From this starting-point our author proceeds on the direct road to the Neosho river, vicinity of present Fort Gibson, Ind. Terr.
The most interesting of the above names is that of Nathaniel Pryor, of whose identity with the sergeant of Lewis and Clark I have no doubt: see L. and C., ed. of 1893, p. 254, delete the query there, and add: Nathaniel Pryor of Kentucky became an Ensign of the U. S. Army Feb 27, 1807, Second Lieutenant May 3, 1808, resigned April 1, 1810, was appointed First Lieutenant of the 44th Inf. Aug 30, 1813, promoted to be Captain Oct 1, 1814, and honorably discharged June 15, 1815. See also my article, “Letters of William Clark and Nathaniel Pryor,” in Annals of Iowa, 3d ser., Vol I, No. 8, Jan., 1895, pp. 613-620, for an account of Ensign Pryor’s disastrous attempt to convey the Mandan chief Shahaka from St. Louis, Mo., to the Mandan villages on the Missouri. Fowler rounds the great bend, past Great Bend, and camps, as he says, 9 m. short of the true Pawnee fork. It will be observed that he has no name but “Red Rock” for the subsequently and long famous Pawnee Rock, which now gives name to a station on the railroad, said to be 16 m. above Great Bend and 13 m. below Larned. It is said to have received its name from a fight there in May or June, 1826, when an expedition which Col. Ceran St. Vrain had fitted out was attacked by Pawnees, and Kit Carson, then a boy, killed his own mule by mistake for an Indian during a false alarm the night before. “Pawnee Rock is no longer conspicuous. Its material has been torn away both by the railroad and the settlers in the vicinity, to build foundations for water-tanks, in the one instance, and for the construction of their houses, barns, and sheds, in the other. Nothing remains of the once famous landmark, its site is occupied as a cattle corral by the owner of the claim in which it is situated,” says Inman, Old Santa FÉ Trail, 1897, pp. 404, 405. Fowler names Purgatory river “White Bair crick” on June 6, 1822, beyond, from the tragic incident now about to be narrated. We must pause here to consider Fowler as the first settler, or at least squatter, on the site of the future Pueblo, Col., the honor of founding which is claimed by, and commonly conceded to, James P. Beckwourth, whose mendacity was as illimitable as the plains over which he roamed while he was the great chief of the Crows, and whose credit for the same was as high as the mountains in which his adopted nation lurked. It is true that Pike built at Pueblo a sort of stockade for the defense of his party, but this was merely a log pen or breastwork which his men occupied Nov. 24-29, 1806, while he went on a side trip to his peak. The structure was such as could be thrown up over night, and all trace of it speedily disappeared. But Fowler built a habitable house and horse-corral, which he occupied about a month, while his party were trapping, hunting, and herding their stock in the vicinity, awaiting the appointed time to take up the Taos Trail which Col. Glenn had already followed to Santa FÉ. The site of Pueblo does not appear to have been reoccupied in any way that can be called settling, for 20 years after Fowler. Then the redoubtable Jim appears upon the scene: see Leland’s ed. of Bonner’s Life of Beckwourth, 1892, p. 383. “We reached the Arkansaw about the first of October, 1842, where I erected a trading-post, and opened a successful business. In a very short time I was joined by from fifteen to twenty free trappers, with their families. We all united our labors, and constructed an adobe fort sixty yards square. By the following spring we had grown into quite a little settlement, and we gave it the name of Pueblo.” In so saying, this boundless liar tells the truth—whether by accident or design is immaterial to the substantial accuracy of what he says. We also read further in Inman, p. 252: “The old Pueblo fort, as nearly as can be determined now, was built as early as 1840, or not later than 1842, and, as one authority asserts, by George Simpson and his associates, Barclay and Doyle. Beckwourth claims to have been the original projector of the fort, and to have given the general plan and its name, in which I am inclined to believe he is correct; perhaps Barclay, Doyle, and Simpson were connected with him, as he states that there were other trappers, though he mentions no names. It was a square fort of adobe, with circular bastions at the corners, no part of the walls being more than eight feet high. Around the inside of the plaza, or corral, were half a dozen small rooms inhabited by as many Indian traders and mountain-men.” According to Fitzpatrick, in 1847 the settlement contained about 150 men and 60 or more women, the former mostly Missourians, French-Canadians, and Mexicans, whose wives were squaws of various Indian tribes, together with some American Mormon women. On this subject see also Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 453, 454, where an adobe fort is noted. At this date Fowler duplicates the day of the week, which throws him out till Feb. 9, when he corrects himself. But there is no break in days of the month. In Gregg’s Comm. of the Pra., i, 1844, p. 19 and p. 67 (quoted in Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 437), it is stated that a party of about a dozen men, including two named Beard and Chambers, reached Santa FÉ in 1812, and returned to the U. S. in 1822. In Inman’s Santa FÉ Trail, p. 41, it is made eight years after James Pursley’s trip that “Messrs. McKnight, Beard, and Chambers, with about a dozen comrades, started with a supply of goods across the unknown plains, and by good luck arrived safely at Santa FÉ,” where their troubles began; their wares were confiscated, and most of them were incarcerated at Chihuahua “for almost a decade.” Inman agrees with Gregg that Beard and Chambers reached St. Louis in 1822, and notes that “McKnight was murdered south of the Arkansas by the Comanches in the winter of 1822,” meaning of 1822-23. This McKnight is obviously the man whom Fowler names. From this point Fowler makes a break, almost as straight as the crow flies, for the Arkansaw, which he will strike at Coolidge, Kas. It is a long distance across country, about N. E., with no exactly identifiable landmark till we stand him on Two Buttes; and his trail does not coincide, except approximately, with any road I can find laid down on the best modern maps. The nearest I know of is what is called the “probable course” of the wagon road from Cimarron to Granada, on the drainage sheet of Hayden’s Atlas of Colorado, 1877; but the maps I go by are the later ones of the U. S. Geological Survey, 2 m. to the inch. It is a matter of special interest to recover this old trail as closely as possible. Fowler has left the Arkansaw and taken up a devious ’cross country route, which is to bring him through Kansas into Missouri near Kansas City and so on through Independence, Mo., to Fort Osage, on the Missouri river. In 1822 the road which soon became the long famous Santa FÉ caravan route from Independence to the great bend of the Arkansaw was hardly established. This went through Council Grove, by the most direct way which the traders found it convenient to take. For an examination of this route see Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 517-522. It is interesting to note, as showing that no such route as this had become established and well known when Fowler went through, that he deviates widely from what would have been his most direct and in every way most eligible line of march. As we recover his trail we shall find it to be one now unknown, looping far to the S. into Butler Co., then passing heads of the Verdigris, crossing the Neosho below the mouth of the Cottonwood, and so on eastward with the requisite northing. I regard the trail we now take up as something of an unexpected discovery. “In 1812 a Captain Becknell, who had been on a trading expedition to the country of the Comanches in the summer of 1811, and had done remarkably well, determined the next season to change his objective point to Santa FÉ,” says Inman, p. 38. When at or near the Caches on the Arkansaw, he left that stream and took his party across country on the Cimarron or dry route; but they were obliged to return, after suffering horribly from thirst, and follow up the Arkansaw route to Taos. “The virtual commencement of the Santa FÉ trade dates from 1822”; and in 1824 was made the first attempt to introduce wagons, etc., says Inman, p. 51. According to Gregg, a better authority, both pack animals and wagons were used 1822-25, but after that wagons only. According to Fowler’s passage above, we see that Becknell had taken wagons in 1822 if not earlier; and thus the party to which Col. Marmaduke was attached, and which reached Santa FÉ with wagons in 1824, was not the first to pass through Kansas on wheels. |