to the young captain, who resented them, and I think threw his plate at their heads. When challenged, they refused to fight him, on the ground that socially he was not their equal. Stockton handed them his card, and exclaimed, "I will take that gentleman's place; you cannot refuse to fight me." He fought all three and wounded them, and then challenged all the officers of the garrison. When the commandant of the fortress heard of it, he called at once on Commodore Pattison and in a good-natured way suggested to him to get his madcap officer on board ship as soon as possible and make a few days' cruise, or he would have no officers of the garrison left to command the guns. Pattison acknowledged the necessity, weighed anchor, and went seaward.[20]

When John Howard Payne was Consul at Tunis, in 1841, he incurred a debt for the repairs of a building for the consulate. The bey refused to pay the bill, as he had formerly done to the foreign Consuls. This claim had been pending since Payne's death, in 1842; so, in hopes of settling the matter, Capt. Van Rensselaer Morgan was given a good vessel and ordered by the Secretary of the Navy to proceed to Tunis and adjust the claim if possible. Selecting his officers, he sailed for the Mediterranean. One of his officers selected was skilled in international law, and from the state papers made out a strong case in favor of the United States. Capt. Morgan was a plain, unpretending man, possessed of much common sense. On arriving at Tunis, he was informed that the bey was at his country palace, a few miles distant. The captain procured a carriage, and took two of his officers with him and drove out to see his mightiness, the bey—a prince in rank.

When admitted to the audience chamber, instead of making salaams he walked directly up to the bey and in a frank and friendly manner took his hand and, shaking it heartily, said: "How do you do, Mr. Bey, how do you do? Don't get up, Mr. Bey, don't get up; I will take a seat alongside of you. I hope you are well. How are Mrs. Bey and the children? I hope they are all well. I have been a long time coming, and I am glad to see you, Mr. Bey. We have a fine ship; you must come and see us, Mr. Bey, do come." The Captain, after a short interview about current events, rose to leave, and with some expression of solicitude for the bey's health, he retired a few steps, when, suddenly stopping, he turned to the bey, drew from his pocket a large envelope, and remarked, "O, Mr. Bey, I forgot to hand you these papers. Here they are. Don't read them now; you will have plenty of time to do that before we leave."

When the Captain was on his way back to his ship, an officer of the court, riding furiously, overtook him, rode past, and, planting his horse in front of the carriage, stopped it, and, bowing, exclaimed: "O howadji, the bey says that claim will be paid."[21]

A few years ago I was the guest of Commodore Morgan at the life-saving station on Indian River, or rather on the broad Atlantic near Indian River inlet, and I regret that I did not think to ask him to tell me the story himself.

Society in Washington in the forties was largely Southern, and had not lost the courtly dignity and grace of colonial days. It was quiet, gentle, and refined, where it is now loud, boisterous, and rough in a measure, from the power of suddenly accumulated wealth that dominates over all the conditions of life, social and industrial. On New Year's and other occasions we used to call on Mrs. Madison. Her face retained marks of that beauty that has been transmitted to canvas and adorns the East Room of the presidential mansion. I have seen her wearing a turban.

On the 1st of April, 1853. I received a letter informing me of the death of Joseph L. Roberts, who died on the 28th of March previous at his residence on his plantation near Natchez, Miss., and requesting me to come there immediately, if possible. Gen. Jesup, ever considerate as he was, gave me leave to visit the family. Mr. Roberts had been the cashier of the branch Bank of the United States at Norfolk, Va., then president of the branch Bank of the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, and at his death was the agent of the latter institution. His wife was Miss Mary Symington, one of the beautiful women of Philadelphia.

As I had been engaged to Miss E. Matilda, their second daughter, we were married on the 26th of April, 1853, and soon after we went to Washington.

I remained on duty in the War Department until the spring of 1854. As I had become tired of hotel life, and wished the quietness of a home, I requested Gen. Jesup to assign me to some Western post, and he sent me to Fort Smith, Ark.

The military reservation of Fort Smith is separated from the town by a street, and the dividing line between Arkansas and the Choctaw Nation runs through the garrison grounds. When Mrs. French crossed the street and went into the town, I became both the commander and the garrison, and "my right there was none to dispute."

My duties were light and were mainly receiving and forwarding supplies to the troops stationed at Forts Washita and Gibson. Several times I went in a light carriage to Fort Washita, through the Choctaw people, a distance of one hundred and eighty miles, accompanied by only my servant boy. The accommodations on the road were always clean and good and the people kind. On one occasion my duties required me to go from Washita to Fort Towson (eighty miles), on the Red river, to examine the public buildings and sell them. Col. Braxton Bragg fitted me out on a mule with a hard saddle, and I started off alone. That day I rode forty miles to "the boggy" without seeing any person; rested at night with an Indian family, and rode the next day to Fort Towson. I was met there by a committee of Choctaws, wealthy men and well educated. One of them owned slaves in number sufficient to raise three hundred bales of cotton yearly, and "lived sumptuously every day." They went with me to examine the buildings. It would have been folly to sell and destroy such property, for it would bring nothing. So I recommended that it be deeded to the Choctaws for an academy, and it was given to them.

I made a journey to Fort Gibson through the Cherokee Nation. I had been advised to stop and take breakfast with an Indian family, for I would there, no doubt, see two beautiful and accomplished girls, members of the family. Report had not done them justice. There was only a delicate shade of Indian color in the white skin. They were lithe, tall, and graceful; and nature gave them hands as beautiful as ever Praxiteles shaped in marble. They had lately returned from Troy, N. Y., where they had been educated by Miss Willard. Pope's

Lo the poor Indian, whose untutored mind

Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind,

does not apply to the Choctaw and Cherokee Indians; many of them are well educated. I became acquainted with John Ross, chief of the Cherokees, in Washington, and lately sent to Mr. Clyde, of New York, a letter from John Ross to frame and place in the saloon of his steamship Cherokee.

Indian blood is being rapidly diffused with the blood of the white man—a half-breed, quarter, and eighth. Fred Douglass is dead—a mulatto. Shall we credit his intelligence to the white blood or the negro? Suppose he had been an octoroon? What then!

Sometime during the year 1855 Col. Henry Wilson made Fort Smith his headquarters, and with him came Lieut. J. H. Potter, adjutant of the Seventh Infantry, who was a classmate of mine. He was a jovial, good fellow, and a wound in his leg made it an excellent indicator of rain, and was used to guide us on hunting expeditions. Partridges were numerous, and during the hunting season nearly every afternoon Mrs. French and I in a carriage, and Lieut. Potter on his pony, would ride over the prairie and have rare sport. We had well-trained dogs and open shooting, and time passed pleasantly on. From this dream life I was awakened to make a visit to Natchez, Miss., on business connected with the estate of Mr. J. L. Roberts. In company with a French planter on the Teche, in Louisiana, whom I invited to go with me, I started in an ambulance for Little Rock. The weather was bitterly cold, the thermometer being ten degrees below zero. The close of the second day brought us to the usual "stopping place," but all accommodations were occupied by the sheriff, guards, and prisoners. The owner of the house told me I would have to go on to Little Rock, unless Capt. ——, who lived seven miles farther on, could be induced to let us stay overnight with him; but that he was a misanthrope, and would see no one. The gray, leaden sky, the biting wind, the snow that was falling in dry pellets, and the bitter cold made our situation desperate, and induced me to try the Captain with a little adulation.

How lonely and dreary everything was! I knocked at the door, I heard the bolts slide, and the door was slowly opened by the Captain. I introduced myself to him, and told him that I was informed he lived here; that, regarding him as a Mexican veteran, I had called to pay my respects to him; that I was present and witnessed the gallant fight his command made with the Mexican lancers at the hacienda of Buena Vista; that I never was so cold before in my life, except the night of the battle of Buena Vista. He was silent till I finished. He took my hand, and said: "Come in." He ordered the horses taken out, introduced me to his wife, and we passed a pleasant evening before a great blazing fire. Doubt not my word, but no one in Arkansas then believed that we entered the portals of that door.

Learning that no steamers could reach Little Rock, we went to Duval's Bluff, on the White river, for a boat; got on the first one that arrived. The Captain said he was bound for Memphis, but would land us at the mouth of the White river to get a down boat.

When near the mouth of the White river, the captain of the boat informed me that the wharfboat at the mouth of the river had been removed, and that he would carry us up the Mississippi until we met a down boat, and put us on that. The wind was blowing violently, and the river full of floating cakes of ice; and when we met a boat, so violent was the wind, it would not answer our hail to stop, and we went on up. In the midst of all this snow, ice, and gale the boat caught fire in the hold, and the flames burst up the hatchways very high. The hatches were soon covered with wet mattresses, steam driven into the hold, cotton on deck thrown overboard, and the boat landed where the bank was high and the water deep. Baggage and furniture were put on shore, and fires built. Holes were bored in the hull of the boat, but the cotton on fire could not be extinguished. About dusk the captain announced that he would put the baggage on the boat again and run up the river three miles to a place where he could scuttle her in shoal water and put out the fire. All the passengers walked through the deep snow to the landing above, except one man and his wife, the Frenchman, and myself. It was not pleasant to be on the river in such a gale, and with the boat deck hot from the fires beneath; and when we did land and made fast to a wood barge, the owner, seeing we were on fire, ran out and cut our line with his ax to send us adrift. What a punishment the crew of the steamer gave him for cutting our line!

In time a steamer going up took us on board and carried us to Helena. After trials innumerable, and too long to write, I reached Natchez safely. Nothing during the late war equaled this journey in the suffering I leave untold. I rode out to the residence of Gen. John A. Quitman, and asked him to go on my bond. He said: "Certainly I will. Take dinner with us, and I will then go down with you." When we reached the clerk's office, he asked Mr. Inge, the clerk, what the amount would be, and I think he replied about one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. Asking for a blank bond, he signed it, and said: "Fill this out when necessary with any sum required." It was a kind act, and all he said was: "If you should have any trouble, let me know it, and I will aid you."

Mrs. Mary S. Roberts died April 5, 1854, and it devolved on me to take out letters of administration on the estate. I then returned to Fort Smith and continued on duty there until March 29, when I tendered my resignation. A reply to this letter was as follows:

Adjutant General's Office, }
Washington, D. C., April 24, 1856. }

Sir: Your letter of the 29th ult., tendering the resignation of your commissions of first lieutenant, Third Artillery, and captain and assistant quartermaster has been received and laid before the Secretary of War, by whom I am instructed to say that, as your communication appears to have been written under an impression that your leave would not be extended, he desires that you will state, with as little delay as practicable, if this supposition be correct, or whether it is your intention to leave the service in any event. A decision upon your letter of resignation will be deferred until you are heard from upon the subject.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. Cooper, Adjutant General.

Capt. S. G. French, Assistant Quartermaster, United States Army, Greenville, Miss.

As I had now, among other property, a plantation on Deer Creek, near Greenville, and over a hundred servants on it, I asked in reply that my resignation be accepted. To this letter I received an answer: "Your resignation has been accepted by the President of the United States to take effect the 31st inst. [May]."

While living at Fort Smith, Ark., was born Matilda Roberts French, on the 16th of August, 1855.

The summer of 1856 was passed mainly in Canada, and in the autumn we returned to the plantation. In the spring of 1857 Mrs. French and her little girl went on a visit to her sister, Mrs. John C. French, in San Antonio, Tex., and in May following I joined her there. And here a great sorrow crossed my path.

On the morning of June 13 Mrs. French greeted me with joy and hope, but ere the day was passed her life ended in that sleep "that knows no breaking." She went to the grave for her baby boy, and took him with her. O, the irony of fate! She, the peer of the noblest, crowned by every grace, the idol of the house, the gentle mother, the handmaiden of charity, the priestess of religion, a believer in its promises, bowed to His will, and left all that makes life attractive before age or disease or disappointment or grief or sorrow had chilled her heart, and left a smile on her face for weeping friends, when her pure spirit rose to meet her God. Her remains rest with her babe on her breast, beside her parents, in a vault at Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, Pa., where the waters of the beautiful Schuylkill gently flow by the portals of her tomb.

I remained in San Antonio until autumn, when I returned home. In March, 1858, I embarked on the steamer Europa for Liverpool. As I leave you my journal of travels in Europe, I shall mention only some of the principal places visited.

Most of the traveling in Italy was in private carriage, and only in daylight. In Naples, Rome, and Florence I remained a month each. From London I went to Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, Naples, Rome, Florence, Pisa, Modena, Bologna, Mantua, Verona, Venice, Milan, Como, Isola Madre, Isola Bella, Simplon Pass, Domo-dosola, Martigny, Chamoni, Geneva, Bienne, Berne, Interlaken, Wingen Alps, Grindenwald, Basle, Baden-Baden, Ulm, Munich, Salzburg, Ischl, Lintz, Danube River to Vienna, Prague, Dresden, Berlin, Potsdam, Frankfort, Wiesbaden down the Rhine, Cologne, Liege, Brussels, Waterloo, Paris, London, Windsor Castle, Birmingham, Sheffield, Doncaster, Carlisle, Edinburgh, Sterling, Callander, The Trosacks, Lake Katrine, Dunbarton, Glasgow, Belfast, Irish Causeway, Dublin, Chester, Liverpool, home.

Soon after my return from Europe I was kindly invited by Benjamin Gould to make him a visit in Boston. His son, N. Goddard Gould, had, as I have stated, been my traveling companion for many months. Their home was in Penberton Square. The family was composed of charming, refined, cultured people, and I retain only pleasant recollections of their kindness.

I passed the winter in San Antonio, Tex., and the summer at Rye Beach, N. H. This year (1859) some notable events occurred that had important bearings in shaping the history, if not the destiny, of the country.

Harriet Beecher Stowe's publication of an imaginative work, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," Hinton Helper's pamphlet called a manifesto, and John Brown's raid in Virginia, to raise an insurrection among the slaves and to kill the whites, like distant thunder, presaged the coming storm. His purposes of murder were well known to many prominent abolitionists of the North, who assisted him by contributions to obtain arms to carry out his murderous designs. The party consisted of the old murderer, his three sons, thirteen white men, and five negroes from the North. They obtained possession of the armory at Harper's Ferry October 16, killing a negro, the mayor of the town, and other citizens. On arrival of the United States troops under Col. R. E. Lee, the armory was captured. Some were killed in the assault, and the remainder taken prisoners. These were tried and hung.

This infamous outrage on the State of Virginia, instead of being condemned by the people of the North, won their admiration, sympathy, and love for John Brown, and by some he is compared to our Saviour, and "his soul is still marching on," without peace or rest, like the wandering Jew—on, on—a punishment for his crimes. These events induced an uncalled for and unjust feeling of hatred toward the South, and the intensity of this hatred is most significantly displayed in the apotheosis of this murderer, and the consecration of his crimes. Could this be otherwise than a warning to the Southern people? The statutes made by the Northern States for the abolition of slavery never set free a living slave. They emancipated only the unborn. Now you can comprehend the difference between abolition and emancipation.

After the war began many unusual expedients were resorted to designed to increase the wild frenzy of the people North. Among them was the spectacle of Henry Ward Beecher selling slaves from the pulpit stage of his Plymouth Church, Brooklyn. So noted was this exhibition that it is related as one of the eight notable events of the nineteenth century. I attribute this act of his to heredity.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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