356.T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 307.

357.Maimonides, translated by D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, ii. 475. It is not quite clear whether the direction, which Maimonides here attributes to the heathen of Harran, is taken by him from the beginning of The Agriculture of the Nabataeans, which he had referred to a few lines before. The first part of that work appears to be lost, though other parts of it exist in manuscript at Paris, Oxford, and elsewhere. See D. Chwolsohn, op. cit. i. 697 sqq. The book is an early Mohammedan forgery; but the superstitions it describes may very well be genuine. See A. von Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, ii. 568-713.

358.G. W. W. C. Baron van HoËvell, Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de Oeliasers (Dordrecht, 1875), pp. 62 sq.

359.J. Kreemer, “Tiang-dÈrÈs” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xxvi. (1882), pp. 128-132. This and the preceding custom have been already quoted by G. A. Wilken (“Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,” De Indische Gids, June 1884, pp. 962 sq.; and Handleiding voor de vorgelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-IndiË (Leyden, 1893), p. 550).

360.Above, p. 26.

361.W. Svoboda, “Die Bewohner des Nikobaren-Archipels,” Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, v. (1892) pp. 193 sq. For other examples of a fruitful woman making trees fruitful, see above, vol. i. pp. 140 sq.

362.J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 32-35, 38, 80. The Peruvian custom described above (vol. i. p. 266) may in like manner have been intended to promote the growth of beans through the fertilising influence of the parents of twins. On the contrary among the Bassari of Togo, in Western Africa, women who have given birth to twins may not go near the farm at the seasons of sowing and reaping, lest they should destroy the crop. Only after the birth of another child does custom allow them to share again the labour of the fields. See H. Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge (Berlin, 1899), p. 510.

363.W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 480 sq.; id., Mythologische Forschungen (Strasburg, 1884), p. 341.

364.J. Brand, Popular Antiquities, i. 181.

365.My informant is Prof. W. Ridgeway. The place was a field at the head of the Dargle vale, near Enniskerry.

366.See above, p. 67.

367.G. W. W. C. Baron van HoËvell, in Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, viii. (1895) p. 134 note. The custom seems to go by the name of dauwtroppen or “dew-treading.” As districts or places in which the practice is still kept up the writer names South Holland, Dordrecht, and Rotterdam.

368.L. Strackerjan, Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg (Oldenburg, 1867), ii. p. 78, § 361; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 481; id., Mythologische Forschungen, p. 340. Compare Th. Siebs, “Das Saterland,” Zeitschrift fÜr Volkskunde, iii. (1893) p. 277.

369.A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xxxix. (1895) p. 138, ibid. xl. (1896) pp. 16 sq.

370.G. F. Oviedo y Valdes, Histoire du Nicaragua (published in Ternaux-Compans’ Voyages, relations et mÉmoires originaux, etc.), Paris, 1840, pp. 228 sq.; A. de Herrera, General History of the Vast Continent and Islands called America (Stevens’s translation, London, 1725-26), iii. 298.

371.C. Sapper, “Die GebrÄuche und religiÖsen Anschauungen der Kekchi-Indianer,” Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, viii. (1895) p. 203. Abstinence from women for several days is also practised before the sowing of beans and of chilis, but only by Indians who do a large business in these commodities (ibid. p. 205).

372.A. Heinrich, Agrarische Sitten und GebrÄuche unter den Sachsen SiebenbÜrgens (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 7.

373.R. Temesvary, VolksbrÄuche und Aberglauben in der Geburtshilfe und der Pflege der Neugebornen in Ungarn (Leipsic, 1900), p. 16.

374.Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 293. See above, vol. i. p. 88.

375.R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 134.

376.J. Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London, 1887), p. 181. The word which I have taken to mean “holy or taboo” is helaga. Mr. Chalmers does not translate or explain it. Dr. C. G. Seligmann says that the word “conveys something of the idea of ‘sacred,’ ‘set apart,’ ‘charged with virtue’” (The Melanesians of British New Guinea, p. 101, note 2).

377.A. C. Haddon, Head-hunters (London, 1901), pp. 270-272, 275 sq.

378.T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 307.

379.T. C. Hodson, “The genna amongst the Tribes of Assam,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvi. (1906) p. 94.

380.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 54; Solinus, xxxiii. 6 sq., p. 166, ed. Th. Mommsen (first edition).

381.Theophrastus, Histor. plant. ix. 4. 5 sq.

382.Palladius, De re rustica, i. 6. 14; Geoponica, ix. 3. 5 sq.

383.With what follows compare Psyche’s Task, chapter iv. pp. 31 sqq., where I have adduced the same evidence to some extent in the same words.

384.F. Mason, “On dwellings, works of art, laws, etc., of the Karens,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, xxxvii. (1868) Part ii. pp. 147 sq. Compare A. R. M’Mahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese (London, 1876), pp. 334 sq.

385.J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland Sumatra,” Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, Tweede Serie, dl. iii. Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide artikelen, No. 3 (1886), pp. 514 sq.; M. Joustra, “Het leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlvi. (1902) p. 411.

386.H. Ling Roth, “Low’s natives of Borneo,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxi. (1892) pp. 113 sq., 133, xxii. (1893) p. 24; id., Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, i. 401. Compare Rev. J. Perham, “Petara, or Sea Dyak Gods,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 8, December 1881, p. 150; H. Ling Roth, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, i. 180. According to Archdeacon Perham, “Every district traversed by an adulterer is believed to be accursed of the gods until the proper sacrifice has been offered.” In respectable Dyak families, when an unmarried girl is found with child and the father is unknown, they sacrifice a pig and sprinkle the doors with its blood to wash away the sin (Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East, 2nd Ed., i. 64). In Ceram a person convicted of unchastity has to expiate his guilt by smearing every house in the village with the blood of a pig and a fowl. See A. Bastian, Indonesien, i. (Berlin, 1884) p. 144.

387.A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 367.

388.A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, ii. 99; id., In Centraal Borneo (Leyden, 1900), ii. 278.

389.B. F. Matthes, “Over de ÂdÁ’s of gewoonten der Makassaren en Boegineezen,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Derde Reeks, II. (Amsterdam, 1885) p. 182. The similar Roman penalty for parricide (Digest, xlviii. 9. 9; Valerius Maximus, i. 1. 13; J. E. B. Mayor’s note on Juvenal Sat. viii. 214) may have been adopted for a similar reason. But in that case the scourging which preceded the drowning can hardly have been originally a part of the punishment.

390.A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xliv. (1900) p. 235.

391.A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Mori,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xliv. (1900) p. 162.

392.M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-IndiË, xlv. (1895) p. 514. In the Banggai Archipelago, to the east of Celebes, earthquakes are explained as punishments inflicted by evil spirits for indulgence in illicit love (F. S. A. de Clercq, Bijdragen tot de Kennis der Residentie Ternate (Leyden, 1890), p. 132).

393.O. Dapper, Description de l’Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 326; R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind (London, 1906), pp. 53, 67-71.

394.R. E. Dennett, op. cit. p. 52.

395.A. C. Hollis, The Nandi, their Language and Folk-lore (Oxford, 1909), p. 76.

396.Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 252.

397.Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), ii. 718 sq.

398.A. C. Kruijt, “Regen lokken en regen verdrijven bij de Toradja’s van Midden Celebes,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xliv. (1901) p. 4.

399.Probably a similar extension of the superstition to animal life occurs also among savages, though the authorities I have consulted do not mention it. A trace, however, of such an extension appears in a belief entertained by the Khasis of Assam, that if a man defies tribal custom by marrying a woman of his own clan, the women of the tribe will die in childbed and the people will suffer from other calamities. See Colonel P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 94, 123.

400.Job xxxi. 11 sq. (Revised Version).

401.?????. See Hebrew and English Lexicon, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and Ch. A. Briggs (Oxford, 1906), p. 100.

402.Genesis xii. 10-20, xx. 1-18.

403.Leviticus xviii. 24 sq.

404.Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 22 sqq., 95 sqq.

405.Tacitus, Annals, xii. 4 and 8.

406.Columella, De re rustica, xii. 2 sq., appealing to the authority of M. Ambivius, Maenas Licinius, and C. Matius. See on this subject below, p. 205.

407.G. Keating, History of Ireland, translated by J. O’Mahony (New York, 1857), pp. 337 sq.; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland (London, 1903), ii. 512 sq.; J. Rhys, Celtic Heathendom (London and Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 308 sq.

408.Compare Totemism and Exogamy, iv. 153 sqq.

409.“Next (for hear me out now, readers) that I may tell ye whither my younger feet wandered; I betook me among those lofty fables and romances which recount in solemn cantos the deeds of knighthood founded by our victorious kings, and from hence had in renown over all Christendom. There I read it in the oath of every knight that he should defend to the utmost expense of his best blood, or of his life, if it so befell him, the honour and chastity of virgin or matron; from whence even then I learned what a noble virtue chastity sure must be, to the defence of which so many worthies, by such a dear adventure of themselves, had sworn; and if I found in the story afterward any of them by word or deed breaking that oath, I judged it the same fault of the poet as that which is attributed to Homer, to have written indecent things of the gods. Only this my mind gave me, that every free and gentle spirit, without that oath, ought to be born a knight, nor needed to expect the gilt spur or the laying of a sword upon his shoulder to stir him up both by his counsel and his arm, to secure and protect the weakness of any attempted chastity” (Milton, “Apology for Smectymnuus,” Complete Collection of the Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton (London, 1738), vol. i. p. 111).

410.For examples of chastity observed at home by the friends of the absent warriors, see above, vol. i. pp. 128, 131, 133. Examples of chastity observed by the warriors themselves in the field will be given in the second part of this work. Meanwhile see The Golden Bough, 2nd Ed., i. 328, note 2.

411.Speaking of the one God who reveals himself in many forms and under many names, Augustine says: “Ipse in aethere sit Jupiter, ipse in aËre Juno, ipse in mare Neptunus ... Liber in vineis, Ceres in frumentis, Diana in silvis,” etc. (De civitate Dei, iv. 11).

412.Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 332: “Nam, ut diximus, et omnis quercus Jovi est consecrata, et omnis lucus Dianae.”

413.W. H. Roscher, Lexikon der griech. und rÖm. Mythologie, i. 1005; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 3266-3268.

414.Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, 2nd Ed., No. 568; Ch. Michel, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, No. 686; E. S. Roberts, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii., No. 139.

415.Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 653, lines 79 sqq.; Ch. Michel, op. cit., No. 694. As to the grove see Pausanias, iv. 33. 4 sq.

416.Dittenberger, op. cit., No. 929, lines 80 sqq. Compare id. No. 569; Pausanias, ii. 28. 7.

417.H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 4911.

418.Cato, De agri cultura, 139.

419.Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 85, ed. C. O. MÜller; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 6.

420.G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp. 136-143; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, ii., Nos. 5042, 5043, 5045, 5046, 5048.

421.Ovid, Fasti, iv. 749-755.

422.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 3.

423.Seneca, Epist. iv. 12. 3. See further L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 108 sqq. For evidence of the poets he refers to Virgil, Georg. iii. 332 sqq.; Tibullus, i. 1. 11; Ovid, Amores, iii. 1. 1 sq.

424.On Diana as a huntress see H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 3257-3266. For indications of her care for domestic cattle see Livy, i. 45; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 4; and above, vol. i. p. 7.

425.Virgil, Aen., viii. 600 sq., with Servius’s note.

426.M. A. Castren, Vorlesungen Über die finnische Mythologie (St. Petersburg, 1853), pp. 92-99.

427.P. v. Stenin, “Über den Geisterglauben in Russland,” Globus, lvii. (1890), p. 283.

428.J. Abercromby, The Pre- and Proto-historic Finns (London, 1898), i. 161.

429.Mathias Michov, “De Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,” in Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum, p. 457.

430.C. Snouck Hurgronje, Het Gajoland en zijne Bewoners (Batavia, 1903), pp. 351, 359.

431.See vol. i. p. 14.

432.Arrian, Cynegeticus, 33 sq.

433.The Galatians retained their Celtic speech as late as the fourth century of our era, for Jerome says that in his day their language hardly differed from that of the Treveri, a Celtic tribe on the Moselle, whose name survives in Treves. See Jerome, Commentar. in Epist. ad Galatas, lib. ii. praef. (Migne’s Patrologia Latina, vol. xxvi. col. 357).

434.See below, p. 363.

435.H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 4633; Ihm, in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real-EncyclopÄdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 616, s.v. “Arduinna”; compare id. i. 104, s.v. “Abnoba.”

436.F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religiÖser Brauch der SÜdslaven (MÜnster i. W., 1890), p. 125.

437.J. H. Schmitz, Sitten und BrÄuche, Lieder, SprÜchwÖrter und RÄthsel des Eifler Volkes (Treves, 1856-1858), i. 42 sq.; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, MÄrchen und GebrÄuche, pp. 393 sq.; Ch. Beauquier, Les Mois en Franche-ComtÉ (Paris, 1900), p. 90. In Sweden and parts of Germany cattle are crowned on the day in spring when they are first driven out to pasture, which is sometimes at Whitsuntide (A. Kuhn, Die Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 163 sq.; L. Lloyd, Peasant Life in Sweden, pp. 246 sq.; A. Kuhn, MÄrkische Sagen und MÄrchen, pp. 315 sq., 327 sq.; P. Drechsler, Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien, i. 123). Amongst the Romans cattle were crowned at the Ambarvalia (Tibullus, ii. 1. 7 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, i. 663); and asses and mill-stones were crowned at Vesta’s festival on the ninth of June (Propertius, v. 1. 21; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 311 sq.). The original motive of all these customs may have been the one indicated in the text. Perhaps the same explanation might be found to apply to certain other cases of wearing wreaths or crowns.

438.Tettau und Temme, Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens, pp. 263 sq.; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, MÄrchen und GebrÄuche, p. 392; Reinsberg-DÜringsfeld, Das festliche Jahr, p. 181; id., Calendrier belge, i. 423 sq.; A. Birlinger, VolksthÜmliches aus Schwaben, i. p. 278, § 437; R. Eisel, Sagenbuch des Voigtlandes, p. 210; F. J. Wiedemann, Aus dem inneren und Äusseren Leben der Ehsten, p. 363; F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religiÖser Brauch der SÜdslaven, p. 128.

439.See above, pp. 52-55.

440.In Nepaul a festival known as Khich PÛj is held, at which worship is offered to dogs, and garlands of flowers are placed round the necks of every dog in the country (W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India, Westminster, 1896, ii. 221). But as the custom is apparently not limited to hunting dogs, the explanation suggested above would hardly apply.

441.Catullus, xxxiv. 9-20; Cicero, De natura deorum, ii. 26. 68 sq.; Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 68 sq. It deserves to be remembered that Diana’s day was the thirteenth of August, which in general would be the time when the splendid harvest moon was at the full. Indian women in Peru used to pray to the moon to grant them an easy delivery. See P. J. de Arriaga, Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru (Lima, 1621), p. 32.

442.See above, vol. i. p. 12.

443.In like manner the Greeks conceived of the goddess Earth as the mother not only of corn but of cattle and of human offspring. See the Homeric Hymn to Earth (No. 30).

444.Strabo, iv. 1. 4 and 5, pp. 179 sq. The image on the Aventine was copied from that at Marseilles, which in turn was copied from the one at Ephesus.

445.Tacitus, Annals, xii. 8. The Romans feared that the marriage of Claudius with his paternal cousin Agrippina, which they regarded as incest, might result in some public calamity (Tacitus, Annals, xii. 5).

446.See above, pp. 107 sqq.

447.See above, vol. i. pp. 20 sq., 40.

448.Herodotus, i. 181 sq.

449.M. Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 117 sq.; L. W. King, Babylonian Mythology and Religion, pp. 18, 21.

450.H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabis 2nd Ed., (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31 § 182. The expression is translated “votary of Marduk” by Mr C. H. W. Johns (Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters, Edinburgh, 1904, p. 60). “The votary of Marduk is the god’s wife vowed to perpetual chastity, and is therefore distinct from the devotees of IŠtar. Like the ordinary courtesan, these formed a separate class and enjoyed special privileges” (S. A. Cook, The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi, London, 1903, p. 148).

451.M. Jastrow, op. cit. pp. 42 sq.

452.C. Johnston in Journal of the American Oriental Society, xviii. First Half (1897), pp. 153-155; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), p. 249. For the equivalence of Iyyar or Airu with May see Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Months,” iii. coll. 3193 sq.

453.Herodotus, i. 182.

454.G. Maspero, in Journal des Savants, annÉe 1899, pp. 401-406; A. Moret, Du caractÈre religieux de la royautÉ Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), pp. 48-73; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 268 sq. M. Moret shares the view of Prof. Maspero that the pictures, or rather painted reliefs, were copied from masquerades in which the king and other men and women figured as gods and goddesses. As to the Egyptian doctrine of the spiritual double or external soul (Ka), see A. Wiedemann, The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul (London, 1895), pp. 10 sqq.

455.A. Erman, Die Ägyptische Religion (Berlin, 1905), pp. 75, 165 sq.; compare id., Ägypten und Ägyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 400 sq. As to the ghostly rule of the high priests of Ammon at Thebes see further G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient classique, les premiÈres mÊlÉes des peuples (Paris, 1897), pp. 559 sqq.; J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 350 sq., 357 sq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. (Gotha, 1896), p. 66.

456.Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816.

457.Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca, i. 47.

458.Plutarch, Quaestiones conviviales, viii. 1. 6 sq.; id., Numa, 4.

459.Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 143. Compare Horace, Odes, iii. 62 sqq.

460.Herodotus, i. 182.

461.Pausanias, viii. 13. 1. As to the meaning of the title Essen see Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus, 16; Hesychius, Suidas, and Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. ?ss??. The ancients mistook the Queen bee for a male, and hence spoke of King bees. See Aristotle, Histor. animal. v. 21 sq., ix. 40, pp. 553, 623 sqq., ed. Bekker; id., De animalium generatione, iii. 10, p. 760, ed. Bekker; Aelian, Nat. animal. i. 10, v. 10 sq.; Virgil, Georg. iv. 21, 68; W. Walter-Tornow, De apium mellisque apud veteres significatione (Berlin, 1894), pp. 30 sqq. The Essenes or King Bees are not to be confounded with the nominal kings (Basileis) of Ephesus, who probably held office for life. See above, vol. i. p. 47.

462.J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus, Inscriptions from the Temple of Diana, pp. 2, 14; Inscriptions from the Augusteum, p. 4; Inscriptions from the City and Suburbs, p. 38.

463.See B. V. Head, Coins of Ephesus (London, 1880), and above, vol. i. pp. 37 sq. Modern writers sometimes assert that the priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis were called Bees. Certain other Greek priestesses were undoubtedly called Bees, and it seems not improbable that the priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis bore the same title and represented the goddess in her character of a bee. But no ancient writer, so far as I know, affirms it. See my note on Pausanias, viii. 13. 1.

465.Above, pp. 92 sq.

466.L. Preller, AusgewÄhlte AufsÄtze (Berlin, 1864), pp. 293-296; compare his Griechische Mythologie, 4th ed., ed. C. Robert, i. 681 sqq.

467.Hyginus, Astronomica, i. 5.

468.Tertullian, Ad nationes, ii. 7, “Cur rapitur sacerdos Cereris si non tale Ceres passa est?” Asterius Amasenus, Encomium in sanctos martyres, in Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, xl. col. 324, ??? ??e? (at Eleusis) t? ?ata?s??? t? s??te????, ?a? a? se?a? t?? ?e??f??t?? p??? t?? ?e?e?a? s??t???a?, ???? p??? ????; ??? a? ?ap?de? s?????ta?, ?a? ? p???? ?a? ??a????t?? d??? t?? s?t???a? a?t?? e??a? ??????s? t? ?? t? s??t? pa?? t?? d?? p?att?e?a; Psellus, Quaenam sunt Graecorum opiniones de daemonibus, p. 39. ed. J. F. Boissonade, t? d? ?e ?st???a t??t??, ??a a?t??a t? ??e?s???a, t?? ?????? ?p?????eta? ??a ????e??? t? ????, ????? t? ???t?? ... ?p?????eta? d? ?a? t?? t?? ????? ?d??a?. ??et???a? ???? a?t??a ????? ?a? ????? p?s?? ?a? ?a?d?a???a?. ?f’ ??? ?a? t? t?a??s?e??? ??a pa?a???e??? pe?? t??? d?d????, ?t?pe? ? ?e??, d??a? ?p?t????? t?? ?a? t? ???t??, t????? ???e?? ?p?te??, t? ???p? ta?t?? ?at??et? ?spe? d? ?a? ?a?t?? (compare Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 20-23); Schol. on Plato, Gorgias, p. 497 c, ?te?e?t? d? ta?ta (the Eleusinian mysteries) ?a? ???? ?a? ????, ?t? ta?t?? ?? ????t?? ??p??e?e, ???? d? ??e?? ?e??; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 8, pp. 162, 164, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin, ?????s? d? a?t?? (God), f?s?, F???e? ?a? ???e??? st???? te?e??s????, ?a? et? t??? F???a? ????a??? ????te? ??e?s???a, ?a? ?p?de?????te? t??? ?p?pte???s? t? ??a ?a? ?a?ast?? ?a? te?e??tat?? ?p?pt???? ??e? ?st????? ?? s??p?, te?e??s???? st????. ? d? st???? ??t?? ?st? ?a? pa?? ????a???? ? pa?? t?? ??a?a?t???st?? f?st?? t??e??? ??a?, ?a??pe? a?t?? ? ?e??f??t??, ??? ?p??e?????? ??, ?? ? ?tt??, e??????s???? d? d?? ???e??? ?a? p?sa? pa??t????? t?? sa?????? ???es??, ???t?? ?? ??e?s??? ?p? p???? p??? te??? t? e???a ?a? ????ta ?st???a ?? ?a? ????a?e ?????? ?e??? ?te?e p?t??a ?????? ???? ?????, t??t?st?? ?s???? ?s?????. In combining and interpreting this fragmentary evidence I have followed Mr. P. Foucart (Recherches sur l’origine et la nature des mystÈres d’Eleusis, Paris, 1895, pp. 48 sq.; id., Les Grands MystÈres d’Eleusis, Paris, 1900, p. 69), and Miss J. E. Harrison (Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 549 sqq.). In antiquity it was believed that an ointment or plaster of hemlock applied to the genital organs prevented them from discharging their function. See Dioscorides, De materia medica, iv. 79; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 154. Dr. J. B. Bradbury, Downing Professor of Medicine in the University of Cambridge, informs me that this belief is correct. “Although conium [hemlock] is not used as an anaphrodisiac at the present day, there can be no doubt that it has this effect. When rubbed into the skin it depresses sensory nerve-endings and is absorbed. After absorption it depresses all sympathetic nerve-cells. Both these effects would tend to diminish organic reflexes such as aphrodisia” (Dr. W. E. Dixon, Pharmacological Laboratory, Cambridge). Pausanias seems to imply that the hierophant was forbidden to marry (ii. 14. 1). It may have been so in his age, the second century of our era; but an inscription of the first century B.C. shews that at that time it was lawful for him to take a wife. See P. Foucart, Les Grands MystÈres d’Eleusis, pp. 26 sqq. (extract from the MÉmoires de l’AcadÉmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxxvii.).

469.Pausanias, ix. 3; Plutarch, quoted by Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. iii. 1 sq.

470.Above, p. 64.

471.Above, p. 66.

472.W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 177.

473.W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 177 sq.

474.J. Brand, Popular Antiquities, i. 318 sq.; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 178.

475.W. Hone, Every Day Book, ii. 595 sq.; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 178.

476.With regard to Zeus as an oak-god see below, pp. 358 sq. Hera appears with an oak-tree and her sacred bird the peacock perched on it in a group which is preserved in the Palazzo degli Conservatori at Rome. In the same group Pallas is represented with her olive-tree and her owl; so that the conjunction of the oak with Hera cannot be accidental. See W. Helbig, FÜhrer durch die Öffentlichen Sammlungen klassischen AltertÜmer in Rom 2nd Ed., (Leipsic, 1899), i. 397, No. 587.

477.Pausanias, viii. 42.

478.At Cnossus in Crete, Diodorus Siculus, v. 72; at Samos, Lactantius, Instit. i. 17 (compare Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 7); at Athens, Photius, Lexicon, s.v. ?e??? ????; Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. ?e??????e?, p. 468. 52. A fragment of Pherecydes relating to the marriage of Zeus and Hera came to light some years ago. See Grenfell and Hunt, New Classical and other Greek and Latin Papyri (Oxford, 1897), p. 23; H. Weil, in Revue des Études grecques, x. (1897) pp. 1-9. The subject has been discussed by W. H. Roscher (Juno und Hera, Leipsic, 1875, pp. 72 sqq.). From the wide prevalence of the rite he infers that the custom of the sacred marriage was once common to all the Greek tribes.

479.Iliad, xiv. 347 sqq. Hera was worshipped under the title of Flowery at Argos (Pausanias, ii. 22. 1; compare Etymol. Magn. s.v. ???e?a, p. 108, line 48), and women called Flower-bearers served in her sanctuary (Pollux, iv. 78). A great festival of gathering flowers was celebrated by Peloponnesian women in spring (Hesychius, s.v. ???s???e?a, compare Photius, Lexicon, s.v. ???????a). The first of May is still a festival of flowers in Peloponnese. See Folk-lore, i. (1890) pp. 518 sqq.

480.J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, 4th ed., i. 176; P. Herrmann, Nordische Mythologie (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 198 sqq., 217, 520, 529; E. H. Meyer, Mythologie der Germanen (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 366 sq. The procession of Frey and his wife in the waggon is doubtless the same with the procession of Nerthus in a waggon which Tacitus describes (Germania, 40). Nerthus seems to be no other than Freya, the wife of Frey. See the commentators on Tacitus, l.c., and especially K. MÜllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, iv. (Berlin, 1900) pp. 468 sq.

481.Gregory of Tours, De gloria confessorum, 77 (Migne’s Patrologia Latina, lxxi. col. 884). Compare Sulpicius Severus, Vita S. Martini, 12: “Quia esset haec Gallorum rusticis consuetudo, simulacra daemonum candido tecta velamine misera per agros suos circumferre dementia.”

482.“Passio Sancti Symphoriani,” chs. 2 and 6 (Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466).

483.These crazy wretches castrate men and mutilate women. Hence they are known as the Skoptsy (“mutilated”). See N. Tsakni, La Russie sectaire, pp. 74 sqq.

484.As to this feature in the ritual of Cybele, see Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 219 sqq.

485.Max Buch, Die WotjÄken (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 137.

486.E. A. Gait, in Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 190.

487.P. J. de Arriaga, Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru (Lima, 1621), p. 20.

488.Father Lacombe, in Missions Catholiques, ii. (1869) pp. 359 sq.

489.Relations des JÉsuites, 1636, p. 109, and 1639, p. 95 (Canadian reprint); Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, v. 225; Chateaubriand, Voyage en AmÉrique (Paris, 1870), pp. 140-142.

490.Rev. F. Hahn, “Some Notes on the Religion and Superstitions of the Oraos,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, lxxii. part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) p. 12. For another account of the ceremonies held by the Oraons in spring see above, pp. 76 sq.

491.P. Rascher, “Die Sulka,” Archiv fÜr Anthropologie, xxix. (1904) p. 217.

492.W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 118.

493.W. Crooke, op. cit. ii. 138.

494.A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 139-142.

495.Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 58 sq.

496.Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), ii. 677.

497.From notes sent to me by Mr. A. C. Hollis, 21st May 1908.

498.J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, part ii. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1901) p. 439.

499.E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), chap. xxvi. p. 500. The authority for the statement is the Arab historian Makrizi.

500.The North China Herald, 4th May 1906, p. 235.

501.G. A. Wilken, “Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,” De Indische Gids, June 1884, p. 994 (referring to Veth, Het eiland Timor, p. 21); A. Bastian, Indonesien, ii. (Berlin, 1885) p. 8.

502.A. Bastian, op. cit. p. 11.

503.A. Bastian, Indonesien, i. (Berlin, 1884) p. 134.

504.Voyages d’Ibn Batoutah, texte arabe, accompagnÉ d’une traduction, par C. DefrÉmery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 126-130.

505.The Thanda Pulayans, on the west coast of India, think that the phosphorescence on the surface of the sea indicates the presence of the spirits of their ancestors, who are fishing in the backwaters. See E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 293. Similarly the Sulkas of New Britain fancy that the mysterious glow comes from souls bathing in the water. See P. Rascher, “Die Sulka,” Archiv fÜr Anthropologie, xxix. (1904) p. 216.

506.For a list of these tales, with references to the authorities, see my note on Pausanias, ix. 26. 7. To the examples there referred to add I. V. Zingerle, Kinder- und HausmÄrchen aus Tirol, Nos. 8, 21, 35, pp. 35 sqq., 100 sqq., 178 sqq.; G. F. Abbott, Macedonian Folk-lore, pp. 270 sqq. This type of story has been elaborately investigated by Mr. E. S. Hartland (The Legend of Perseus, London, 1894-1896), but he has not discussed the custom of the sacred marriage, on which the story seems to be founded.

507.Note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 5.

508.Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 226 sqq.

509.R. Salvado, MÉmoires historiques sur l’Australie (Paris, 1854), p. 262.

510.H. Ternaux-Compans, Essai sur l’ancien Cundinamarca, pp. 6 sq.

511.H. Coudreau, Chez nos Indiens (Paris, 1895), pp. 303 sq.

512.C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), ii. 57.

513.C. Lumholtz, op. cit. i. 402 sq.

514.T. I. Fairclough, “Notes on the Basutos,” Journal of the African Society, No. 14, January 1905, p. 201.

515.To the examples given in my note on Pausanias viii. 7. 2, add Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die geistige Cultur der DanÂkil, Galla und SomÂl (Berlin, 1896), pp. 46, 50; “De Dajaks op Borneo,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xiii. (1869) p. 72; A. D’Orbigny, Voyage dans l’AmÉrique MÉridionale, ii. 93, 160 (see above, pp. 16 sq.); F. Blumentritt, “Über die Eingeborenen der Insel Palawan und der Inselgruppe der Talamianen,” Globus, lix. (1891) p. 167; W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 46; Father GuillemÉ, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, lx. (1888) p. 252.

516.W. F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar (London, 1833), ii. 354 sq.

517.H. Goldie, Calabar and its Mission, New Edition (Edinburgh and London, 1901), p. 43.

518.Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xxxiii. (1861) p. 152.

519.Father GuillemÉ, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, lx. (1888) p. 253.

520.Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisÉes du Mexique et de l’AmÉrique-Centrale, i. 327 sq.

521.E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” Revue de l’histoire des religions, xxiv. (1891) p. 213.

522.W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2nd Ed., pp. 96-104.

523.S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day (Chicago, 1902), p. 117.

524.S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. p. 119.

525.W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 50 sq., 225 sq.

526.Census of India, 1901, vol. xvii., Punjab, p. 164.

527.W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, iv. 425. As to the sect of the Maharajas, see above, vol. i. pp. 406 sq.

528.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 8.

529.S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, pp. 116 sq.; Mrs. H. H. Spoer, “The Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,” Folk-lore, xviii. (1907) p. 55; A. Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1908), p. 360.

530.J. M. Mackinlay, Folk-lore of Scottish Lochs and Springs (Glasgow, 1893), p. 112.

531.A. C. Haddon and C. R. Browne, “The Ethnography of the Aran Islands,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, ii. (1893), p. 819.

532.R. C. Hope, The Legendary Lore of the Holy Wells of England (London, 1893), p. 122.

533.R. C. Hope, op. cit. pp. 107 sq.

534.See, for example, Pausanias, ii. 15. 5, v. 7. 2 sq., vi. 22. 9, vii. 23. 1 sq., viii. 43. 1, ix. 1. 1 sq., ix. 34. 6 and 9.

535.Sophocles, Trachiniae, 6 sqq. The combat of Hercules with the bull-shaped river-god in presence of Dejanira is the subject of a red-figured vase painting. See Miss J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion 2nd Ed., (Cambridge, 1908), Fig. 133, p. 434.

536.Aeschines, Epist. x. The letters of Aeschines are spurious, but there is no reason to doubt that the custom here described was actually observed.

537.See the evidence collected by Mr. Floyd G. Ballentine, “Some Phases of the Cult of the Nymphs,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, xv. (1904) pp. 97 sqq.

538.F. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, i. 107-110, ii. 550. At Ragusa in Sicily an enormous effigy of a dragon, with movable tail and eyes, is carried in procession on St. George’s Day (April 23rd); and along with it two huge sugar loaves, decorated with flowers, figure in the procession. At the end of the festival these loaves are broken into little bits, and every farmer puts one of the pieces in his sowed fields to ensure a good crop. See G. PitrÈ, Feste patronali in Sicilia (Turin and Palermo, 1900), pp. 323 sq. In this custom the fertility charm remains, though the marriage ceremony appears to be absent. As to the mummers’ play of St. George, see E. K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage (Oxford, 1903), i. 205 sqq.; A. Beatty, “The St. George, or Mummers’, Plays,” Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, xv. part ii. (October, 1906) pp. 273-324. A separate copy of the latter work was kindly sent to me by the author.

539.See F. N. Taillepied, Recueil des Antiquitez et singularitez de la ville de Rouen (Rouen, 1587), pp. 93-105; A. Floquet, Histoire du privilÉge de Saint Romain (2 vols. 8vo, Rouen, 1833). Briefer notices of the custom and legend will be found in A. Bosquet’s La Normandie romanesque et merveilleuse (Paris and Rouen, 1845), pp. 405-409; and A. de Nore’s Coutumes, mythes, et traditions des provinces de France (Paris and Lyons, 1846), pp. 245-250. The gilt fierte, or portable shrine of St. Romain, is preserved in the Chapter Library of the Cathedral at Rouen, where I saw it in May 1902. It is in the form of a chapel, on the roof of which the saint stands erect, trampling on the winged dragon, while the condemned prisoner kneels in front of him. This, however, is not the original shrine, which was so decayed that in 1776 the Chapter decided to replace it by another. See Floquet, op. cit. ii. 338-346. The custom of carrying the dragons in procession was stopped in 1753 because of its tendency to impair the solemnity of the ceremony (Floquet, op. cit. ii. 301). Even more famous than the dragon of Rouen was the dragon of Tarascon, an effigy of which used to be carried in procession on Whitsunday. See A. de Nore, op. cit. pp. 47 sqq. As to other French dragons see P. SÉbillot, Le Folk-lore de France, i. (Paris, 1904) pp. 468-470.

540.See above, vol. i. pp. 17 sq.

541.See above, vol. i. p. 12.

542.Catullus, xxxiv. 9 sqq.

543.Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-EncyklopÄdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. coll. 1343, 1351.

544.Plutarch, De fortuna Romanorum, 9. This statement would be strongly confirmed by etymology if we could be sure that, as Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested, the name Egeria is derived from a root aeg meaning “oak.” The name is spelt Aegeria by Valerius Maximus (i. 2. 1). See A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 366; id. “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 283 sq.; and as to the root aeg see O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Atertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), p. 164.

545.Festus, s.v. “Querquetulanae,” pp. 260, 261, ed. C. O. MÜller.

546.See below, p. 380.

547.Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 466.

548.Tacitus, Annals, ii. 54; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 232; Pausanias, ix. 2. 11, x. 24. 7; Lucian, Bis accusatus, 1.

549.See above, vol. i. p. 18.

550.See above, pp. 130 sqq.

551.The first, I believe, to point out a parallelism in detail between Rome and Aricia was Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xvii. (1902) pp. 376 sqq.); but from the similarity he inferred the humanity of the Arician priests rather than the divinity of the Roman kings. A fuller consideration of all the evidence has since led him, rightly as I conceive, to reverse the inference. See his articles “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” The Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 360-375; “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 260-332. In the first and second editions of this work I had suggested that the regifugium at Rome may have been a relic of a rule of succession to the throne like that which obtained at Nemi. The following discussion of the religious position of the old Latin kings owes much to Mr. Cook’s sagacity and learning, of which he freely imparted to me.

552.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iii. 61 sq., iv. 74, v. 35; B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, ii. 36; Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, New Edition (London, 1894), i. 83; A. J. H. Greenidge, Roman Public Life (London, 1901), pp. 44 sq. But Mommsen, while he held that the costume of a Roman god and of the Roman king was the same, denied that the king personated the god. A truer historical insight is displayed by K. O. MÜller in his treatment of the subject (Die Etrusker, Stuttgart, 1877, i. 348 sq.). For a discussion of the evidence see Th. Mommsen, RÖmisches Staatsrecht, 3rd Ed., i. 372 sq., ii. 5 sq.; J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 566 sq., iii. 2nd Ed., 507 sq.; id., Privatleben der RÖmer, 2nd Ed., 542 sq.; K. O. MÜller, op. cit. i. 344-350, ii. 198-200; Aust, s.v. “Juppiter,” in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 633, 725-728. Among the chief passages of ancient authors on the subject are Dionysius Halicarnasensis, ll.cc.; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 220; Diodorus Siculus, v. 40; Appian, Pun. 66; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 8 and 21; Livy, i. 8. 1 sq., v. 23. 4 sq., v. 41. 2, x. 7. 9 sq.; Florus, i. 5. 6; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 195, xv. 127, 130, 137, xxxiii. 11. 111 sq.; Juvenal, x. 36-43; Ovid, Ex Ponto, ii. 57 sq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 6. 7-9; Servius on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 22, x. 27; Ael. Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 40. 8; Jul. Capitolinus, Gordiani tres, 4. 4; Aulus Gellius, v. 6. 5-7; Tertullian, De corona militis, 13. The fullest descriptions of a Roman triumph are those of Appian and Zonaras (vii. 21).

553.Camillus triumphed in a chariot drawn by white horses like the sacred white horses of Jupiter and the Sun. His Republican contemporaries were offended at what they regarded as a too close imitation of the gods (Livy, v. 23. 5 sq.; Plutarch, Camillus, 7; Dio Cassius, lii. 13); but the Roman emperors followed his example, or perhaps revived the old custom of the kings. See Dio Cassius, xliii. 14; Suetonius, Nero, 25; Pliny, Panegyric, 22; Propertius, v. 1. 32; Ovid, Ars amat. i. 214. On the sanctity of white horses among various branches of the Aryan stock, see J. von Negelein, “Die volksthÜmliche Bedeutung der weissen Farbe,” Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, xxxiii. (1901) pp. 62-66; W. Ridgeway, The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 105, 186, 187, 294, 295, 419. As to the horses of the Sun, see above, vol. i. pp. 315 sq.

554.Tertullian, De corona militis, 13, “Coronant et publicos ordines laureis publicae causae magistratus vero insuper aureis. Praeferuntur etiam illis Hetruscae. Hoc vocabulum est coronarum, quas gemmis et foliis ex auro quercinis ob Jovem insignes ad deducendas thensas cum palmatis togis sumunt.” The thensae were the sacred cars in which the images of the gods were carried at the procession of the Circensian games (see W. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd Ed., s.v.). That the Etruscan crown described by Tertullian was the golden crown held by a slave over the head of a general on his triumph may be inferred from Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 11, “Vulgoque sic triumphabant, et cum corona ex auro Etrusca sustineretur a tergo, anulus tamen in digito ferreus erat aeque triumphantis et servi fortasse coronam sustinentis.” Compare Zonaras, Annal. vii. 21; Juvenal, x. 38 sqq. Mommsen says that the triumphal golden crown was made in the shape of laurel leaves (RÖmisches Staatsrecht, i. 3rd Ed., 427); but none of the ancient authors cited by him appears to affirm this, with the exception of Aulus Gellius (v. 6. 5-7, “Triumphales coronae sunt aureae, quae imperatoribus ob honorem triumphi mittuntur. Id vulgo dicitur aurum coronarium. Haec antiquitus e lauru erant, post fieri ex aura coeptae”). Gellius may have confused the wreath of real laurel which the general wore on his head (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 127, 130, 137) with the golden crown which was held over him by a slave. The two crowns are clearly distinguished by Zonaras (l.c.), though he does not describe the shape of the golden crown. Thus there is no good ground for rejecting the express testimony of Tertullian that the golden crown was shaped like oak-leaves. This seems to have been Mommsen’s own earlier opinion, since he mentions “a chaplet of oaken leaves in gold” as part of the insignia of the Roman kings (Roman History, London, 1894, i. 83).

555.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 111 sq.; Servius on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 22, x. 27.

556.Pausanias, ii. 2. 6, vii. 26. 11, viii. 39. 6. For other examples of idols painted red see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.

557.For instances see Fr. Kunstmann, “Valentin Ferdinand’s Beschreibung der Serra Leoa,” Abhandlungen d. histor. Classe d. kÖn. Bayer. Akademie d. Wissenschaften, ix. (Munich, 1866) p. 131; J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale (Paris, 1732), i. 250; Gmelin, Reise durch Sibirien, ii. 476; “Ueber den religiÖsen Glauben und die Ceremonien der heidnischen Samojeden im Kreise Mesen,” Zeitschrift fÜr allgemeine Erdkunde, N.F. viii. (1860) p. 59; E. Rae, The White Sea Peninsula, p. 150; J. B. MÜller, “Les Moeurs et usages des Ostiackes,” Recueil de voiages au Nord, viii. (Amsterdam, 1727) pp. 414 sq.; Delamare, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xii. (1840) p. 482; Sahagun, Histoire gÉnÉrale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne (Paris, 1880), p. 185; J. de Velasco, Histoire du royaume de Quito, p. 121 (Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, relations et mÉmoires, xviii., Paris, 1840); E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. 374 n. 1; F. B. Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion (London, 1896), p. 158. Often we are merely told that the blood is smeared or sprinkled on the image. See A. B. Ellis, Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 42, 79; id., Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 102, 106; A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, British Nigeria (London, 1902), p. 255; Fr. Kramer, “Der GÖtzendienst der Niasser,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxiii. (1890) p. 496. For more examples see my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 6.

559.Livy, i. 10. 4 sqq.

560.Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 92.

561.Ovid, Tristia, iii. 31 sqq.

562.Dio Cassius, liii. 19.

563.Ovid, Fasti, i. 607 sqq., iv. 953 sq. Tiberius refused a similar honour (Suetonius, Tiberius, 26); but Domitian seems to have accepted it (Martial, viii. 82. 7). Two statues of Claudius, one in the Vatican, the other in the Lateran Museum, represent the emperor as Jupiter wearing the oak crown (W. Helbig, FÜhrer durch die Öffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer AltertÜmer in Rom, 2nd Ed., i. Nos. 312, 673).

564.Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, viii. No. 6981.

565.J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, Besonderer Theil, i. 232 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, i. 107 sq.

566.See above, vol. i. p. 310.

567.Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 6. For this and the two following passages of Tzetzes I am indebted to Mr. A. B. Cook. See further his articles, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xvii. (1903) p. 409; “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 299 sqq.

568.H. Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum, s.vv. as??e??, d??t?ef??, and ?e???.

569.J. Tzetzes, Antehomerica, 102 sq.:

id., Chiliades, i. 474:

570.Polybius, vi. 53 sq.

571.As to the situation, see Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 66; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 582 sq.

572.Virgil, Aen. vi. 772. I have to thank Mr. A. B. Cook for directing my attention to the Alban kings and their interesting legends. See his articles “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 363 sq.; “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 285 sqq.

573.Virgil, Aen. vi. 760 sqq., with the commentary of Servius; Livy, i. 3. 6 sqq.; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 609 sqq.; id., Fasti, iv. 39 sqq.; Festus, s.v. “Silvi,” p. 340, ed. C. O. MÜller; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 15-17; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 70; Diodorus Siculus, in Eusebius, Chronic. i. coll. 285, 287, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 3b, vol. ii. pp. 110-112, ed. L. Dindorf (Teubner edition); Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, i. 21. As to the derivation of the name Julus, see Aurelius Victor, op. cit. 15, “Igitur Latini Ascanium ob insignem virtutem non solum Jove ortum crediderunt, sed etiam per diminutionem, declinato paululum nomine, primo Jobum, dein postea Julum appellarant”; also Steuding, in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon d. griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. 574. Compare W. M. Lindsay, The Latin Language (Oxford, 1894), p. 250. According to Diodorus, the priesthood bestowed on Julus was the pontificate; but the name Julus or Little Jupiter suggests that the office was rather that of Flamen Dialis, who was a sort of living embodiment of Jupiter (see below, pp. 191 sq.), and whose name of Dialis is derived from the same root as Julus. On the Julii and their relation to Vejovis see R. H. Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, ii. 1059 sqq.

574.See above, p. 1, and vol. i. p. 44.

575.Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. No. 2387; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 263 sq. On Vejovis as the Little Jupiter see Festus, s.v. “Vesculi,” p. 379, “Ve enim syllabam rei parvae praeponebant, unde Veiovem parvum Iovem et vegrandem fabam minutam dicebant”; also Ovid, Fasti, iii. 429-448. At Rome the sanctuary of Vejovis was on the saddle between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill (Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 1 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 429 sq.); thus he appropriately dwelt on the same hill as the Great Jupiter, but lower down the slope. On coins of the Gargilian, Ogulnian and Vergilian houses Vejovis is represented by a youthful beardless head, crowned with oak. See E. Babelon, Monnaies de la RÉpublique Romaine, i. 532, ii. 266, 529. On other Republican coins his head is crowned with laurel. See E. Babelon, op. cit. i. 77, 505-508, ii. 6, 8. Circensian games were held at Bovillae in honour of the Julian family, and Tiberius dedicated a chapel to them there. See Tacitus, Annals, ii. 41, xv. 23.

576.Festus, s.v. “Caesar,” p. 57, ed. C. O. MÜller. Other but less probable explanations of the name are suggested by Aelius Spartianus (Helius, ii. 3 sq.).

577.As to the Frankish kings see Agathias, Hist. i. 3; J. Grimm, Deutsche RechtsalterthÜmer, pp. 239 sqq.; The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 368 sq.

578.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 71; Diodorus Siculus, in Eusebius, Chronic. bk. i. coll. 287, 289, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 4, ed. L. Dindorf; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 1; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 18; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 616-618; id., Fasti, iv. 50; Livy, i. 3. 9. The king is called Romulus by Livy, Remulus by Ovid, Aremulus by Aurelius Victor, Amulius by Zonaras, Amulius or Arramulius by Diodorus, and Allodius by Dionysius. A tale of a city submerged in the Alban lake is still current in the neighbourhood. See the English translators’ note to Niebuhr’s History of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 200. Similar stories are told in many lands. See my note on Pausanias, vii. 24. 6.

579.See above, vol. i. p. 310.

580.See above, vol. i. pp. 342 sqq.

581.Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 140, xxviii. 13 sq. Other writers speak only of Numa’s skill in expiating the prodigy or evil omen of thunderbolts. See Livy, i. 20. 7; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 285-348; Plutarch, Numa, 15; Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 1-4.

582.See above, vol. i. pp. 248, 251.

583.Apollodorus, i. 9. 7; Virgil, Aen. vi. 592 sqq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 140, xxviii. 14 (referring to the first book of L. Piso’s Annals); Livy, i. 31. 8; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, 4; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 6. According to another account Tullus Hostilius was murdered by his successor Ancus Martius during a violent storm (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iii. 35; Zonaras, l.c.).

584.Livy, i. 2. 6; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 598-608; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 56; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 64; Servius on Virgil, Aen. i. 259; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 14. Only the last writer mentions the thunderstorm.

585.Livy, i. 16; Cicero, De legibus, i. 1. 3; id., De re publica, i. 16. 25, ii. 10. 20; Ovid, Fasti, ii. 475-512; Plutarch, Romulus, 27 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 56 and 63; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 4; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, 2; Florus, Epitoma, i. 1. 16-18. From Cicero (De legibus, i. 1. 3) we learn that the apparition of Romulus to Proculus Julius took place near the spot where the house of Atticus afterwards stood, and from Cornelius Nepos (Atticus, 13. 2) we know that Atticus had an agreeable villa and shady garden on the Quirinal. As to the temple of Quirinus see also Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 51; Festus, pp. 254, 255, ed. C. O. MÜller; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xv. 120. As to the site of the temple and the question whether it was identical with the temple dedicated by L. Papirius Cursor in 293 B.C. (Livy, x. 46. 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 213) see O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., pp. 286 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Munich, 1904), pp. 144 sqq.

586.See A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 368 sq.; id. “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) p. 281. But a serious argument against the proposed derivation of Quirinus from quercus is that, as I am informed by my learned philological friend the Rev. Prof. J. H. Moulton, it is inconsistent with the much more probable derivation of Perkunas from quercus. See below, p. 367, note 3.

587.See above, vol. i. pp. 262 sqq.

588.J. I. Molina, Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili (London, 1809), ii. 92 sq. The savage Conibos of the Ucayali river in eastern Peru imagine that thunder is the voice of the dead (W. Smyth and F. Lowe, Journey from Lima to Para, London, 1836, p. 240); and among them when parents who have lost a child within three months hear thunder, they go and dance on the grave, howling turn about (De St. Cricq, “Voyage du PÉrou au BrÉsil,” Bulletin de la SociÉtÉ de GÉographie, ivme sÉrie, vi., Paris, 1853, p. 294). The Yuracares of eastern Peru threaten the thunder-god with their arrows and defy him when he thunders (A. D’Orbigny, L’Homme amÉricain, i. 365), just as the Thracians did of old (Herodotus, iv. 94). So the Kayans of Borneo, on hearing a peal of thunder, have been seen to grasp their swords for the purpose of keeping off the demon who causes it (A. W. Nieuwenhuis, In Centraal Borneo, i. 140 sq., 146 sq.).

589.See above, vol. i. p. 310; and for the connexion of the rite with Jupiter Elicius see O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, ii. 154 sq.; Aust, in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und rÖm. Mythologie, ii. 657 sq. As to the connexion of Jupiter with the rain-making ceremony (aquaelicium), the combined evidence of Petronius (Sat. 44) and Tertullian (Apologeticus, 40) seems to me conclusive.

590.Ovid, Fasti, i. 637 sq., vi. 183 sqq.; Livy, vii. 28. 4 sq.; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 45. 101; Solinus, i. 21. Although the temple was not dedicated until 344 B.C., the worship of the goddess of the hill appears to have been very ancient. See H. Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 2, pp. 109 sq.; W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 592 sq.

591.Livy, i. 8. 5; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 430; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 15.

592.Virgil, Aen. viii. 314-318, 347-354.

593.Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 92.

594.Livy, i. 10. 5.

595.Mons Querquetulanus; see Tacitus, Annals, iv. 65.

596.A monument found at Rome represents Jupiter beside an oak, and underneath is the dedication: Jovi Caelio. See H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 3080.

597.Porta Querquetulana or Querquetularia; see Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 37; Festus, pp. 260, 261, ed. C. O. MÜller.

598.Festus, ll.cc.; Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 49.

599.E. Babelon, Monnaies de la RÉpublique Romaine, i. 99 sq.

600.Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 49, where, however, “alii ab aesculetis” is a conjecture of C. O. MÜller’s. I do not know what authority O. Richter has for reading aesculis consitae (“planted with oaks”) for excultae in this passage (Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., p. 302, n. 4). Modern topographers prefer to derive the name from ex-colere in the sense of “the hill outside the city” (O. Richter, l.c.; O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 166 sq.).

601.See above, p. 182.

602.Ovid, Fasti, iii. 295 sq.

603.See above, vol. i. p. 18; and for the identification, O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, ii. 152 sqq.; A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 366.

604. Cicero, De divinatione, i. 45, 101.

605.G. Boni, in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, pp. 161, 172; id., Aedes Vestae, p. 14 (extract from the Nuova Antologia, 1st August 1900). Copies of these and other papers containing Commendatore Boni’s account of his memorable excavations and discoveries were kindly given me by him during my stay in Rome in the winter of 1900-1901. That the fire in question was a sacrificial one is proved by the bones, potsherds, and rude copper money found among the ashes. Commend. Boni thinks that the charred remains of the wood prove that the fire was extinguished, probably by libations, and that therefore it cannot have been the perpetual holy fire of Vesta, which would have burned up completely all the fuel. But a new fire was annually lit on the first of March (Ovid, Fasti, iii. 143 sq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 6), which may imply that the old fire was ceremonially extinguished, as often happens in such cases.

606.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 37.

607.O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., p. 211.

608.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 237. The inscription was probably not in the Etruscan language, but only in an archaic alphabet like that employed in the inscription on the pyramidal stone which has been found under the Black Stone in the Forum.

609.G. Boni, “Bimbi Romulei,” Nuova Antologia, 16th February 1904, pp. 5 sqq. (separate reprint); E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum (London, 1904), p. 150.

610.Festus, s.v. “Oscillantes,” p. 194, ed. C. O. MÜller.

611.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iv. 49; A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 341; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 580. It is to be observed that Dionysius does not here speak of the dedication of a temple to Jupiter; when he describes the foundation of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter by Tarquin (iv. 59 and 61) his language is quite different. The monastery, founded in 1777 by Cardinal York, the last of the Stuarts, has now been converted into a meteorological station and an inn (K. Baedeker, Central Italy and Rome, 13th Ed., p. 400). It is fitting enough that the atmospheric phenomena should be observed by modern science on the spot where they were worshipped by ancient piety.

612.Livy, i. 31. 3.

613.According to tradition, the future site of Alba Longa was marked out by a white sow and her litter, which were found lying under evergreen oaks (Virgil, Aen. viii. 43), as Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out (Classical Review, xviii. 363). The tradition seems to shew that the neighbourhood of the city was wooded with oaks.

614.See below, p. 380.

615.Querquetulani. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 69; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. v. 61. As to the white bulls sacrificed at the great Latin festival and partaken of by the members of the League, see Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 68; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 49. Compare Cicero, Pro Plancio, ix. 23; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 25.

616.Theophrastus, Histor. plant. v. 8. 3.

617.Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 68; Livy, xxii. 10. 7; Ovid, Ex Ponto, iv. 4. 31; Servius on Virgil, Georg. ii. 146; Horace, Carmen Saeculare, 49.

618.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 250 sq.

619.“Italic and Keltic are so closely bound together by important phonetic and morphological affinities that they are sometimes spoken of as one branch” of Aryan speech (J. H. Moulton, Two Lectures on the Science of Language, Cambridge, 1903, p. 6, note). “The connection of the Celtic and Italic languages is structural. It is much deeper than that of Celts and Teutons, and goes back to an earlier epoch. Celts and Latins must have dwelt together as an undivided people in the valley of the Danube, and it must have been at a much later time—after the Umbrians and Latins had crossed the Alps—that the contact of Celts and Teutons came about” (Isaac Taylor, The Origin of the Aryans, p. 192; compare id. p. 257). See also P. Giles, Manual of Comparative Philology 2nd Ed., (London, 1901), p. 26.

620.Livy, xlii. 7. 1, xlv. 15. 10. Compare Dio Cassius, xxxix. 20. 1. The temple on the Alban Mount was dedicated in 168 B.C., but the worship was doubtless far older.

621.See above, pp. 176, 184.

622.Strabo, vii. 7. 12, p. 329; Hyperides, Or. iii. coll. 35-37, pp. 43 sq., ed. Blass; G. Curtius, Griech. Etymologie, 5th Ed., p. 236; W. H. Roscher, Juno und Hera (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 17 sq.; id., Lexikon d. griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 576, 578 sq. See below, p. 381.

623.See above, pp. 140 sqq.

624.W. H. Roscher, Juno und Hera, pp. 64 sqq.; id., Lexikon d. griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. 575 sq., 591 sqq. At Falerii the image of Juno was annually carried in procession from her sacred grove, and in some respects the ceremony resembled a marriage procession (Ovid, Amores, iii. 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 21). The name of June was Junius at Rome, Junonius at Aricia, Laurentum and Lavinia, and Junonalis at Tibur and Praeneste (Ovid, Fasti, vi. 59-63; Macrobius, Sat. i. 12. 30). The forms Junonius and Junonalis are recognised by Festus (p. 103, ed. C. O. MÜller). Their existence among the Latins seems to render the derivation of Junius from Juno quite certain, though that derivation is doubted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, pp. 99 sq.).

625.Ovid, Fasti, vi. 101-168; Macrobius, Sat. i. 12. 31-33; Tertullian, Ad nationes, ii. 9; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, p. 390, ed. L. Quicherat. There was a sacred beechen grove of Diana on a hill called Corne near Tusculum (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 242). But Corne has probably no connection with Carna. The grove of Helernus was crowded with worshippers on the first of February (Ovid, Fasti, ii. 67, where Helerni is a conjectural emendation for Averni or Asyli). Nothing else is known about Helernus, unless with Merkel (in his edition of Ovid’s Fasti, pp. cxlviii. sq.) we read Elerno for Eterno in Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. MÜller. In that case it would seem that black oxen were sacrificed to him. From the association of Carna with Janus it was inferred by Merkel (l.c.) that the grove of Helernus stood on or near the Janiculum, where there was a grove of oaks (see above, p. 186). But the language of Ovid (Fasti, ii. 67) points rather to the mouth of the Tiber.

626.See above, p. 185.

627.Ovid, Fasti, vi. 129-168. A Roman bride on the way to her husband’s house was preceded by a boy bearing a torch of buckthorn (spina alba, Festus, s.v. “Patrimi,” p. 245, ed. C. O. MÜller; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, s.v. “Fax,” p. 116, ed. L. Quicherat). The intention probably was to defend her from enchantment and evil spirits. Branches of buckthorn were also thought to protect a house against thunderbolts (Columella, De re rustica, x. 346 sq.).

628.See above, p. 54.

629.Dioscorides, De arte medica, i. 119.

630.Scholiast on Nicander, Theriaca, 861.

631.Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum, iv. 54-57.

632.See above, p. 143.

633.Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 111 e???? ?? ??? ?st? ?a? t?? ?e??a t?? ???? ?spe? ?????? ?a? ?e??? ??a?a ?ataf????? ??e?s?a? t??? de??????; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 201; F. B. Jevons, Plutarch’s Romane Questions, p. lxxiii.; C. Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquitÉs grecques et romaines, ii. 1156 sqq.

634.Cicero, De re publica, iii. 13. 22; Virgil, Aen. x. 112; Horace, Sat. ii. 1. 42 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 37; Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 6. 7; Livy, v. 21. 2, v. 23. 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 115; Flavius Vopiscus, Probus, xii. 7; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 205, 284; W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. rÖm. Mythologie, ii. 600 sqq.

635.See above, pp. 179 sq.

636.Cicero, Philippics, ii. 43. 110; Suetonius, Divus Julius, 76; Dio Cassius, xliv. 6. The coincidence has been pointed out by Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xviii. 371).

637.Livy, i. 20. 1 sq.

638.Numa was not the only Roman king who is said to have enjoyed the favours of a goddess. Romulus was married to Hersilia, who seems to have been a Sabine goddess. Ovid tells us how, when the dead Romulus had been raised to the rank of a god under the name of Quirinus, his widow Hersilia was deified as his consort. Thus, if Quirinus was a Sabine oak-god, his wife would be an oak-goddess, like Egeria. See Ovid, Metam. xiv. 829-851. Compare Livy, i. 11. 2; Plutarch, Numa, 14. On Hersilia as a goddess see A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 478, note 10; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 372. Again, of King Servius Tullius we read how the goddess Fortuna, smitten with love of him, used to enter his house nightly by a window. See Ovid, Fasti, vi. 569 sqq.; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 36; id., De fortuna Romanorum, 10. However, the origin and nature of Fortuna are too obscure to allow us to base any conclusions on this legend. For various more or less conjectural explanations of the goddess see W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, pp. 161-172.

639.Plutarch, De fortuna Romanorum, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iv. 1 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 627-636; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 241, xxxvi. 204; Livy, i. 39; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 683; Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 18. According to the Etruscan annals, Servius Tullius was an Etruscan by name Mastarna, who came to Rome with his friend Caeles Vibenna, and, changing his name, obtained the kingdom. This was stated by the Emperor Claudius in a speech of which fragments are engraved on a bronze tablet found at Lyons. See Tacitus, Annals, ed. Orelli, 2nd Ed., p. 342. As the emperor wrote a history of Etruria in twenty books (Suetonius, Divus Claudius, 42) he probably had some authority for the statement, and the historical, or at least legendary, character of Mastarna and Caeles Vibenna is vouched for by a painting inscribed with their names, which was found in 1857 in an Etruscan tomb at Vulci. See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 3rd Ed., ii. 506 sq. But from this it by no means follows that the identification of Mastarna with Servius Tullius was correct. Schwegler preferred the Roman to the Etruscan tradition (RÖmische Geschichte, i. 720 sq.), and so, after long hesitation, did Niebuhr (History of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 380 sqq.). It is fair to add that both these historians wrote before the discovery of the tomb at Vulci.

640.A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 715; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 344.

641.Plutarch, Romulus, 2.

642.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 76 sq.; Livy, i. 3 sq.; Plutarch, Romulus, 3; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 1; Justin, xliii. 2. 1-3.

643.Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 678.

644.Virgil, Aen. vii. 343.

645.Aulus Gellius, i. 12, 14 and 19. Compare L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii, 161, 344. There was a very ancient worship of Vesta at Lavinium, the city named after Amata’s daughter Lavinia, the ancestress of the Alban kings. See above, vol. i. p. 14.

646.Virgil, Aen. vii. 71-77.

647.Virgil, Aen. ii. 680-686. We may compare the halo with which the vainglorious and rascally artist of genius, Benvenuto Cellini, declared his head to be encircled. “Ever since the time of my strange vision until now,” says he, “an aureole of glory (marvellous to relate) has rested on my head. This is visible to every sort of men to whom I have chosen to point it out; but those have been very few. This halo can be observed above my shadow in the morning from the rising of the sun for about two hours, and far better when the grass is drenched with dew. It is also visible at evening about sunset. I became aware of it in France at Paris; for the air in those parts is so much freer from mist, that one can see it there far better manifested than in Italy, mists being far more frequent among us.” See The Life of Benvenuto Cellini, translated by J. Addington Symonds 3rd Ed., (London, 1889), pp. 279 sq.

648.See above, pp. 131 sqq.

649.A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, p. 60. See above, pp. 149 sq.

650.See below, p. 229.

651.Apollodorus iii. 14. 6; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 547; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, v. 669 sq.; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 12.

652.Pausanias i. 26. 6 sq.; Strabo ix. 1. 16, p. 396; Plutarch, Numa, 9; id., Sulla, 13. As to the identity of Erechtheus and Erichthonius see my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 2 (vol. ii. p. 169).

654.The theory was formerly advocated by me (Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 154 sqq.) As to the duties of the Vestals see J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 342 sqq.

655.This explanation was first, so far as I know, given by me in my Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship (London, 1905), p. 221. It has since been adopted by Mr. E. Fehrle (Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum, Giessen, 1910, pp. 210 sqq.).

656.Aulus Gellius, xiv. 7. 7. Compare Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 153, ix. 4.

657.Ovid, Fasti, vi. 261 sq.

658.Festus, s.v. “penus,” p. 250, ed. C. O. MÜller, where for saepius we must obviously read saeptus.

659.Ovid, Fasti, i. 199, iii. 183 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 79. 11. For the situation of the hut see also Plutarch, Romulus, 20.

660.Conon, Narrationes, 48; Vitruvius, ii. 1. 5, p. 35, ed. Rose and MÜller-StrÜbing; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 15. 10. Compare Virgil, Aen. viii. 653 sq. As to the two huts on the Palatine and the Capitol see A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 394; L. Jahn on Macrobius, l.c.

661.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 66; Plutarch, Numa, 11 and 14; Solinus, i. 21; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 263 sqq.; id., Tristia, iii. 1. 29 sq.; Tacitus, Annals, xv. 41.

662.Servius on Virgil, Aen. viii. 363. Festus, however, distinguishes the old royal palace (Regia) from the house of the King of the Sacred Rites (s.v. “Sacram viam,” pp. 290, 293, ed. C. O. MÜller). In classical times the Regia was the residence or office of the Pontifex Maximus; but we can hardly doubt that formerly it was the house of the Rex Sacrorum. See O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 225, 235 sq., 341, 344. As to the existing remains of the Regia, the temple of Vesta, and the house of the Vestals, see O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., pp. 88 sqq.; Ch. Huelsen, Die Ausgrabungen auf dem Forum Romanum 2nd Ed., (Rome, 1903), pp. 62 sqq., 88 sqq.; Mrs. E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum (London, 1904), pp. 26 sqq.

663.Dio Cassius, liv. 27, who tells us that Augustus annexed the house of the King of the Sacred Rites to the house of the Vestals, on which it abutted.

664.Many such phenomena are noted by Julius Obsequens in his book of prodigies, appended to W. Weissenborn’s edition of Livy, vol. x. 2, pp. 193 sqq. (Berlin, 1881).

665.W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, pp. 50-55; E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, pp. 30, 152, 154. For pictures of these hut-urns see G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 191, fig. 52; id., in Nuova Antologia, August 1900, p. 22.

666.Valerius Maximus, iv. 4. 11; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 310; Acron on Horace, Odes, i. 31, quoted by G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 179; Cicero, Paradoxa, i. 2; id., De natura deorum, iii. 17. 43; Persius, Sat. ii. 59 sq.; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 342 sqq.

667.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 23. On earthenware vessels used in religious rites see also Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 108, “In sacris quidem etiam inter has opes hodie non murrinis crystallinisve, sed fictilibus prolibatur simpulis”; Apuleius, De magia, 18, “Eadem paupertas etiam populo Romano imperium a primordio fundavit, proque eo in hodiernum diis immortalibus simpuvio et catino fictili sacrificat.”

668.G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 179; E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, pp. 23 sq., 41.

669.W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, pp. 82 sqq.

670.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvii. 21 sq.

671.G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26, 30; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 5039; J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 456.

672.W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, p. 87.

673.G. Wilmanns, Exempla inscriptionum Latinarum, Nos. 311, 986, 1326, 1331; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 456, 3314, 4926, 4933, 4936, 4942, 4943. Modern writers, following Varro (De lingua Latina, vii. 44, “fictores dicti a fingendis libis”), explain these fictores as bakers of sacred cakes. See Ch. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, pp. 1084 sq.; J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 249. They may be right, but it is to be observed that Varro does not expressly refer to the fictores of the Vestals and Pontiffs, and further, that in Latin fictor commonly means a potter, not a baker, for which the regular word is pistor.

674.A. d’Orbigny, Voyage dans l’AmÉrique MÉridionale, iii. (Paris and Strasburg, 1844) p. 194. Much of d’Orbigny’s valuable information as to this tribe was drawn from the manuscript of Father Lacueva, a Spanish Franciscan monk of wealthy family and saint-like character, who spent eighteen or twenty years among the Yuracares in a vain attempt to convert them. With regard to the crops mentioned in the text, these savages plant banana-trees, manioc, sugar-cane, and vegetables round about their huts, which they erect in clearings of the forest. See d’Orbigny, op. cit. iii. 196 sq.

675.H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,” Revue d’Ethnographie et de Sociologie, i. (1910), p. 147.

676.Columella, De re rustica, xii. 4. 2 sq.

677.Cicero, De natura deorum, ii. 27. 68.

678.Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 211.

679.Horace, Epodes, ii. 65 sq.; Martial, iii. 58. 3 sq.; L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 105 sqq., 155 sqq. See also A. De-Marchi, Il Culto privato di Roma antica, i. (Milan, 1896) p. 67, with plate iii.

680.Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 4. 11; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der RÖmer, pp. 145 sq.

681.Festus, s.v. “penus,” pp. 250, 251, ed. C. O. MÜller; Tacitus, Annals, xv. 41; J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 252 sq.

682.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 66; Livy, xxvi. 27. 14; J. Marquardt, op. cit. iii. 2nd Ed., 250 sq.

683.Festus, s.v. “Ignis,” p. 106, ed. C. O. MÜller: “Ignis Vestae si quando interstinctus esset, virgines verberibus afficiebantur a pontifice, quibus mos erat tabulam felicis materiae tamdiu terebrare, quousque exceptum ignem cribro aeneo virgo in aedem ferret.” In this passage it is not clear whether quibus refers to the virgins alone or to the virgins and the pontiff together; but the strict grammatical construction is in favour of the latter interpretation. The point is not unimportant, as we shall see presently. From a passage of Plutarch (Numa, 9) it has sometimes been inferred that the Vestal fire was rekindled by sunlight reflected from a burning-glass. But in this passage Plutarch is describing a Greek, not a Roman, mode of making fire, as has been rightly pointed out by Professor M. H. Morgan (“De ignis eliciendi modis apud antiquos,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, i. (1890) pp. 56 sqq.). In this memoir Professor Morgan has collected and discussed the passages of Greek and Latin writers which refer to the kindling of fire.

684.See E. B. Tylor, Early History of Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp. 238 sqq. More evidence might easily be given. See, for example, J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, pp. 15 sq.; C. Lumholtz, Among Cannibals, p. 191; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 770-773; Maximilian Prinz zu Wied-Newied, Reise nach Brasilien, ii. 18 sq.; E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, pp. 257-259; K. von den Steinen, Unter den NaturvÖlkern Zentral-Brasiliens, pp. 223 sqq.; H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, i. 375 sqq.; A. Maass, Bei liebenswÜrdigen Wilden, ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Mentawai-Insulaner (Berlin, 1902), pp. 114, 116; Mgr. Le Roy, “Les PygmÉes,” Missions Catholiques, xxix. (1897), p. 137; E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), pp. 464-470; W. A. Reed, Negritos of Zambales (Manila, 1904), p. 40.

685.J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” pp. 203, 205 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. i. part 4).

686.J. Walter Fewkes, “The Lesser New-fire Ceremony at Walpi,” American Anthropologist, N.S. iii. (1901) p. 445.

687.Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 621.

688.For this information I am indebted to Mr. S. H. Ray.

689.G. Jacob, Altarabisches Beduineneben 2nd Ed., (Berlin, 1897), p. 91. In his Arabic-English Lexicon, book i. p. 1257, E. W. Lane gives the following account of the subject: “zand, a piece of stick or wood, for producing fire; the upper one of the two pieces of stick, or wood, with which fire is produced: ... and zanda is the appellation of the lower one thereof, in which is the notch or hollow, or in which is a hole.... One end of the zand is put into the fard (notch) of the zanda, and the zand is then rapidly twirled round in producing fire.... The best kind of zand is made of ’afar and the best kind of zanda of markh.” It will be observed that the two writers differ as to markh wood, Jacob saying that it is used to make the upright (male) stick, and Lane that it is used to make the horizontal (female) stick. My learned friend Professor A. A. Bevan, who directed my attention to both passages and transliterated for me the Arabic words in Lane, has kindly consulted the original authorities on this point and informs me that Lane is right.

690.L. Concradt, “Die Ngumbu in SÜdkamerun,” Globus, lxxxi, (1902) p. 354.

691.A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 342.

692.A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 85.

693.Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.

694.J. Macdonald, Light in Africa 2nd Ed., (London, 1890), pp. 216 sq.

695.Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 51 sq.

696.J. Irle, Die Herero (GÜtersloh, 1906), pp. 49 sqq., 53 sqq. Compare Josaphat Hahn, “Die Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde zu Berlin, iv. (1869) pp. 227 sqq.; H. Schinz, Deutsch-SÜdwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 142 sq.; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero (Berlin, 1906), pp. 1 sqq. The people call themselves Ovaherero (plural); the singular form is Omuherero. The name Damaras was given them by the English and Dutch. Under the influence of the missionaries most of the heathen customs described in the text seem now to have disappeared. See P. H. Brincker, “Character, Sitten, und GebrÄuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-SÜdwest-afrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 72.

697.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami (London, 1856), p. 230; J. Chapman, Travels in the Interior of South Africa (London, 1868), i. 325; J. Hahn, “Die Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde zu Berlin, iv. (1869) pp. 244-247, 250; C. J. BÜttner, Das Hinterland von Walfischbai und Angra Pequena (Heidelberg, 1884), pp. 228 sq.; H. Schinz, Deutsch-SÜdwest-Afrika, pp. 158-161; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 32 sqq., 113.

698.Francis Galton, Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa 3rd Ed., (London, 1890), p. 116; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869), p. 247; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 155; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 111 sq.

699.H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 159.

700.H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 155-157; compare J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 499; J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 78; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, pp. 4 sq. At first sight Dr. Schinz’s account appears to differ slightly from that given by the Rev. G. Viehe, who says: “In the werfts of the Ovaherero, the houses of the chief are on the eastern side. Next to these, towards the west, follow, one after another, the holy house (otyizero), the place of the holy fire (okuruo), and the kraal [i.e. the calves’ pen] (otyunda); thus the otyizero is on the east, and the otyunda on the west side of the okuruo” (“Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” South African Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 62). But it seems clear that by the chief’s house Mr. Viehe means what Dr. Schinz calls the house of the great wife; and that what Mr. Viehe calls the holy house is the open space between the sacred hearth and the house of the great wife or chief. That space is described as the holy ground by Dr. Schinz, who uses that phrase (“der geweihte Boden”) as the equivalent of the native otyizero. Thus the two writers are in substantial agreement with each other. On the other hand Dr. C. H. Hahn gives the name of otyizero or sacred house to “the chief house of the chief, in front of which is the place of the holy fire.” He adds that “the chief has several houses, according to the number of wives, each wife having her own hut” (South African Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 62, note 1.) The name otyizero seems to be derived from zera, “sacred,” “taboo.” See G. Viehe, op. cit. pp. 39, 41, 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 63, 65, 105, and the editor’s note, ib. p. 93.

701.H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 155.

702.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 223; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 165.

703.H. Brincker, WÖrterbuch und kurzgefasste Grammatik des Otjiherero (Leipsic, 1886), s.v. “okuruo”; id. “Pyrolatrie in SÜdafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, “Das Recht der Herero,” Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, xiv. (1900) p. 315.

704.J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) pp. 499 sq.; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 84; C. G. BÜttner, “Ueber Handwerke und technische Fertigkeiten der Eingeborenen in Damaraland,” Ausland, 7th July 1884, p. 522; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 75; id., WÖrterbuch des Otjiherero, s.v. “okuruo”; id., “Pyrolatrie in SÜdafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 183; Meyer, l.c.

705.C. J. Andersson, op. cit. p. 223; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, ibid. p. 83, note 4; C. G. BÜttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 165; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 78 sq.; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, p. 5. According to Meyer (l.c.) and E. Dannert (Zum Rechte der Herero, p. 5), if the chief’s eldest daughter marries, the duty of tending the fire passes to his eldest wife. This statement is at variance with all the other testimony on the subject, and for reasons which will appear presently I regard it as improbable. At least it can hardly represent the original custom.

706.Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 84.

707.Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 66; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 168.

708.Francis Galton, op. cit. p. 115.

709.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 223.

710.C. J. Andersson, l.c.; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 167.

711.Virgil, Aen. ii. 717 sqq., 747.

712.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 224; Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 67; C. G. BÜttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 166, 167, 186; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, op. cit. p. 315; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 75 sq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 80; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero (Berlin, 1906), p. 5.

713.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 228 sq.; Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) pp. 61 sq.; C. G. BÜttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 165, 180. The Herero have a curious twofold system of paternal clans (otuzo, plural; oruzo, singular) and maternal clans (omaanda, plural; eanda, singular). Every person inherits an oruzo from his father and an eanda from his mother. See my Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 357 sqq.

714.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 223 sq.; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) pp. 39, 61; C. G. BÜttner, l.c.; H. Brincker, WÖrterbuch des Otji-herero, s.vv. ondume and otjija; id. “Character, Sitten, und GebrÄuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-SÜdwest-afrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 75; id. “Pyrolatrie in SÜdafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January, 1895) p. 96; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 165 sq.; J. Kohler, op. cit. pp. 305, 315; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 79 sq. According to Dr. Schinz, the meaning of the names applied to the fire-sticks has been much disputed; he himself adopts the view given in the text, and supports it by weighty reason which, taken along with analogous designations in many other parts of the world, may be regarded as conclusive. He tells us that otyiza means pudendum muliebre, and this is actually the name of the holed stick according to Mr. Viehe (ll.cc.), though Dr. Schinz gives otyia as the name. I have followed Dr. Brincker in accepting otyiya (otjija) as the correct form of the word. Further, Dr. Schinz derives ondume, the name of the pointed stick, from a verb ruma, meaning “to have intercourse with a woman.” Moreover, he reports that the Ai San Bushmen, near Noihas, in the Kalahari desert, call the vertical fire-stick tau doro and the horizontal fire-stick gai doro, where tau is the masculine prefix and gai the feminine. Finally, a Herero explained to him the significance of the names by referring in an unmistakable manner to the corresponding relations in the animal kingdom. That the two sticks are regarded as male and female is positively affirmed by Mr. Viehe, Mr. Meyer (quoted by J. Kohler), and Dr. Brincker.

715.See above, pp. 213 sq. Mr. G. Viehe says that the omuwapu tree “acts a very important part in almost all the religious ceremonies” of the Herero (op. cit. i. 45). Probably it is only used where the omumborombonga cannot be had.

716.J. Hahn, “Das Land der Herero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde zu Berlin, iii. (1868) pp. 200, 213, 214 sq.; C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 218, 221; id., The Okavango River (London, 1861), pp. 21 sq.; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 182.

717.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 221; Francis Galton, op. cit. p. 115; J. Hahn, op. cit. iii. (1868) p. 215, iv. (1869) p. 498, note; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 92 sq.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 182 sq.; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, op. cit. p. 297; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin (1900), Dritte Abtheilung, p. 73; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 75 sq., 77; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, pp. 3 sq.

718.On the evidence for this migration see J. Chapman, Travels in the Interior of South Africa, i. 325-327; J. Hahn, op. cit. iii. (1868) pp. 227 sqq. As to the physical features and climate of Hereroland, see J. Hahn, “Das Land der Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde zu Berlin, iii. (1868) pp. 193 sqq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 9 sqq., 19 sqq.

719.Pausanias, v. 13. 3, v. 14. 2. On the substitution of the poplar for the oak, see Mr. A. B. Cook in Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 297 sq.

720.Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 64-66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 91; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 183 sq.; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 89 sq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 74, 75, 77. Apparently it is only a powerful or eminent man who becomes an omukuru after his death. Or rather, perhaps, though all dead men become ovakuru, only the strong and brave are feared and worshipped.

721.H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 183.

722.Rev. E. Dannert, “Customs of the Ovaherero at the Birth of a Child,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 66 sq. Compare Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) p. 41; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 168.

723.Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 49 sq.

724.Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. 51.

725.H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 166. Compare J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 77.

726.J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500, note.

727.C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 228 sq. The ceremony is described more fully by the Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 61 sq., from whose account some of the details in the text are borrowed.

728.The distinction is made also by Mr. J. Irle. According to him, while the fire-sticks are called ozondume (plural of ondume), the sticks which represent the ancestors are called ozohongue and are made from the omuvapu bush. In every chief’s house there is a bundle of about twenty of these ancestral sticks. When a chief dies, the sticks are wrapped in a portion of the sacred bull (omusisi) which is slaughtered on this occasion, and a new stick is added to the bundle. At the same time Mr. Irle tells us that the fire-sticks (ozondume) also represent the ancestors and are made like them from the omuvapu bush. See J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 77, 79.

729.Bensen, quoted by J. Kohler, “Das Recht der Herero,” Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, xiv. (1900) p. 305.

730.Rev. G. Viehe, or his editor, op. cit. i. (1879) p. 39. The otyiza (otyiya) is the female fire-stick. See above, p. 218 note 1.

731.Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 61.

732.Ibid. p. 43, compare p. 50.

733.J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 79.

734.I have assumed that the ancestral sticks, whatever their origin, represent only men. This is plainly implied by Dr. Brincker, who tells us that “each of these sticks represents the male member of generation and in the Bantu sense a personality, which stands for the presence of the deceased chief on all festive occasions and especially at religious ceremonies” (“Character, Sitten, und GebrÄuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-SÜdwestafrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars fÜr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 74). In savage society women are of too little account for their ghosts to be commonly worshipped. Speaking of the Bantu peoples, a writer who knows them well observes: “This lack of respect for old women is a part of the natives’ religious system, and is connected with their conception of a future life, in which women play a subordinate part, their spirits not being able to cause much trouble, and therefore not being of much account” (Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 23).

735.W. Jochelson, “The Koryak,” pp. 32-36 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vi., Leyden and New York, 1908).

736.W. Bogaras, “The Chukchee Religion,” pp. 349-353 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vii. part ii., Leyden and New York, 1904).

737.Livy, xxviii. 11. 6 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 67. 5.

738.Ovid, Fasti, vi. 265 sqq.; Festus, p. 262, ed. C. O. MÜller.

739.Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, pp. 11 sq. On the diffusion of the round hut in Africa Sir H. H. Johnston says: “The original form of house throughout all British Central Africa was what the majority of the houses still are—circular and somewhat like a beehive in shape, with round walls of wattle and daub and thatched roof. This style of house is characteristic of (a) all Africa south of the Zambezi; (b) all British Central Africa; as much of the Portuguese provinces of Zambezia and MoÇambique as are not under direct Portuguese or Muhammedan influence which may have introduced the rectangular dwelling; (c) all East Africa up to and including the Egyptian Sudan, where Arab influence has not introduced the oblong rectangular building; (d) the Central Nigerian Sudan, much of Senegambia, and perhaps the West Coast of Africa as far east and south as the Gold Coast, subject, of course, to the same limitations as to foreign influence” (British Central Africa, London, 1897, P. 453).

740.J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 250, 341 sq.

741.J. Marquardt, op. cit. iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 340 sq.; Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 155 sq.

742.Livy, i. 3 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 76 sq.; Plutarch, Romulus, 3.

743.Plutarch, Numa, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 67. 4, viii. 89. 5.

744.The suggestion is due to Mr. M. A. Bayfield (Classical Review, xv. 1901, p. 448). He compares the similar execution of the princess Antigone (Sophocles, Antigone, 773 sqq.). However, we must remember that a custom of burying people alive has been practised as a punishment or a sacrifice by Romans, Persians, and Germans, even when the victims were not of royal blood. See Livy, xxii. 57. 6; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 12; Plutarch, Marcellus, 3; id., Quaest. Rom. 83; Herodotus, vii. 114; J. Grimm, Deutsche RechtsalterthÜmer, 3rd Ed., pp. 694 sq. As to the objection to spill royal blood, see The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 354 sq.

745.See above, p. 215.

747.Ovid, Fasti, iv. 731-782. See below, p. 326.

748.Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 39; “Quamquam religione tutatur et fascinus, imperatorum quoque, non solum infantium custos, qui deus inter sacra Romana Vestalibus colitur.”

749.Virgil, Georg. i. 498; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 828; G. Henzen, Acta fratrum Arvalium, pp. 124, 147; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 5047, 5048. Ennius represented Vesta as the mother of Saturn and Titan. See Lactantius, Divin. inst. i. 14.

750.Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv. 10.

751.See above, pp. 195 sqq.

752.Grihya SÛtras, translated by H. Oldenberg, vol. i. pp. 37, 168, 279, 283, 382, 384, vol. ii. pp. 46, 191, 260; M. Winternitz, “Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell,” pp. 4, 56-62 (Denkschriften der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, xl., Vienna, 1892); H. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 312; G. A. Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life (Calcutta, 1885), p. 368; F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven, pp. 386, 436, cp. 430; J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” in Magazin herausgegeben von der Lettisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft, xiv. 99; J. Maeletius (Maletius), “De sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium,” in Mitteilungen der Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia, viii. (1902) pp. 191, 204 (this work is also reprinted under the name of J. Menecius in Scriptores rerum Livonicarum, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 389-392); F. Woeste, in Zeitschrift fÜr deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde, ii. (1855) p. 91; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, MÄrchen und GebrÄuche, pp. 433, 522; A. Kuhn, Sagen, GebrÄuche und MÄrchen aus Westfalen, ii. 38; J. H. Schmitz, Sitten und Sagen, etc., des Eifler Volkes, i. 67; Montanus, Die deutsche Volksfeste, VolksbrÄuche und deutscher Volksglaube, p. 85; Reinsberg-DÜringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch (Leipsic, 1871), p. 222; L. v. Schroeder, Die HochzeitsbrÄuche der Esten (Berlin, 1888), pp. 127 sqq.; E. Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und RÖmer (Berlin, 1901), pp. 59-62; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 356 sq. This evidence proves that the custom has been practised by the Indian, Slavonian, Lithuanian, and Teutonic branches of the Aryan race, from which we may fairly infer that it was observed by the ancestors of the whole family before their dispersion.

753.Grihya-SÛtras, translated by H. Oldenberg, vol. i. p. 283 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxix.).

754.Prof. Vl. Titelbach, “Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,” Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, xiii. (1900) p. 1.

755.F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der SÜdslaven (Vienna, 1885), p. 430.

756.F. S. Krauss, op. cit. p. 531.

757.This saying was communicated to me by Miss Mabel Peacock in a letter dated Kirton-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire, 30th October 1905.

758.Max Buch, Die WotjÄken (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 52, 59; L. v. Schroeder, op. cit. pp. 129, 132.

759.Above, pp. 221 sq.

760.As it is believed that fire may impregnate human beings, so conversely some people seem to imagine that it may be impregnated by them. Thus Mr. T. R. Glover, Fellow of St. John’s College, Cambridge, writes to me (18th June 1906): “A curious and not very quotable instance of (I suppose) Sacred Marriage was brought to my notice by Mr. Brown of the Canadian Baptist Mission to the Telugus. He said that in Hindoo temples (in South India chiefly?) sometimes a scaffolding is erected over a fire. A man and a woman are got to copulate on it and allow the human seed to fall into the fire.” But perhaps this ceremony is only another way of conveying the fertilising virtue of the fire to the woman, in other words, of getting her with child.

761.Above, pp. 215, 221.

762.Suidas, Harpocration, and Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. ?f?d???a; Hesychius, s.v. d???f??? ?a?; Schol. on Plato, Theaetetus, p. 160 E. On this custom see S. Reinach, Cultes, mythes, et religions, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 137-145. He suggests that the running of the naked men who carried the babies was intended, by means of sympathetic magic, to impart to the little ones in after-life the power of running fast. But this theory does not explain why the race took place round the hearth.

763.The custom has been practised with this intention in Scotland, China, New Britain, the Tenimber and Timorlaut Islands, and by the Ovambo of South Africa. See Pennant’s “Second Tour in Scotland,” Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, iii. 383; Miss C. F. Gordon Cumming, In the Hebrides, ed. 1883, p. 101; China Review, ix. (1880-1881) p. 303; R. Parkinson, Im Bismarck-Archipel, pp. 94 sq.; J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 303; H. Schinz, Deutsch-SÜdwest-Afrika, p. 307. A similar custom was observed, probably for the same reason, in ancient Mexico and in Madagascar. See Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by Cullen, i. 31; W. Ellis, History of Madagascar, i. 152. Compare my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” Classical Review, vii. (1893) pp. 293 sq.

764.Compare E. Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und RÖmer (Berlin, 1901), pp. 59-62.

765.W. R. S. Ralston, The Songs of the Russian People, pp. 120 sq. Ralston held that the Russian house-spirit Domovoy, who is supposed to live behind the stove, is the modern representative of an ancestral spirit. Compare ibid. pp. 84, 86, 119.

766.Evidence of this view will be adduced later on. See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 456.

767.See above, pp. 185 sq.

768.L. v. Schroeder, Die HochzeitsbrÄuche der Esten (Berlin, 1888), pp. 129 sq.

769.See above, p. 197.

770.Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, New Edition (London, 1894), i. 215 sq.; J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., p. 326; W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, p. 147. For another derivation of their name see below, p. 247.

771.See above, p. 207.

772.H. Vaughan Stevens, “Mitteilungen aus dem Frauenleben der Ôrang Belendas, der Ôrang DjÂkun und der Ôrang LÂut,” bearbeitet von Dr. Max Bartels, Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, xxviii. (1896) pp. 168 sq. The writer adds that any person, boy, man, or woman (provided she was not menstruous) might light the fire, if it were more convenient that he or she should do so. Thus the co-operation of a married man and an unmarried girl, though apparently deemed the best, was not the only permissible way of igniting the wood. The good faith or at all events the accuracy of the late German traveller H. Vaughan Stevens is not, I understand, above suspicion; but Mr. Nelson Annandale, joint author of Fasciculi Malayenses, writes to me of him that “he certainly had a knowledge and experience of the wild tribes of the Malay region which few or none have excelled, for he lived literally as one of themselves.”

773.Prof. Vl. Titelbach, “Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,” Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, xiii. (1900) pp. 2-4. The ceremony witnessed by Prof. Titelbach will be described later on in this work. Kinglake rode through the great Servian forest on his way from Belgrade to Constantinople, and from his description (Eothen, ch. ii.) we gather that it is chiefly composed of oak. He says: “Endless and endless now on either side the tall oaks closed in their ranks, and stood gloomily lowering over us.”

774.Ch. Gilhodes, “La Culture matÉrielle des Katchins (Birmanie),” Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 629.

775.M. Martin’s “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, iii. 611. The first edition of Martin’s work was published in 1703, and the second in 1716.

776.J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, 4th ed., i. 504.

777.E. Casalis, The Basutos, pp. 267 sq.

778.Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 68; Valerius Maximus, i. 1. 7.

779.J. Lecoeur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand, ii. (CondÉ-sur-Noireau, 1887) p. 27; B. SouchÉ, Croyances, prÉsages et traditions diverses (Niort, 1880), p. 12.

780.Polybius, xii. 13. In Darfur a curious power over fire is ascribed to women who have been faithful to their husbands. “It is a belief among the Forians, that if the city takes fire, the only means of arresting the progress of the flames is to bring near them a woman, no longer young, who has never been guilty of intrigue. If she be pure, by merely waving a mantle, she puts a stop to the destruction. Success has sometimes rewarded a virtuous woman” (Travels of an Arab Merchant [Mohammed Ibn-Omar El-Tounsy] in Soudan, abridged from the French by Bayle St. John (London, 1854), p. 112). Compare R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 230.

781.Solinus, xxii. 10. The Celtic Minerva, according to Caesar (De bello Gallico, vi. 17), was a goddess of the mechanical arts.

782.J. Rhys, Celtic Heathendom, pp. 73-77; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, i. 260 sq.

783.Giraldus Cambrensis, The Topography of Ireland, chaps. xxxiv.-xxxvi., translated by Thomas Wright; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, i. 334 sq. It is said that in the island of Sena (the modern Sein), off the coast of Brittany, there was an oracle of a Gallic deity whose worship was cared for by nine virgin priestesses. They could raise storms by their incantations, and turn themselves into any animals they pleased (Mela, iii. 48); but it is not said that they maintained a perpetual holy fire, though Ch. Elton affirms that they did (Origins of English History, p. 27). M. Salomon Reinach dismisses these virgins as a fable based on Homer’s description of the isle of Circe (Odyssey, x. 135 sqq.), and he denies that the Gauls employed virgin priestesses. See his article, “Les Vierges de Sena,” Revue Celtique, xviii. (1897) pp. 1-8; id., Cultes, mythes, et religions, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 195 sqq. To me the nuns of St. Brigit seem to be most probably the successors of a Celtic order of Vestals. That there were female Druids is certain, but it does not appear whether they were virgins. See Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 60; Vopiscus, Aurelianus, 44; id., Numerianus, 14 sq.

784.Prof. Vl. Titelbach, “Das heilige Feuer bei den Balkanslaven,” Internationales Archiv fÜr Ethnographie, xiii. (1900) p. 1.

785.Laws of Manu, iv. 53, translated by G. BÜhler (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv. p. 137).

786.Martin Haug, Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsees 3rd Ed., (London, 1884), p. 243, note 1. Strabo describes the mouth-veil worn by the Magian priests in Cappadocia (xiv. 3. 15, p. 733). At Arkon, in the island of RÜgen, there was a shrine so holy that none but the priest might enter it, and even he might not breathe in it. As often as he needed to draw in or give out breath, he used to run out of the door lest he should taint the divine presence with his breath. See Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. xiv. p. 824, ed. P. E. MÜller (p. 393 of Elton’s English translation).

787.P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, i. 335 sq.; Standish H. O’Grady, Sylva Gadelica, translation (London, 1892), pp. 15, 16, 41.

788.See above, pp. 94 sq.

789.See above, p. 229.

790.Douglas Hyde, A Literary History of Ireland (London, 1899), p. 158. The tradition of the oak of Kildare survives in the lines,

which are quoted by Mr. D. Fitzgerald in Revue Celtique, iv. (1879-1880) p. 193.

791.Douglas Hyde, op. cit. pp. 169-171. At Kells, also, St. Columba dwelt under a great oak-tree. The writer of his Irish life, quoted by Mr. Hyde, says that the oak-tree “remained till these latter times, when it fell through the crash of a mighty wind. And a certain man took somewhat of its bark to tan his shoes with. Now, when he did on the shoes, he was smitten with leprosy from his sole to his crown.”

792.Garcilasso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, pt. i. bk. iv. chaps. 1-3, bk. vi. chaps. 20-22 (vol. i. pp. 292-299, vol. ii. pp. 155-164, Markham’s translation); P. de Cieza de Leon, Travels, p. 134 (Markham’s translation); id., Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, pp. 85 sq. (Markham’s translation); Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, bk. v. chap. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 331-333, Hakluyt Society). Professor E. B. Tylor discredits Garcilasso’s description of these Peruvian priestesses on the ground that it resembles Plutarch’s account of the Roman Vestals (Numa, 9 sq.) too closely to be independent; he thinks that “the apparent traces of absorption from Plutarch invalidate whatever rests on Garcilasso de la Vega’s unsupported testimony.” See his Researches into the Early History of Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp. 249-253. In particular, he stumbles at the statement that an unfaithful Peruvian priestess was buried alive. But that statement was made by Cieza de Leon, who travelled in Peru when Garcilasso was a child, and whose book, or rather the first part of it, containing the statement, was published more than fifty years before that of Garcilasso. Moreover, when we understand that the punishment in question was based on a superstition which occurs independently in many parts of the world, the apparent improbability of the coincidence vanishes. As to the mode of kindling the sacred fire, Professor Tylor understands Plutarch to say that the sacred fire at Rome was kindled, as in Peru, by a burning-glass. To me it seems that Plutarch is here speaking of a Greek, not a Roman usage, and this is made still clearer when his text is read correctly. For the words ?p? ??d??, pe?? d? t? ?????d?at??? should be altered to ?p? ?a?d?? pe?? t? ?????d?at???. See H. Pomtow in Rheinisches Museum, N. F. li. (1896) p. 365, and my note on Pausanias, x. 19. 4 (vol. v. p. 331). Thus Plutarch gives two instances when a sacred fire was extinguished and had to be relit with a burning-glass; but both instances are Greek, neither is Roman. The Greek mode of lighting a sacred fire by means of a crystal is described also in the Orphic poem on precious stones, verses 177 sqq. (Orphica, ed. E. Abel, p. 115). Nor were the Greeks and Peruvians peculiar in this respect. The Siamese and Chinese have also been in the habit of kindling a sacred fire by means of a metal mirror or burning-glass. See Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, ii. 55; A. Bastian, Die VÖlker des Östlichen Asien, iii. 516; J. H. Plath, “Die Religion und der Cultus der alten Chinesen,” Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wissen, i. Cl. ix. (1863) pp. 876 sq. Again, the full description of the golden garden of the Peruvian Vestals, which may sound to us fabulous, is given by Cieza de Leon in a work (the Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru) which it is unlikely that Garcilasso ever saw, since it was not printed till 1873, centuries after his death. Yet Garcilasso’s brief description of the garden agrees closely with that of Cieza de Leon, differing from it just as that of an independent witness naturally would—namely, in the selection of some other details in addition to those which the two have in common. He says that the virgins “had a garden of trees, plants, herbs, birds and beasts, made of gold and silver, like that in the temple” (vol. i. p. 298, Markham’s translation). Thus the two accounts are probably independent and therefore trustworthy, for a fiction of this kind could hardly have occurred to two romancers separately. A strong confirmation of Garcilasso’s fidelity is furnished by the close resemblance which the fire customs, both of Rome and Peru, present to the well-authenticated fire customs of the Herero at the present day. There seems to be every reason to think that all three sets of customs originated independently in the simple needs and superstitious fancies of the savage. On the whole, I see no reason to question the good faith and accuracy of Garcilasso.

793.B. de Sahagun, Histoire des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, pp. 196 sq., 386; Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, bk. v. ch. 15 (vol. ii. pp. 333 sq., Hakluyt Society); A. de Herrera, General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, iii. 209 sq., Stevens’s translation (London, 1725, 1726); Clavigero, History of Mexico, i. 264, 274 sq.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisÉes du Mexique et de l’AmÉrique Centrale, i. 289, iii. 661; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 204 sqq., 245, 583, iii. 435 sq. However, Sahagun (pp. 186, 194), Acosta (vol. ii. p. 336) and Herrera seem to imply that the duty of maintaining the sacred fire was discharged by men only.

794.Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. ii. 6; H. H. Bancroft, op. cit. iii. 473. Fire-worship seems to have lingered among the Indians of Yucatan down to about the middle of the nineteenth century, and it may still survive among them. See D. G. Brinton, “The Folk-lore of Yucatan,” Folk-lore Journal, i. (1883) pp. 247 sq.

795.Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Kampala, Uganda, 9th April 1909.

796.Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; Ateius Capito, cited by Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 50. On the other hand, Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 29, says that the Flamen might marry another wife after the death of the first. But the statement of Aulus Gellius and Ateius Capito is confirmed by other evidence. See J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 329, note 8. As to the rule see my note, “The Widowed Flamen,” Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 407 sqq.

797.Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 7; Festus, p. 106, ed. C. O. MÜller.

798.Livy, v. 52. 13 sq. In later times the rule was so far relaxed that he was allowed to be absent from Rome for two nights or even longer, provided he got leave from the chief pontiff on the score of ill-health. See Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 14; Tacitus, Annals, iii. 71.

799.Tacitus, Annals, iii. 58; Dio Cassius, liv. 36. As to the honours attached to the office, see Livy, xxvii. 8. 8; Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 113.

800.See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 241 sqq.

801.P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (GÖttingen, 1896), pp. 127 sqq.; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 637 sq. For a different derivation of the name Flamen see above, p. 235. Being no philologer, I do not pretend to decide between the rival etymologies. My friend Prof. J. H. Moulton prefers the equation Flamen = Brahman, which he tells me is philologically correct, because if Flamen came from flare we should expect a form like flator rather than flamen. The form flator was used in Latin, though not in this sense.

802.W. Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, i. 30-32. Compare Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, pp. 364, 365, 392.

803.Aulus Gellius, x. 15.

804.Homer, Iliad, xvi. 233-235; Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1166 sq.; Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 284-286.

805.Ch. Hartknoch, Selectae dissertationes historicae de variis rebus Prussicis, p. 163 (bound up with his edition of DÜsburg’s Chronicon Prussiae, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1679); Simon Grunau, Preussischer Chronik, ed. M. Perlbach, i. (Leipsic, 1876) p. 95.

806.W. Crooke, op. cit. i. 31-33.

807.W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 194 sq.

808.J. C. Nesfield, in Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 12, § 77.

809.Rigveda, iii. 29, translated by R. T. H. Griffith (Benares, 1889-1892), vol. ii. pp. 25-27; Satapatha BrÂhmana, translated by J. Eggeling, part i. p. 389, note 3, part ii. pp. 90 sq., part v. pp. 68-74; Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, translated by M. Bloomfield, pp. 91, 97 sq., 334, 460; W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, pp. 115 sq.; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 40, 64-78, 183-185; H. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 58, 59. The sami wood is sometimes identified with the Acacia Suma (Mimosa Suma); but the modern Bengalee name of Prosopis spicigera is shami or somi, which seems to be conclusive evidence of the identity of Prosopis spicigera with sami. The Prosopis spicigera is a deciduous thorny tree of moderate size, which grows in the arid zones of the Punjaub, Rajputana, Gujarat, Bundelcund, and the Deccan. The heart of the wood is of a purplish brown colour and extremely hard. It is especially valued for fuel, as it gives out much heat. See G. Watt, Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, s.v. “Prosopis spicigera.” For a reference to this work I am indebted to the kindness of the late Professor H. Marshall Ward.

810.A. Kuhn, op. cit. pp. 40, 66, 175.

811.Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, translated by M. Bloomfield, pp. 97 sq., 460; W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, pp. 115 sq.

812.See above, pp. 195 sqq., 230 sqq.

813.Rigveda, x. 95, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, Satapatha BrÂhmana, translated by J. Eggeling, part v. pp. 68-74. Compare H. Oldenberg, Die Literatur des alten Indien (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1903), pp. 53-55. On the story see A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 71 sqq.; F. Max MÜller Selected Essays on Language, Religion, and Mythology (London, 1881), i. 408 sqq.; Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth (London, 1884), pp. 64 sqq.; K. F. Pischel and Geldner, Vedische Studien, i. (Stuttgart, 1889), pp. 243-295. It belongs to the group of tales which describe the marriage of a human with an animal mate, of a mortal with a fairy, and often, though not always, their unhappy parting. The story seems to have its roots in totemism. See my Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 566 sqq. It will be illustrated more at length in a later part of The Golden Bough.

814.Homer, Hymn to Mercury, 108-111 (where a line has been lost; see the note of Messrs. Allen and Sikes); Theophrastus, Histor. plant. v. 9. 6; id., De igne, ix. 64; Hesychius, s.v. st??e??; Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. i. 1184; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 208; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 22; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 35-41; H. Blumner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und KÜnste, ii. 354-356. Theophrastus gives the name of athragene to the plant which, next to or equally with ivy, makes the best board; he compares it to a vine. Pliny (l.c.) seems to have identified it with a species of wild vine. According to Sprengel, the athragene is the Clematis cirrhosa of Linnaeus, the French clÉmatite À vrilles. See Dioscorides, ed. C. Sprengel, vol. ii. p. 641. As to the kinds of wood employed by the Romans in kindling fire we have no certain evidence, as Pliny and Seneca may have merely copied from Theophrastus.

815.Pausanias, i. 31. 6, with my note.

816.E. H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands (London, N.D.), p. 82. Mr. Man’s evidence is confirmed by a German traveller, Mr. Jagor, who says of the Andaman Islanders: “The fire must never go out. Here also I am again assured that the Andamanese have no means of making fire.” See Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fÜr Anthropologie, 1877, p. (54) (bound with Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, ix.). I regret that on this subject I did not question Mr. A. R. Brown, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who resided for about two years among the Andaman Islanders, studying their customs and beliefs. Mr. Brown is now (December 1910) in West Australia.

817.N. von Miklucho-Maclay, “Ethnologische Bemerkungen Über die Papuas der Maclay-KÜste in Neu-Guinea,” Natuurkundig Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indie, xxxv. (1875), pp. 82, 83. Compare C. Hager, Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und der Bismarck-Archipel, p. 69; M. Krieger, Neu-Guinea, p. 153. The natives of the Maclay Coast are said to have traditions of a time when they were ignorant even of the use of fire; they ate fruits raw, which set up a disease of the gums, filling their mouths with blood; they had a special name for the disease. See N. von Miklucho-Maclay, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fÜr Anthropologie, 1882, p. (577) (bound with Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, xiv.). The reports of people living in ignorance of the use of fire have hitherto proved, on closer examination, to be fables. See E. B. Tylor, Researches into the Early History of Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp. 229 sqq. The latest repetition of the story that I know of is by an American naturalist, Mr. Titian R. Peale, who confirms the exploded statement that down to 1841 the natives of Bowditch Island had not seen fire. See The American Naturalist, xviii. (1884) pp. 229-232.

818.B. Hagen, Unter den Papuas (Wiesbaden, 1899), pp. 203 sq. Mr. Hagen’s account applies chiefly to the natives of Astrolabe Bay. He tells us that for the most part they now use Swedish matches.

819.G. Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria (London and New York, 1891), i. 157. Another writer says that these dwarfs “keep fire alight perpetually, starting it in some large tree, which goes on smouldering for months at a time” (Captain Guy Burrows, The Land of the Pigmies (London, 1898), p. 199).

820.F. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894), pp. 451 sq.

821.Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 439; id., The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1902), ii. 540. If we may trust Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 3), this was the origin of fire alleged by the Egyptian priests. Among the Winamwanga and Wiwa tribes of East Africa, to the south of Lake Tanganyika, “when lightning sets fire to a tree, all the fires in a village are put out, and fireplaces freshly plastered, while the head men take the fire to the chief, who prays over it. It is then sent to all his villages, the people of the villages rewarding his messengers.” See Dr. J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, No. 36 (July 1910), p. 363. The Parsees ascribe peculiar sanctity to fire which has been obtained from a tree struck by lightning. See D. J. Karaka, History of the Modern Parsis (London, 1884), ii. 213. In Siam and Cambodia such fire is carefully preserved and used to light the funeral pyres of kings and others. See Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, i. 248; J. Moura, Le Royaume du Cambodge, i. 360.

822.Oscar Peschel, VÖlkerkunde 6th Ed. (Leipsic, 1885), p. 138. Mr. Man thinks it likely that the Andaman Islanders got their fire from one of the two volcanoes which exist in their island (On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, p. 82). The Creek Indians of North America have a tradition that some of their ancestors procured fire from a volcano. See A. S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, ii. (St. Louis, 1888) p. 11 (43).

823.O. Peschel, loc. cit. As to the fires of Baku see further, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 159.

824.R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants, 2nd Ed., p. 367; W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 194; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 92, 102. Lucretius thought that the first fire was procured either from lightning or from the mutual friction of trees in a high wind (De rerum natura, v. 1091-1101). The latter source was preferred by Vitruvius (De architectura, ii. 1. 1).

825.Sir Harry H. Johnston, ll.cc. Professor K. von den Steinen conjectures that savages, who already possessed fire, and were wont to use tinder to nurse a smouldering brand into a blaze, may have accidentally discovered the mode of kindling fire in an attempt to make tinder by rubbing two dry sticks or reeds against each other. See K. von den Steinen, Unter den NaturvÖlkern Zentral-Brasiliens, pp. 219-228.

827.R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, i. 396.

828.R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants, 2nd Ed., p. 567. Other writers confirm the statement that the carrying of the fire-sticks is the special duty of the women. See W. Stanbridge, “On the Aborigines of Victoria,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., i. (1861) p. 291; J. F. Mann, “Notes on the Aborigines of Australia,” Proceedings of the Geographical Society of Australasia, i. (1885) p. 29.

829.Melville, quoted by H. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania (London, 1890), p. 97. It has sometimes been affirmed that the Tasmanians did not know how to kindle fire; but the evidence collected by Mr. Ling Roth (op. cit., pp. xii. sq., 96 sq.), proves that they were accustomed to light it both by the friction of wood and by striking flints together.

830.Mr. Dove, quoted by James Bonwick, Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, p. 20.

831.Wilfred Powell, Wanderings in a Wild Country (London, 1883), p. 196.

832.Captain J. Wilson, Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean (London, 1799), p. 357.

833.J. G. Wood, Natural History of Man, ii. 522; J. G. Garson, “On the Inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886). p. 145; Mission scientifique du Cap Horn, 1882-1883, vii. (Paris, 1891) p. 345.

834.J. B. Ambrosetti, “Los Indios Caingua del alto ParanÁ (misiones),” Boletino del Instituto Geografico Argentino, xv. (1895) pp. 703 sq.

835.E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, pp. 257 sq.

836.A. Widenmann, Die Kilimandscharo-BevÖlkerung (Gotha, 1899), pp. 68 sq. (Petermann’s Mittheilungen: ErgÄnzungsheft, No. 129).

837.Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 438.

838.A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, Up the Niger (London, 1892), p. 37.

839.Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 599 sq.

840.P. de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 93 (Lettre vi.); Sibthorp, in R. Walpole’s Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey (London, 1817), pp. 284 sq.; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus (London, 1858), p. 111; J. T. Bent, The Cyclades (London, 1885), p. 365. The giant fennel (Ferula communis, L.) is still known in Greece by its ancient name, hardly modified (nartheka instead of narthex), though W. G. Clark says the modern name is kalami. Bent speaks of the plant as a reed, which is a mistake. The plant is described by Theophrastus (Histor. plant. vi. 2. 7 sq.).

841.Hesiod, Works and Days, 50-52; id., Theogony, 565-567; Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 107-111; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 7. 1; Hyginus, Fabulae, 144; id., Astronomica, ii. 15.

842.See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 169-171.

843.Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 67.

844.See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 145 sqq.

845.G. Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia (London, 1861), p. 326.

846.Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der DanÂkil, Galla und SomÂl (Berlin, 1893), p. 145.

847.J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale, i. 256 sq.

848.J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 43, 51 sq.; id., in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.

849.W. G. Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria (London, 1799), p. 306.

850.J. J. Monteiro, Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875), ii. 167.

851.P. Pogge, Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo (Berlin, 1880), p. 234.

852.A. Bastian, Die VÖlker des Östlichen Asien, iii. 515 sq.

853.Du Pratz, History of Louisiana (London, 1774), pp. 330-334, 346 sq., 351-358; Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, vi. 172 sqq.; Lafitau, Moeurs des sauvages Ameriquains, i. 167 sq.; Lettres Édifiantes et curieuses, Nouvelle Édition, vii. (Paris, 1781) pp. 7-16 (reprinted in Recueil de voyages au nord, ix. Amsterdam, 1737, pp. 3-13); “Relation de la Louisianne,” Recueil de voyages au Nord, v. (Amsterdam, 1734) pp. 23 sq.; Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 42-44; Chateaubriand, Voyage en AmÉrique (Paris, 1870), pp. 227 sqq.; H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, v. 68. The accounts differ from each other in some details. Thus Du Pratz speaks as if there were only two fire-temples in the country, whereas the writer in the Lettres Édifiantes says that there were eleven villages each with its fire-temple, and that formerly there had been sixty villages and temples. The account in the text is based mainly on the authority of Du Pratz, who lived among the Natchez on terms of intimacy for eight years, from the end of 1718 to 1726.

854.Hennepin, Nouvelle DÉcouverte d’un trÈs grand pays situÉ dans l’AmÉrique (Utrecht, 1697), p. 306.

855.Xenophon, Cyropaedia, viii. 3. 12; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 34; Quintus Curtius, iii. 3. 7.

856.Dio Cassius, lxxi. 35. 5; Herodian, i. 8. 4, i. 16. 4, ii. 3. 2, ii. 8. 6, vii. 1. 9, vii. 6. 2.

857.H. Schinz, Deutsch-SÜdwest-Afrika, p. 320.

858.O. Dapper, Description de l’Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 392.

859.O. Dapper, op. cit. p. 400.

860.Quintus Curtius, v. 2. 7. Curtius represents this as a signal adopted by Alexander, because the sound of the bugle was lost in the trampling and hum of the great multitude. But this maybe merely the historian’s interpretation of an old custom.

861.Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaemoniorum, xiii. 2 sq.; Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p. 188 ed. Meineke); Hesychius, s.v. p??s?f????.

862.Herodotus, iv. 68.

863.Aeschylus, ChoËph. 604 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 8. 2 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34. 6 sq.; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 445 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 171 and 174.

864.Servius, on Virgil, Aen. x. 228.

865.Le P. H. Geurtjens, “Le CÉrÉmonial des Voyages aux Îles Keij,” Anthropos, v. (1910) pp. 337 sq.

866.J. Marquardt, RÖmische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 237, 321; C. Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquitÉs grecques et romaines, ii. 1173. As to Vesta and the Vestals, see above, vol. i. pp. 13 sq.

867.C. Julian, l.c.

868.See above, p. 186 note 1.

869.Above, pp. 261-263.

870.Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 114.

871.Thus in some African tribes the household fire is put out after a death, and afterwards relit by the friction of sticks (Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 439; L. Concradt, “Die Ngumbu in SÜdkamerun,” Globus, lxxxi, (1902) p. 352). In Laos the fire on the hearth is extinguished after a death and the ashes are scattered; afterwards a new fire is obtained from a neighbour (Tournier, Notice sur le Laos franÇais, p. 68). A custom of the same sort is observed in Burma, but there the new fire must be bought (C. J. F. S. Forbes, British Burma, p. 94). Among the Miris of Assam the new fire is made by the widow or widower (W. H. Furness, in Journal of the Anthrop. Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 462). In Armenia it is made by flint and steel (M. Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube, p. 71). In Argos fire was extinguished after a death, and fresh fire obtained from a neighbour (Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 24). In the Highlands of Scotland all fires were put out in a house where there was a corpse (Pennant’s “Tour in Scotland,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, iii. 49). Amongst the Bogos of East Africa no fire may be lit in a house after a death until the body has been carried out (W. Munzinger, Sitten und Recht der Bogos, p. 67). In the Pelew Islands, when a death has taken place, fire is transferred from the house to a shed erected beside it (J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den Pelau-Inseln,” Original-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen Abtheilung der KÖniglichen Museen zu Berlin, i. 7). In the Marquesas Islands fires were extinguished after a death (Vincendon-Dumoulin et Desgraz, Iles Marquises, p. 251). Among the Indians of Peru and the Moors of Algiers no fire might be lighted for several days in a house where a death had occurred (Cieza de Leon, Travels, Markham’s translation, p. 366; Dapper, Description de l’Afrique, p. 176). The same custom is reported of the Mohammedans of India (Mandelsloe, in J. Harris’s Voyages and Travels, i. (London, 1744) p. 770). In the East Indian island of Wetter no fire may burn in a house for three days after a death, and according to Bastian the reason is the one given in the text, to wit, a fear that the ghost might fall into it and hurt himself (A. Bastian, Indonesien, ii. 60). For more evidence, see my article “On certain Burial Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886) p. 90.

872.For the list of the Alban kings see Livy, i. 3. 5-11; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 39-56; id., Metam. xiv. 609 sqq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 70 sq.; Eusebius, Chronic. bk. i. vol. i. coll. 273, 275, 285, 287, 289, 291, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3rd ed. L. Dindorf; Sextus Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 17-19; Zonaras, Annales, vii. 1.

873.See B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, i. 205-207; A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 339, 342-345. However, Niebuhr admits that some of the names may have been taken from older legends.

874.H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878), i. 380; C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 197; Fr. Stuhlman, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894), pp. 192 sq.; J. Roscoe, “Farther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 25, with plates i. and ii.; Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, ii. 681 sq.

875.Romulus and Tatius reigned for a time together; after Romulus the kings were, in order of succession, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Marcius, the elder Tarquin, Servius Tullius, and Tarquin the Proud.

876.See A. Schwegler, RÖmische Geschichte, i. 579 sq.

877.According to one account, Romulus had a son and a daughter (Plutarch, Romulus, 14). Some held that Numa had four sons (Plutarch, Numa, 21). Ancus Marcius left two sons (Livy, i. 35. 1, i. 40; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iii. 72 sq., iv. 34. 3). Tarquin the Elder left two sons or grandsons (Livy, i. 46; Dionysius Halic., Ant. Rom. iv. 6 sq. iv. 28).

878.Pompilia, the mother of Ancus Marcius, was a daughter of Numa. See Cicero, De re publica, ii. 18. 33; Livy, i. 32. 1; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 76. 5, iii. 35. 3, iii. 36. 2; Plutarch, Numa, 21.

879.Numa married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius (Plutarch, Numa, 3 and 21); Servius Tullius married the daughter of the elder Tarquin (Livy, i. 39. 4); and Tarquin the Proud married Tullia the daughter of Servius Tullius (Livy, i. 42. 1, i. 46. 5).

880.Numa was a Sabine from Cures (Livy, i. 18; Plutarch, Numa, 3; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 58); Servius Tullius, according to the common account, was the son of Ocrisia, a slave woman of Corniculum (Livy, i. 39. 5; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 1.), but according to another account he was an Etruscan (see above, p. 196 note); and Tarquin the Proud was a son of the elder Tarquin, who was an Etruscan from Tarquinii (Livy, i. 34; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 19 sq., §§ 34 sq.). The foreign birth of their kings naturally struck the Romans themselves. See the speech put by Livy (i. 35. 3), in the mouth of the elder Tarquin: “Se non rem novam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirarive posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens fuerit, Romam cum conjuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse.” And see a passage in a speech actually spoken by the Emperor Claudius: “Quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam tradere contigit. Supervenere alieni et quidem externi, ut Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis veniens, vicinus quidem sed tunec externus,” etc. The speech is engraved on bronze tablets found at Lyons. See Tacitus, ed. Baiter and Orelli, i. 2nd Ed., p. 342.

881.“In Ceylon, where the higher and lower polyandry co-exist, marriage is of two sorts—Deega or Beena—according as the wife goes to live in the house and village of her husbands, or as the husband or husbands come to live with her in or near the house of her birth” (J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), p. 101).

882.The system of mother-kin, that is, of tracing descent through females instead of through males, is often called the matriarchate. But this term is inappropriate and misleading, as it implies that under the system in question the women govern the men. Even when the so-called matriarchate regulates the descent of the kingdom, this does not mean that the women of the royal family reign; it only means that they are the channel through which the kingship is transmitted to their husbands or sons.

883.Ancient writers repeatedly speak of the uncertainty as to the fathers of the Roman kings. See Livy, i. 4. 2; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 2. 3; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 18. 33; Seneca, Epist. cviii. 30; Aelian, Var. Hist. xiv. 36.

884.Ovid, Fasti, vi. 773-784; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 17. Compare L. Preller, RÖmische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 180 sq.

885.See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 266 sqq., 328 sqq.

886.See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 203 sqq.; The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 318 sq.

887.Plutarch, Numa, 3.

888.T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, New Edition (London, 1873), pp. 185, 204 sq.; A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 287, 297 sq.; id., The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 187.

889.J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 36, 67. In Benin “the legitimate daughters of a king did not marry any one, but bestowed their favours as they pleased.” (Mr. C. Punch, in H. Ling Roth’s Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 37).

890.C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 200; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.

891.J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 27, 62. Mr. Roscoe says: “The royal family traces its pedigree through the maternal clan, but the nation through the paternal clan.” But he here refers to the descent of the totem only. That the throne descends from father to son is proved by the genealogical tables which he gives (Plates I. and II.).

892.Proyart’s “History of Loango,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, xvi. 570, 579 sq.; L. DegrandprÉ, Voyage À la cÔte occidentale d’Afrique (Paris, 1801), pp. 110-114; A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango KÜste, i. 197 sqq. Time seems not to have mitigated the lot of these unhappy prince consorts. See R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind (London, 1906), pp. 36 sq., 134. Mr. Dennett says that the husband of a princess is virtually her slave and may be put to death by her. All the sisters of the King of Loango enjoy these arbitrary rights over their husbands, and the offspring of any of them may become king.

893.Father GuillemÉ, “Au BengouÉolo,” Missions Catholiques, xxxiv. (1902) p. 16. The writer visited the state and had an interview with the queen, a woman of gigantic stature, wearing many amulets.

894.Pausanias, i. 2. 6.

895.Pausanias, ii. 29. 4. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for pointing out the following Greek and Swedish parallels to what I conceive to have been the Latin practice.

896.Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 7), Cychreus, King of Salamis, died childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to Telamon.

897.J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 450. Compare Pausanias, ii. 29. 4.

898.Apollodorus, iii. 13. 1. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72. 6), the king of Phthia was childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to Peleus.

899.Apollodorus, iii. 13. 8; Hyginus, Fabulae, 96.

900.Pausanias, i. 11. 1 sq.; Justin, xvii. 3.

901.Apollodorus, i. 8. 5.

902.Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 37; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 459 sq., 510 sq. Compare Virgil, Aen. xi. 243 sqq.

903.Diodorus, iv. 73; Hyginus, Fabulae, 82-84; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. iii. 7.

904.Thucydides, i. 9; Strabo, viii. 6. 19, p. 377.

905.Apollodorus, iii. 10. 8.

906.Schol. on Euripides, Orestes, 46; Pindar, Pyth. xi. 31 sq.; Pausanias, iii. 19. 6.

907.H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English Nation (Cambridge, 1907), pp. 332 sq. In treating of the succession to the kingdom in Scandinavia, the late K. Maurer, one of the highest authorities on old Norse law, also remarked that “some ancient authorities (Quellenberichte) profess to know of a certain right of succession accorded to women, in virtue of which under certain circumstances, though they could not themselves succeed to the kingdom, they nevertheless could convey it to their husbands.” And he cites a number of instances, how one king (Eysteinn Halfdanarson) succeeded his father-in-law (Eirikr Agnarsson) on the throne; how another (Gudrodr Halfdanarson) received with his wife Alfhildr a portion of her father’s kingdom; and so on. See K. Maurer, Vorlesungen Über altnordische Rechtsgeschichte, i. (Leipsic, 1907) pp. 233 sq.

908.G. W. Dasent, Popular Tales from the Norse, pp. 131 sqq.; S. Grundtvig, DÄnische VolksmÄrchen, First Series (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 285 sqq. (Leo’s German translation); Cavallius und Stephens, Schwedische Volkssagen und MÄrchen, No. 4, pp. 62 sqq. (Oberleitner’s German translation); Grimm, Household Tales, No. 60; Kuhn und Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, MÄrchen und GebrÄuche, pp. 340 sqq.; J. W. Wolf, Deutsche HausmÄrchen, pp. 372 sqq.; Philo vom Walde, Schlesien in Sage und Brauch, pp. 81 sqq.; I. V. Zingerle, Kinder- und HausmÄrchen aus Tirol, No. 8, pp. 35 sqq. No. 35, pp. 178 sqq.; J. Haltrich, Deutsche VolksmÄrchen aus dem Sachsenlande in SiebenbÜrgen, 4th ed., No. 15, pp. 103 sqq.; J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, No. 4, vol. i. pp. 77 sqq.; A. Schleicher, Litauische MÄrchen, SprichwÖrte, RÄtsel und Lieder, pp. 57 sqq.; A. Leskien und K. Brugmann, Litauische Volkslieder und MÄrchen, No. 14, pp. 404 sqq.; Basile, Pentamerone, First day, seventh tale, vol. i. pp. 97 sqq. (Liebrecht’s German translation); E. Legrand, Contes populaires grecques, pp. 169 sqq.; J. G. von Hahn, Griechische und albanesische MÄrchen, No. 98, vol. ii. pp. 114 sq.; A. und A. Schott, Walachische Maehrchen, No. 10, pp. 140 sqq.; W. Webster, Basque Legends, pp. 36-38; A. Schiefner, Awarische Texte (St. Petersburg, 1873), No. 2, pp. 21 sqq.; J. RiviÈre, Contes populaires de la Kabylie, pp. 195-197.

909.Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. iv. p. 126 (Elton’s translation). The passage occurs on p. 158 of P. E. MÜller’s edition of Saxo.

910.The story of Hamlet (Amleth) is told, in a striking form, by Saxo Grammaticus in the third and fourth books of his history. Mr. H. M. Chadwick tells me that Hamlet stands on the border-line between legend and history. Hence the main outlines of his story may be correct.

911.Herodotus, i. 7-13.

912.Nicolaus Damascenus, vi. frag. 49, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. MÜller, iii. 380.

913.Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Apollodorus, ii. 6. 3; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii. 64; Lucian, Dialogi deorum, xiii. 2; Ovid, Heroides, ix. 55 sqq.; Statius, Theb. x. 646-649.

914.Athenaeus, l.c.

915.Herodotus, i. 93; Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A B. The Armenians also prostituted their daughters before marriage, dedicating them for a long time to the profligate worship of the goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532 sq.). The custom was probably practised as a charm to secure the fertility of the earth as well as of man and beast. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 32 sqq.

916.Herodotus, i. 7.

917.Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 31, p. 573 A B.

918.See E. A. Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest of England, i. 3rd Ed., 410-412, 733-737. I am indebted to my friend Mr. H. M. Chadwick both for the fact and its explanation.

919.Procopius, De bello Gothico, iv. 20 (vol. ii. p. 593, ed. J. Haury). This and the following cases of marriage with a stepmother are cited by K. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen 2nd Ed., (Vienna, 1882), ii. 359 sq.

920.Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ii. 5. 102; compare i. 27. 63.

921.Prudentius Trecensis, “Annales,” anno 858, in Pertz’s Monumenta Germaniae historica, i. 451; Ingulfus, Historia, quoted ibid.

922.This is in substance the view of Dr. W. E. Hearn (The Aryan House-hold, pp. 150-155) and of Prof. B. DelbrÜck (“Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen,” Preussische JahrbÜcher, lxxix. (1895) pp. 14-27).

923.Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 2. p. 555 D; John of Antioch, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. MÜller, iv. 547; Charax of Pergamus ib. iii. 638; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 111; id., Chiliades, v. 650-665; Suidas, s.v. ??????; Justin, ii. 6. 7.

924.? ?? ??? ????a??? S???? ??pat????? ?fe?? ??es?a?, t?? ???t????? ?????se?, ? d? ?a?eda?????? ?????t?? ?pa???, t?? ?p? ta?? ???ast????? ???? ?p?t???a?, t?? p??? t?? ??pat????? ?pe?pe?, Philo Judaeus, De specialibus legibus, vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Th. Mangey. See also Plutarch, Themistocles, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Cimon, 1; Schol. on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1371; L. Beauchet, Histoire du droit privÉ de la RÉpublique AthÉnienne, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 165 sqq. Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, 31.

925.Polybius, xii. 5.

926.Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 sq.; Plutarch, De sera numinis vindicta, 12; and especially Lycophron, Cassandra, 1141 sqq., with the scholia of J. Tzetzes, who refers to Timaeus and Callimachus as his authorities.

927.Justin, xxi. 3. 1-6.

928.Strabo, iii. 4. 18.

929.Tacitus, Germania, 20. Compare L. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben (Breslau, 1883), pp. 21 sq.

930.A. Giraud-Teulon, Les Origines du mariage et de la famille, pp. 206 sqq.; A. H. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, i. 13 sqq.; Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 471; A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 297 sq.; id., The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 207 sqq. Much more evidence will be found in my Totemism and Exogamy.

932.Tacitus, Germania, 20.

933.A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 286 sqq. The reipus or payment made on the remarriage of a widow is discussed by L. Dargun, op. cit. pp. 141-152.

934.W. F. Skene held that the Picts were Celts. See his Celtic Scotland, i. 194-227. On the other hand, H. Zimmer supposes them to have been the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Islands. See his paper “Das Mutterrecht der Pikten,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fÜr Rechtsgeschichte, xv. (1894) Romanistische Abtheilung, pp. 209 sqq.

935.“Cumque uxores Picti non habentes peterent a Scottis, ea solum conditione dare consenserunt, ut ubi res perveniret in dubium, magis de feminea regum prosapia quam de masculina regem sibi eligerent; quod usque hodie apud Pictos constat esse servatum,” Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ii. 1. 7.

936.W. F. Skene, Celtic Scotland, i. 232-235; J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), pp. 68-70; H. Zimmer, loc. cit.

937.K. O. MÜller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1877), ii. 376 sq.; J. J. Bachofen, Die Sage von Tanaquil (Heidelberg, 1870), pp. 282-290.

938.Te?p?p?? d’ ?? t? tessa?a??st? t??t? t?? ?st????? ?a? ???? e??a? f?s? pa?? t??? ????????? ?????? ?p???e?? t?? ???a??a? ... t??fe?? d? t??? ????????? p??ta t? ????e?a pa?d?a, ??? e?d?ta? ?t?? p?t??? ?st?? ??ast??, Athenaeus, xii. 14, p. 517 D E.

939.“Non enim hic, ubi ex Tusco modo Tute tibi indigne dotem quaeras corpore” (Plautus, Cistellaria, ii. 3. 20 sq.).

940.Herodotus, i. 94; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 219; Tacitus, Annals, iv. 55; Timaeus, cited by Tertullian, De spectaculis, 5; Festus, s.v. “Turannos,” p. 355, ed. C. O. MÜller; Plutarch, Romulus, 2; Velleius Paterculus, i. 1. 4; Justin, xx. 1. 7; Valerius Maximus, ii. 4. 4; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 67. On the other hand, Dionysius of Halicarnassus held that the Etruscans were an indigenous Italian race, differing from all other known peoples in language and customs (Ant. Rom. i. 26-30). On this much-vexed question, see K. O. MÜller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1877), i. 65 sqq.; G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 3rd Ed., i. pp. xxxiii. sqq.; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients, 2nd Ed., pp. 63 sqq. (in Iwan von MÜller’s Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. iii.).

941.It is doubtful whether Servius Tullius was a Latin or an Etruscan. See above, p. 195, note 1.

942.“All over India the hedge-priest is very often an autochthon, his long residence in the land being supposed to confer upon him the knowledge of the character and peculiarities of the local gods, and to teach him the proper mode in which they may be conciliated. Thus the Doms preserve to the present day the animistic and demonistic beliefs of the aboriginal races, which the Khasiyas, who have succeeded them, temper with the worship of the village deities, the named and localised divine entities, with the occasional languid cult of the greater Hindu gods. The propitiation of the vague spirits of wood, or cliff, river or lake, they are satisfied to leave in charge of their serfs” (W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, London, 1907, pp. 104 sq.). When the Israelites had been carried away captives into Assyria, the new settlers in the desolate land of Israel were attacked by lions, which they supposed to be sent against them by the god of the country because, as strangers, they did not know how to propitiate him. So they petitioned the king of Assyria and he sent them a native Israelitish priest, who taught them how to worship the God of Israel. See 2 Kings xvii. 24-28.

943.H. Jordan, Die KÖnige im alten Italien (Berlin, 1884), pp. 15-25.

944.Livy, i. 56. 7; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 68. 1.

945.Livy, i. 34. 2 sq., i. 38. 1, i. 57. 6; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 64.

946.I owe to Mr. A. B. Cook the interesting suggestion that the double consulship was a revival of a double kingship.

947.As to the Regifugium see below, pp. 308-310.

948.Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; G. Gilbert, Handbuch der griech. StaatsalterthÜmer, i. 2nd Ed., 122 sq.

949.The two supreme magistrates who replaced the kings were at first called praetors. See Livy, iii. 55. 12; B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 520 sq.; Th. Mommsen, RÖmisches Staatsrecht, ii. 3rd Ed., 74 sqq. That the power of the first consuls was, with the limitations indicated in the text, that of the old kings is fully recognised by Livy (ii. 1. 7 sq.).

950.It was a disputed point whether Tarquin the Proud was the son or grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Most writers, and Livy (i. 46. 4) among them, held that he was a son. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the other hand, argued that he must have been a grandson; he insists strongly on the chronological difficulties to which the ordinary hypothesis is exposed if Servius Tullius reigned, as he is said to have reigned, forty-four years. See Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 6 sq.

951.Livy, i. 48. 2; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 31 sq. and 46.

952.Livy, i. 56; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. iv. 67-69, 77; Valerius Maximus, vii. 3. 2; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, x. The murder of Brutus’s father and brother is recorded by Dionysius; the other writers mention the assassination of his brother only. The resemblance between Brutus and Hamlet has been pointed out before. See F. York Powell, in Elton’s translation of Saxo Grammaticus’s Danish History (London, 1894), pp. 405-410.

953.D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, pp. 617 sq. Many more examples are given by A. H. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz (Oldenburg and Leipsic), i. 134 sqq.

954.D. Livingstone, op. cit. p. 434.

955.H. Hecquard, Reise an die KÜste und in das Innere von West-Afrika (Leipsic, 1854), p. 104. This and the preceding example are cited by A. H. Post, l.c.

956.J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, No. 36 (July 1910), p. 384.

957.J. Spieth, Die Ewe-StÄmme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 784 sq.

958.Sir William MacGregor, “Lagos, Abeokuta, and the Alake,” Journal of the African Society, No. 12 (July 1904), pp. 470 sq.

959.C. Partridge, “The Burial of the Atta of Igaraland, and the ‘Coronation’ of his Successor,” Blackwood’s Magazine, September 1904, pp. 329 sq. Mr. Partridge kindly gave me some details as to the election of the king in a letter dated 24th October 1904. He is Assistant District Commissioner in Southern Nigeria.

960.Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 66-75.

961.Livy, i. 17; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 17. 31.

962.As to the nomination of the King of the Sacred Rites see Livy, xl. 42; Dionysius Halic. Ant. Rom. v. 1. 4. The latter writer says that the augurs co-operated with the pontiff in the nomination.

963.Th. Mommsen, RÖmisches Staatsrecht, ii. 3rd Ed., 6-8; A. H. J. Greenidge, Roman Public Life, pp. 45 sqq. Mr. Greenidge thinks that the king was regularly nominated by his predecessor and only occasionally by an interim king. Mommsen holds that he was always nominated by the latter.

964.Compare Lucretius, v. 1108 sqq.:

965.Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (Frag. Histor. Graec. ed. C. MÜller, iii. 463). Other writers say simply that the tallest, strongest, or handsomest man was chosen king. See Herodotus, iii. 20; Aristotle, Politics, iv. 4; Athenaeus, xiii. 20, p. 566 c.

966.Zenobius, Cent. v. 25.

967.J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal, pp. 4 sq. Compare D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, p. 186; W. Max MÜller, Asien und Europa (Leipsic, 1893), p. 110.

968.Zenobius, Cent. v. 25.

969.Strabo, xi. 21, p. 492.

970.Hippocrates, De aere locis et aquis (vol. i. pp. 550 sq. ed. KÜhn).

971.Captain Guy Burrows, The Land of the Pigmies (London, 1898), p. 95. Speaking of this tribe, Emin Pasha observes: “The most curious custom, however, and one which is particularly observed in the ruling families, is bandaging the heads of infants. By means of these bandages a lengthening of the head along its horizontal axis is produced; and whereas the ordinary Monbutto people have rather round heads, the form of the head in the better classes shows an extraordinary increase in length, which certainly very well suits their style of hair and of hats.” See Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of Letters and Journals (London, 1888), p. 212.

972.Lewis and Clark, Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri, ch. 23, vol. ii. 327 sq. (reprinted at London, 1905); D. W. Harmon, quoted by Rev. J. Morse, Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs (Newhaven, 1822), Appendix, p. 346; H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, ii. 325 sq.; R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 277; G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, pp. 28-30; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, i. 180.

973.C. Hill-Tout, The Far West, the Home of the Salish and DÉnÉ (London, 1907), p. 40. As to the custom in general among these tribes, see ibid. pp. 38-41. In Melanesia the practice of artificially lengthening the head into a cone by means of bandages applied in infancy is observed by the natives of Malikolo (Malekula) in the New Hebrides and also by the natives of the south coast of New Britain, from Cape Roebuck to Cape Bedder. See Beatrice Grimshaw, From Fiji to the Cannibal Islands (London, 1907), pp. 258-260; R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der SÜdsee (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 204-206.

974.V. Fric and P. Radin, “Contributions to the Study of the Bororo Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvi. (1906) pp. 388 sq.

975.See The Spectator, Nos. 18 and 20.

976.Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (Fragmenta Historic. Graecorum, ed. C. MÜller, iii. 463).

977.Simon Grunau, Preussische Chronik, Tract. ii. cap. iii. § 2, p. 66, ed. M. Perlbach. This passage was pointed out to me by Mr. H. M. Chadwick.

978.Pausanias, v. 1. 4, vi. 20. 9.

979.Apollodorus, Epitoma, ii. 4-9, ed. R. Wagner (Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ed. R. Wagner, pp. 183 sq.); Diodorus Siculus, iv. 73; Pausanias, v. 1. 6 sq., v. 10. 6 sq., v. 14. 7, v. 17. 7 sq., v. 20. 6 sq., vi. 21. 7-11.

980.Pausanias, vi. 21. 3.

981.Pausanias, v. 13. 1-6, vi. 20. 7.

982.Pausanias, iii. 12. 1, 20. 10 sq.

983.Pindar, Pyth. ix. 181-220, with the Scholia.

984.Pindar, Pyth. ix. 195 sqq.; Pausanias, iii. 12. 2.

985.Apollodorus, iii. 9. 2; Hyginus, Fab. 185; Ovid, Metam. x. 560 sqq.

986.E. Schuyler, Turkistan (London, 1876), i. 42 sq. This and the four following examples of the bride-race have been already cited by J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), pp. 15 sq., 181-184. He supposes them to be relics of a custom of capturing women from another community.

987.E. D. Clarke, Travels in Various Countries, i. (London, 1810), p. 333. In the fourth octavo edition of Clarke’s Travels (vol. i., London, 1816), from which McLennan seems to have quoted, there are a few verbal changes.

988.J. McLennan, op. cit. pp. 183 sq., referring to Kennan’s Tent Life in Siberia (1870), which I have not seen. Compare W. Jochelson, “The Koryak” (Leyden and New York, 1908), p. 742 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vi.).

989.Letter of the missionary Bigandet, dated March 1847, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xx. (1848) p. 431. A similar account of the ceremony is given by M. Bourien, “Wild Tribes of the Malay Peninsula,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 81. See further W. W. Skeat and C.O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 68, 77 sq., 79 sq., 82 sq.

990.J. Cameron, Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India (London, 1865), pp. 116 sq.