Commerce.—State of exports and imports.—Exactions at the customs—depredations and impositions.—Foreign merchants—disabilities they labour under.—Insecurity.—State of finances.—Revenue, etc.

Commerce, like agriculture, in Hayti is at a very low ebb, and presents a very discouraging view of the state of that country. Without agriculture commerce can receive but little encouragement; and if the cultivation of the soil decline, commerce must decline also, the one being unquestionably dependent on the other. If there be a failure in those territorial productions which constitute the staple commodities of Hayti, there will be nothing to excite commercial enterprise and speculation, and consequently the intercourse with foreigners will decrease, to the great injury of the country. Were Hayti in a situation to become an entrepÔt for foreign property, or were it so circumstanced as to have the means of carrying on an extensive trade with the South American states, it might probably relieve her in some measure from the heavy weight with which she is now borne down. But she has no such intercourse, nor are the people in the least conversant with the nature of it: their knowledge of commerce not extending much beyond the limits of mere petty bartering, and all important commercial dealings are centred in the foreign houses established there. The British, Americans, and even the French, will not confide in the integrity of the Haytians; all their engagements are effected, all their arrangements are made by the agents from their respective countries, who have patents to reside in the several parts of the republic. An attempt was made to induce the legislative body to enact a law for compelling foreigners to consign their cargoes or shipments to Haytian citizen agents; and I believe Boyer was much disposed to countenance the proposition, but it met with great disapprobation from those individuals in the chamber of communes who were on friendly terms with the foreigners, and who had discretion enough to foresee that such a law would be destructive of that commerce which they were so anxious to extend. This iniquitous law was proposed by M. Elic and M. Ardouin, the representatives for Port au Prince, and it was supported by other members of the chamber, who, as native agents, resided in the several ports, but decried by those who apprehended the serious check which foreign intercourse would receive from so unwise and impolitic a measure. It was, however, negatived, and the proposers and supporters of it drew upon themselves much obloquy and reproach.

The Haytian government has often promulgated very glowing abstracts of the flourishing state of its commerce, and would seem to expect that such accounts should be received as proofs of the rising greatness of the country. But the very documents themselves are prima facie evidence of their being a fabrication. They are gross impositions to lead strangers into the belief that the intercourse is of importance, and that considerable advantages accrue from it to those nations who engage in it with spirit, and pursue it without relaxation.

As there is no individual wealth in the country, the means of the people depend upon their own exertions in the culture of the soil; and therefore as cultivation has dwindled from the want of industry, those means must have become exceedingly circumscribed. Hence it is not probable that the annual value of the imports into the country can have so far exceeded the exports from it, as the following statements, which have been already before the public, particularly exhibit.

The return for the year 1821, being the year after the annexation of Christophe’s dominions to the republic, gives the following balance of commerce with foreign nations:—

Making an excess of imports into the country over the means of the people from the value of the exports, in three years, no less a sum than twelve million, five hundred and nine thousand, five hundred and thirty-one dollars and twenty-two centimes, about treble the amount of the collective wealth of the people through the whole country! In the two succeeding years the exports and imports have kept, it would appear, an equal pace. By the same documents also, the proportion of the above balances with the respective countries is particularly detailed, and the three principal ones I shall enumerate.

I think it must be admitted that documents like the foregoing carry on the face of them evident marks of their spurious character. Although it is a known fact that they were issued from the bureau of government, it cannot for a moment be believed that there could be such an extraordinary excess of imports over the exports in a country the credit of which has been so often impeached, and the integrity of the government and people so much questioned. It is not probable,—it is not credible,—that the enterprising, yet wary, American should so implicitly confide in Haytian integrity and honour as to become a creditor of the latter to the extent of nearly nine million three hundred thousand dollars; and that the British trader should be led into a similar mistaken confidence, whilst France and every other country appear to have acted with the greatest possible precaution, and always to have obtained a quid pro quo—a consideration in return for an equal value given.

Nothing can be more discouraging to the commercial intercourse with Hayti, than the irregular system under which every operation is conducted, from the highest to the lowest office of the state. The delays and procrastinations of the officers of the customs are exceedingly injurious both to the consignee and to the vessel: a studied dilatoriness pervades all their proceedings. This delay is well known to the government, and repeated representations and remonstrances have been sent in to the proper authorities, and some remedy particularly sought for; but they have all been unsuccessful, and the foreign merchants were left to pursue the best course they possibly could, to obtain some little expedition in their progress through the customs. The only successful way to obtain this despatch is by one that never fails in its aim, that of a douceur, for the principal officers are open to bribes, and they seem determined not to do their duty without one, so long as the government sanctions their conduct.

The inconvenience as well as the impositions under which commerce labours in respect to the Haytian tariff furnishes another ground of complaint among foreigners. This is a matter which ought to be taken into the most serious consideration of the respective governments who have representatives in that country. The delay which ensues between the landing of the merchant’s property, and the examination of it by the officers of the customs for the purpose of ascertaining its qualities, agreeably to the regulations of the tariff, is not only most injurious, but in Hayti every thing becomes so exposed that depredations are not unfrequent, and the injured party has no remedy. The officers of the customs afford no redress, nor will the government make any compensation; and in a country where theft is so prevalent, and justice so seldom overtakes the perpetrator, there is but little security for property. I have seen many instances of goods being most unwarrantably exposed, and all the remonstrances of the consignee have been unavailing; there appeared on the contrary every reason to suspect connivance on the part of those whose duty it was to protect the property against those persons who are always on the alert to plunder, for they were negligent, and shewed no wish to detect offenders, and bring them to justice.

The way in which goods are valued agreeably to the tariff is a monstrous imposition on the trader, and imperatively calls for the most prompt and efficient remedy. Many of the articles of British manufacture are actually subjected to a duty equal to twenty per cent. instead of twelve, from the excess of valuation, the tariff fixing a value nearly double the actual sale price of the goods; and although it may be argued that the consumer pays the duty, yet it seriously affects the sale of the article, and in most cases is felt very grievously by the consignor. In no other country have I ever witnessed such impositions and such depredations as are committed in Hayti, where the injured individuals have not the least possible chance of redress. The British government has been, however, I have no doubt, apprised of the impositions practised by the Haytians on our commerce: hence it has been found adviseable to obtain some change, and in future to protect it against similar attacks. The appointment of a consul-general of talents and decision will, I am confident, bring the Haytian government and President Boyer to a proper sense of justice towards those British subjects who have so long suffered from these impositions. A trade fettered with such heavy duties, and charges of various description, where payment is extremely uncertain and insecure, from the character of the people and the state of the country, can never prosper if these exactions and depredations be not effectually restrained. I have heard of the ingenuity and dexterity evinced by the people of the South American states in abstracting merchandize that may be exposed; but I am confident that the Haytian may challenge competition, and on a trial of their respective merits, I have no doubt of his being pronounced the victor. The internal commerce of Hayti also as regards foreigners is rendered quite unprofitable by the absurd regulations which fetter it. The foreign merchant has no latitude given to his operations; he is not permitted to trade with any but Haytian citizens, and to them alone can he offer his goods. Though he might be able to effect a more advantageous arrangement with other importers or consignees like himself, he cannot even dispose of the produce of the country, should he have an excess beyond the quantity which he may require for exportation; he must ship it, however disadvantageous it may be. Neither can the foreign merchant dispose of his goods upon the coast; he is forced to place them under the agency of a Haytian citizen for that purpose, and confide in people possessing but little integrity.

All the produce which the foreigner purchases for exportation must pass through the hands of a broker, to whom he is obliged to pay a commission. He is not allowed to make his own purchases; but this difficulty is obviated by an understanding with the broker, that he shall be paid the commission on what the merchant may purchase himself. This commission is about six pence per one hundred pounds weight of coffee, and other articles in proportion. The French, by the arrangements of 1825, enjoy a much more extensive intercourse with Hayti than they did previously, and from their paying only half duties both on imports and exports, they are able to compete with the British and Americans, who before had decidedly the advantage. I do not know whether any arrangements are likely to be effected, by which British commerce will be put on the same footing as that of France, although I should hope that such a thing is not improbable, or else the little intercourse that now exists will decline more, for the French will be able to undersell us, having so great an advantage as half duties both ways.

In a commercial point of view Hayti presents but little encouragement to the speculator or adventurer. There is no extensive sphere for mercantile operation: every thing is confined within a narrow compass. The foreigner, with unlimited pecuniary means, has no opportunity of employing them to advantage. The heavy exactions of the government are too burthensome to admit of any successful application of capital, and to invest it under the impression of security would be an error that might bring on very fatal results. No such thing as security exists in that country; a foreigner cannot hold property in the soil, and he cannot, without a great deal of inconvenience and expense, obtain a lien on the real property of a citizen. To bring it to sale for the purpose of liquidating a debt, would be impossible, from the corrupt administration of justice; for the judicial seat is filled by persons who have not the least idea of either law or equity. Under all these circumstances, Hayti cannot advance much in commerce, for she holds out no inducements, and until the government remove the restraints which they have put upon it, and give it greater latitude and freedom, it will not be worth the foreigner’s seeking, for he cannot benefit by his operations, and he is exposed to inconceivable difficulties, and often to severe losses.

The finances of Hayti are exceedingly low; no country can labour under greater depression in its financial state than the republic at this moment, and there does not appear the least probability of a revival. Without agriculture and commerce, I cannot see how they are to be recruited, and as those are at the lowest ebb, despair seems to me inevitable. Their application to the French government to extend the period for the payment of the debt due for the recognition of independence, is corroborative of their impoverished condition. The receipts from all their sources of income are small, and their expenditure is large, and the government is often obliged to borrow money of the merchants in anticipation of duties they may have to pay, for the purpose of meeting the exigences of the country; and this has become so very frequent of late, that they have met with some refusals, merchants entertaining much doubt as to the safety of making such advances.

The public expenditure is estimated at about five millions of dollars annually, which one would think cannot be true, when a reference is made to the produce of the country. It is certain their ways and means fall considerably short of that amount. The customs on imports and exports produce about two million two hundred thousand dollars annually, and the territorial duties on produce, duty on houses, patents, tax on markets, and other taxes of minor consideration, about the same amount; so that the total revenue of the republic does not exceed four million four hundred thousand dollars. On this I can place some reliance; for the best informed persons in the country, both natives and foreigners, state that amount to be correct, and that it is impossible that it can be greater, from the condition into which both commerce and agriculture have sunk. The government, these last two years, anticipated a large revenue from the produce of the mines of Cibao, but that scheme turned out to be a fallacious ground-work of expectation; and a great deal also was expected to be realized by sales of the government lands, but this also has failed, from landed property being considered at the present moment of very insecure tenure. These two anticipated sources of revenue display the weakness of the government, and betray their want of foresight in an amazing degree, for nothing could be more inconsistent than to calculate upon repairing the finances of the country by hidden treasures, or think of obtaining any thing from mines which, had they been known to be worth working, would never have been neglected by the Spaniards or the French. With respect to government lands, I cannot conceive how any expectation of deriving benefit from them could have been entertained, when it is so notorious that the people have not a shilling to invest in the soil; and the constitution will not permit Europeans, or white persons from any country, to hold property in their own right, were they disposed to do so.

No means therefore present themselves by which the finances of Hayti can be improved, except the cultivation of its lands in good earnest, not by partial labour, but by the most persevering industry, and by enforcing the law for culture. Nothing short of the most strenuous exertions in agriculture can save Hayti from the ruin which threatens her, or can shelter her against the storm which seems to be gathering round her. Setting aside the produce of the soil, there is no other source from which any aid to the revenue can be derived; and if that be not attended to, and an increase immediately obtained, the little commercial intercourse that remains will dwindle away, and Hayti will sink into an irrecoverable state of poverty.

Towards both the military and civil establishments they are exceedingly illiberal. They do not adequately requite either for their services, which causes them all to be open to bribes, by which the revenue becomes defrauded. The soldiers of the republic are so irregularly paid—and at times not paid at all—that they make up by plunder wherever they have an opportunity. This is therefore a mistaken principle of economy; but it is similar to every other proceeding of the government, and carries with it every mark of absurdity. To reason with them in matters of finance would have no effect, for the vanity of Boyer and his chief advisers is such, that they think they have arrived at perfection; they arrogate to that system of government which they have established the praise of being the most efficient, if not the most powerful of all the modern republics.

The same want of system and method, which is seen in every other branch of the government, pervades the financial department. The head of that department has no power; he is a mere nominal character, and is often undeservedly exposed to censure from the extraordinary conduct of the president. It is not an uncommon circumstance for the president to issue an order on the treasurer for payment to some individual who has had a demand upon government, and after having issued it, and before an application can be made for payment, a subsequent order has been given to suspend the payment of it for a time, by which injustice the treasurer is subjected to great obloquy and abuse. This is not an uncommon thing; many of the British and American merchants will bear testimony to such facts, for they have often been placed in this predicament. Many to my knowledge, who have had occasion to transmit money to Port au Prince from some of the distant ports, have paid the amount into the treasury, or some other government department at his own port, and received a check on the treasurer-general for the amount, which, when presented, has often been refused, and it has been by great difficulty, and after great delay, that the check has been paid. So little confidence can be placed in the integrity of the government, that people are no longer disposed to have faith in it.

I have, I hope, said enough to deter mercantile adventurers from falling into the trap laid for their property, by the high sounding and vaunting reports published by the eulogists of Hayti for the purpose of delusion.