  47 The following is contained in the Forty-seventh of Dio's Rome: How Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus came to Rome and instituted a reign of slaughter (chapters 1-19). About Brutus and Cassius and what they did before the battle of Philippi (chapters 20-36). How Brutus and Cassius were defeated by Caesar and perished (chapters 37-49). Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Gaius Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, together with one additional year, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated: M. Aemilius M.F. Lepidus cos. (II), L. Munatius L.F. Plancus. (B.C. 42 = a. u. 712.) (BOOK 47, BOISSEVAIN.)[B.C. 43 (a. u. 711)] [-1-] After forming these compacts and taking mutual oaths they hastened to Rome under the assumption that they were all going to rule on equal terms, but each one had the intention of getting the entire power himself. Yet they had learned in advance very clearly before this, but most plainly at this time, what would be the future. In the case of Lepidus a serpent coiled about a centurion's sword and a wolf that entered his camp and his tent while he was eating dinner and knocked down the table indicated at once power and disappointment as a result of power: in that of Antony milk flowing about the ramparts and a kind of chant echoing about at night signified gladness of heart and destruction succeeding it. These portents befell them before they entered Italy. In Caesar's case at the very time after the covenant had been made an eagle settled upon his tent and killed two crows that attacked it and tried to pluck out its feathers,—a sign which granted him victory over his two rivals. [-2-] So they came to Rome, first Caesar, then the others, each one separately, with all their soldiers, and immediately through the tribunes enacted such laws as pleased them. The orders they gave and force that they used thus acquired the name of law and furthermore brought them supplications; for they required to be besought earnestly when they were to pass any measures. Consequently sacrifices were voted for them as if for good fortune and the people changed their attire as if they had secured prosperity, although they were considerably terrified by the transactions and still more by omens. For the standards of the army guarding the city were covered with spiders, and weapons were seen reaching up from earth to heaven while a great din resounded from them, and in the shrines of Aesculapius bees gathered in numbers on the roof and crowds of vultures settled on the temple of the Genius Populi and on that of Concord. [-3-] And while these conditions still remained practically unchanged, those murders by proscription which Sulla had once caused were put into effect and the whole city was filled with corpses. Many were killed in their houses, many in the streets, and scattered about in the fora and near the temples: the heads of such were once more attached to the rostra and their trunks flung out to be devoured by the dogs and birds or cast into the river. Everything that had been done before in the days of Sulla found a counterpart at this time, except that only two white tablets were posted, one for the senators and one for the rest. The reason for this I have not been able to learn from any one else nor to find out myself. The cause which one might have imagined, that fewer were put to death, is least of all true: for many more names were listed, because there were more leaders concerned. In this respect, then, the case differed from the murders that had earlier taken place: but that the names of those prominent were not posted with the rabble, but separately, appeared very nonsensical to the men who were to be murdered in the same way. Besides this no few other very unpleasant conditions fell to their lot, although the former rÉgime, one would have said, had left nothing to be surpassed. [-4-] But in Sulla's time those guilty of such murderous measures had some excuse in their very hardihood: they were trying the method for the first time, and not with set intentions; hence in most cases they behaved less maliciously, since they were acting not according to definite plans but as chance dictated. And the victims, succumbing to sudden and unheard of catastrophes, found some alleviation in the unexpectedness of their experience. At this time, on the other hand, they were executing in person or beholding or at least understanding thoroughly by fresh descriptions merely deeds that had been dared before; in the intervals, expecting a recurrence of similar acts, some were inventing various new methods to employ, and others were becoming afflicted by new fears that they too should suffer. The perpetrators resorted to most unusual devices in their emulation of the outrages of yore and their consequent eagerness to add, through the resources of art, novel features to their attempts. The others reflected on all that they might suffer and hence even before their bodies were harmed their spirits were thoroughly on the rack, as if they were already undergoing the trial. [-5-] Another reason for their faring worse on this occasion than before was that previously only Sulla's own enemies and the foes of the leaders associated with him were destroyed: among his friends and the people in general no one perished at his bidding; so that except the very wealthy,—and these can never be at peace with the stronger element at such a time,—the remainder took courage. In this second series of assassinations, however, not only the men's enemies or the rich were being killed, but also their best friends and quite without looking for it. On the whole it may be said that almost nobody had incurred the enmity of those men from any private cause that should account for his being slain by them. Politics and compromises regarding posts of authority had created both their friendships and their violent hatreds. All those that had aided or assisted one of the group in any way the others held in the light of an enemy. So it came about that the same persons had become friends to some one of them, and enemies to the entire body, so that while each was privately quelling his antagonists, they destroyed the dearest friends of all in general. In the course of their joint negotiations[26] they made a kind of account of who was on their side and who was opposed, and no one was allowed to take vengeance on one of his own enemies who was a friend of another without giving up some friend in his turn: and because of their anger over what was past and their suspicion of the future they cared nothing about the preservation of an associate in comparison with vengeance on an adversary, and so gave them up without much protest. [-6-] Thus they offered one another staunch friends for bitter enemies and implacable foes for close comrades; and sometimes they exchanged even numbers, at others several for one or fewer for more, altogether carrying on the transactions as if at a market, and overbidding one another as at an auction room. If some one was found just equivalent to another and the two were ranked alike, the exchange was a simple one; but all whose value was raised by some excellence or esteem or relationship could be despatched only in return for several. As there had been civil wars, lasting a long time and embracing many events, not a few men during the turmoil had come into collision with their nearest relatives. Indeed, Lucius Caesar, Antony's uncle, had become his enemy, and Lepidus's brother, Lucius Paulus, hostile to him. The lives of these were saved, but many of the rest were slaughtered even in the houses of their very friends and relatives, from whom they especially expected protection and honor. And in order that no person should feel less inclined to kill any one out of fear of being deprived of the rewards (remembering that in the time of Sulla Marcus Cato, who was quaestor, had demanded of some of the murderers all they had received for their work), they proclaimed that the name of no proscribed person should be registered in the public records. On this account they slew ordinary citizens more readily and made away with the prosperous, even though they had no dislike for a single one of them. For since they stood in need of vast sums of money and had no other source from which to satisfy the desire of their soldiers, they affected a kind of common enmity against the rich. Among the other transgressions they committed in the line of this policy was to declare a mere child of age, so that they might kill him as already exercising the privileges of a man. [-7-] Most of this was done by Lepidus and Antony. They had been honored by the former Caesar for a very long time and as they had been in office and holding governorships most of the period they had many enemies. It appeared as if Caesar had a part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, for he himself was not at all anxious to kill any large number. He was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father's ways. Moreover, as he was young and had just entered the political arena, there was no inevitable necessity for his bitterly hating many persons, and he wished to have people's affection. This is indicated by the fact that from the time he broke off his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he did nothing of the sort. And at this time he not only refrained from destroying many but preserved a large number. Those also who betrayed their masters or friends he treated most harshly and those who helped anybody most leniently. An instance of it occurs in the case of Tanusia, a woman of note. She concealed her husband Titus Vinius, who was proscribed, at first in a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen[27] and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a national festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the influence of his sister Octavia brought it about that Caesar alone of the three entered the theatre. Then she sprang up and informed him of the deception, of which he was still ignorant, brought in the very chest and led from it her husband. Caesar, astonished, released all of them (death being the penalty also for such as concealed any one) and enrolled Philopoemen among the knights. [-8-] He, then, saved the lives of as many as he could. Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and toward others was not inexorable. But Antony killed savagely and relentlessly not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those who had attempted to assist any of them. He had their heads in view when he happened to be eating and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. Fulvia also put to death many herself both by reason of enmity and on account of their money, and some with whom her husband was not acquainted. When he saw the head of one man, he exclaimed: "I didn't know about him!" Cicero's head also being brought to them (he had been overtaken and slain while trying to flee), Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against him and then ordered it to be exposed on the rostra more prominently than the rest, in order that he might be seen in the place from which he used to be heard inveighing against him,—together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off. Before it was taken away Fulvia took it in her hands and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the brooches that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests. Yet even this pair saved some persons from whom they got more money than they could expect to obtain by their death. But in order that the places for their names on the tablets might not be empty, they inscribed others in their stead. Except that Antony did release his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia he performed no other praiseworthy act. [-9-] For these causes the murders had great variety of detail, and the rescues that fell to the lot of some were of many kinds. Numbers were ruined by their most intimate friends, and numbers were saved by their most inveterate foes. Some slew themselves and others were given freedom by the very pursuers, who approached as if to murder them. Some who betrayed masters or friends were punished and others were honored for this very reason: of those who helped others to survive some paid the penalty and others received rewards. Since there was not one man but three, who were acting in all cases each according to his own desire and for his private advantage, and since the same persons were not enemies or friends of the whole group, since, also, two of them might be anxious for some one to be saved whom the third wished to destroy, or for some one to perish whom the third wished to survive, many complicated situations resulted, according as they felt good-will or hatred toward any one. [-10-] I, accordingly, shall omit an accurate and detailed description of all the events,—it would be a vast undertaking and would not add much to the history,—but shall relate what I deem to be most worthy of remembrance. Here is one. A slave had hidden his master in a cave, and then, when even so through another's information he was likely to perish, this slave changed clothes with him and wearing his master's apparel confronted the pursuers as the man himself and was slain. So they were turned aside, thinking they had despatched the desired man, but he when they had departed made his escape to some other place. Or a second. Another slave had likewise changed his entire accoutrement with his master, and entered a covered litter which he made the other help to carry. When they were overtaken the one in the litter was killed without being even looked at, and the master, as a baggage-carrier, was saved. Those services were rendered by those servants to their benefactors in return for some kindness previously received. There was also a branded runaway who so far from betraying the man who had branded him very willingly preserved him. He was detected in carrying him away and was being pursued, when he killed somebody who met him by chance and gave the latter's clothes to his master. Having then placed him upon a pyre he himself took his master's clothing and ring and going to meet the pursuers pretended that he had killed the man while fleeing. Because of his spoils and the marks of the branding he was believed and both saved the person in question and was himself honored. The names connected with the above anecdotes have not been preserved. But in the case of Hosidius Greta his son arranged a funeral for him as though already dead and preserved him in that way. Quintus Cicero, the brother of Marcus, was secretly led away by his child and saved, so far as his rescuer's responsibility went. The boy concealed his father so well that he could not be discovered and when tormented for it by all kinds of torture did not utter a syllable. His father, learning what was being done, was filled at once with admiration and pity for the boy, and therefore came voluntarily to view and surrendered himself to the slayers. [-11-] This gives an idea of the greatness of the manifest achievements of virtue and piety at the time. It was Popillius Laenas who killed Marcus Cicero, in spite of the latter's having done him favors as his advocate; and in order that he might depend not wholly on hearsay but also on the sense of sight to establish himself as the murderer of the orator, he set up an image of himself wearing a crown beside his victim's head, with an inscription that gave his name and the service rendered. By this act he pleased Antony so much that he secured more than the price offered. Marcus Terentius Varro was a man who had given no offence, but as his appellation was identical with that of one of the proscribed, except for one name, he was afraid that, this might lead him to suffer such a fate as did Cinna. Therefore he issued a statement making known this fact; he was tribune at the time. For this he became the subject of much idle amusement and laughter. The uncertainty of life, however, was evidenced by the very fact that Lucius Philuscius, who had previously been proscribed by Sulla and had escaped, had his name now inscribed again on the tablet and perished, whereas Marcus Valerius Messala, condemned to death by Antony, not only continued to live in safety but was later appointed consul in place of Antony himself. Thus many survive from inextricable difficulties and no fewer are ruined through a spirit of confidence. Hence a man ought not to be alarmed to the point of hopelessness by the calamities of the moment, nor to be elated to heedlessness by temporary exultation, but by placing his hope of the future half-way between both to make reliable calculations for either event. [-12-] This is the way it befell at that time: very many of those not proscribed were involved in the downfall of others on account of spite or money, and very many whose names were proclaimed not only survived but returned to their homes again, and some of them even held offices. They had a refuge, of course, with Brutus and Cassius and Sextus, and the majority directed their flight toward the last mentioned. He had been chosen formerly to command the fleet and had held sway for some time on the sea, so that he had surrounded himself with a force of his own, though he was afterward deprived of his office by Caesar. He had occupied Sicily, and then, when the order of proscription was passed against him, too, a host of assassinations took place, he aided greatly those who were in like condition. Anchoring near the coast of Italy he sent word to Rome and to the other cities offering among other things to those who saved anybody double the reward advertised for murdering the same and promising to the men themselves a reception and assistance and money and honors. [-13-] Therefore great numbers came to him. I have not even now recorded the precise total of those who were proscribed or slaughtered or who escaped, because many names originally inscribed on the tablets were erased and many were later inscribed in their place, and of these not a few were saved while many outside of these succumbed. It was not even allowed anybody to mourn for the victims, but several perished from this cause also. And finally, when the calamities broke through all the pretence they could assume and no one even of the most stout-hearted could any longer wear an air of indifference to them, but in all their work and conversation their countenances were overcast and they were not intending to celebrate the usual festival at the beginning of the year, they were ordered by a public notice to appear in good spirits, on pain of death if they should refuse to obey. So they were forced to rejoice over the common evils as over blessings. Yet why need I have mentioned it, when they voted to those men (the triumvirs, I mean) civic crowns and other distinctions as to benefactors and saviors of the State? They did not think of being held to blame because they were killing a few, but wished to receive additional praise for not putting more out of the way. And to the populace they once openly stated that they had emulated neither the cruelty of Marius and Sulla so as to incur hatred, nor the mildness of Caesar so as to be despised and as a result become objects of a conspiracy. [-14-] Such were the conditions of the murders; but many other unusual proceedings took place in regard to the property of persons left alive. They actually announced, as if they were just and humane rulers, that they would give to the widows of the slain their dowries, to the male children a tenth, and to the female children a twentieth of the property of each one's father. This was not, however, granted save in a few cases: of the rest all the possessions without exception were ruthlessly plundered. In the first place they levied upon all the houses in the City and those in the rest of Italy a yearly rent, which was the entire amount from dwellings which people had let, and half from such as they occupied themselves, with reference to the value of the domicile. Again, from those who had lands they took away half of the proceeds. Besides, they had the soldiers get their support free from the cities in which they were wintering, and distributed them to various rural districts, pretending that they were sent to take charge of confiscated territory or that of persons who still opposed them. For this last class they had termed likewise enemies because they had not changed their attitude before the appointed day. So that the whole country outside the towns was also pillaged. The autocrats allowed the soldiers to do this to the end that, having their pay before the work, they might devote all their energy to their commanders' interests, and promised to give them cities and lands: And with this in view they further assigned to them persons to divide the land and settle them. The mass of the soldiers was made loyal by this course: of the more prominent they tempted some with the goods of those that had been despatched by lowering the price on certain articles and granting others to them free, and others they honored with the offices and priesthoods of the victims. The commanders, to make sure that they themselves should get the finest both of lands and buildings and give their followers what they pleased, gave notice that no one else should frequent the auction room unless he wanted to buy something: whoever did so should die. And they handled bona fide purchasers in such a way that the latter discovered nothing and paid the very highest price for what they wanted, and consequently had no desire to buy again. [-15-] This was the course followed in regard to possessions. As to the offices and priesthoods of such as had been put to death they distributed them not in the fashion prescribed by law but however it suited them. Caesar resigned the office of consul, giving up willingly that which he had so desired as to make war for it, and his colleague gave up his place, whereupon they appointed Publius Ventidius, though praetor, and one other; and to the former's praetorship they promoted one of the aediles. Afterward they removed all the praetors (who held office five days longer than Ventidius) and sent them to be governors of the provinces, while they installed others in their places. Some laws were abolished and others introduced instead. And, in brief, they ordered everything else just as seemed good to them. They did not, to be sure, lay claim to titles which were offensive and had been therefore done away with, but they managed matters according to their own wish and desire, so that Caesar's sovereignty by comparison appeared all gold. [B.C. 42 (a. u. 712)] In addition to transacting that year the business mentioned, they voted a temple to Serapis and Isis. [-16-] When Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Plancus became consuls tablets were again exposed, not bringing death to any one any longer, but defrauding the living of their property. They were collecting funds because they were in need of more money, due to the fact that they owed large sums to large numbers of soldiers, were expending considerable on works undertaken by the latter, and thought they should lay out far more still on wars in prospect. The fact that those taxes which had been formerly abrogated were now again put in force or established on a new basis, and the institution of joint contributions, many of which kept being levied on the land and on the servants, displeased people moderately, it can not be denied. But to have those who were in the slightest degree still prosperous, not only of the senators or knights but even among the freedmen, and men and women alike, bulletined on the tablets and another tenth of their wealth confiscated disturbed all beyond measure. For it was only nominally that a tenth of his property was exacted from each one: in reality not so much as a tenth was left. They were not ordered to contribute a stated amount according to the value of their possessions, but they had the duty of estimating their own goods and then, being accused of not having made a fair estimate, they lost the rest besides. [-17-] If any still escaped this somehow, yet they were brought into straits by the assessments, and as they were terribly destitute of money they too were in a way deprived of everything. Moreover, the following device, distressing to hear but most distressing in practice, was put into operation. Whoever of them wished was allowed by abandoning his property afterward to make a requisition for one-third of it, which meant getting nothing and also having trouble. For when they were being openly and violently despoiled of two-thirds, how should they get back one-third, especially since goods were being sold for an infinitesimal price? In the first place, since many wares were being advertised for sale at once and the majority of men were without gold or silver, and the rest did not dare to buy because it would look as if they had something and they would place in jeopardy the remnant of their wealth, the prices were relaxed: in the second place, everything was sold to the soldiers far below its value. Hence no one of the private citizens saved anything worth mentioning. In addition to other drains they surrendered servants for the fleet, buying them if they had none, and the senators repaired the roads at their individual expense. Only those who wielded arms enjoyed superlative wealth. They, to be sure, were not satisfied with their pay, though it was in full, nor with their outside perquisites, though of vast extent, nor with the very large prizes bestowed for the murders, nor with the acquisition of lands, which was made almost without cost to them. But in addition some would ask for and receive all the property of the dying, and others still forced their way into the families of such as were old and childless. To such an extent were they filled with greed and shamelessness that one man asked from Caesar himself the property of Attia, Caesar's mother, who had died at the time and had been honored by a public burial. [-18-] While these three men were behaving in this wise, they were also magnifying the former Caesar to the greatest degree. As they were all aiming at sole supremacy and were all striving for it, they vindictively pursued the remainder of the assassins, apparently in the idea that they were preparing from afar immunity for themselves in what they were doing, and safety; and everything which tended to his honor they readily took up, in expectation of some day being themselves deemed worthy of similar distinctions: for this reason they glorified him by the decrees which had been passed, and by others which they now added to them. On the first day of the year they themselves took an oath and made others swear that they would consider binding all his acts; this action is still taken in the case of all officials who successively hold power, or again of those who lived in his era, and have not been dishonored. They also laid the foundation of a hero-shrine in the Forum, on the spot where he had been burned, and escorted a kind of image of him at the horse-races together with a second statue of Venus. In case news of a victory came from anywhere they assigned the honor of a thanksgiving to the victor by himself and to Caesar, though dead, by himself. They compelled everybody to celebrate his birthday wearing laurel and in good spirits, passing a law that all others, neglected it, were accursed before Jupiter and before him while any senators or their sons should forfeit twenty-five myriads of denarii. Now it happened that the Ludi Apollinares fell on the same day, and they therefore voted that his natal feast should be held on the previous day,[28] because (they said) there was an oracle of the Sibyl forbidding a festival to be celebrated during that twenty-four hours to any god except Apollo. [-19-] Besides granting him these privileges they regarded the day on which he had been murdered (on which there was always a regular meeting of the senate) as a dies nefas. The room in which he had been murdered they closed immediately and later transformed it into a privy. They also built the Curia Julia, called after him, next to the so-named Comitium, as had been voted. Besides, they forbade any likeness of him, because he was in very truth a god, to be carried at the funerals of his relatives, which ancient custom was still being observed. And they enacted that no one who took refuge in his shrine to secure immunity should be banished or stripped of his goods,—a right given to no one of the gods even, save to such as had a place in the days of Romulus. Yet after men began to gather there the place had inviolability in name without its effects; for it was so fenced about that no one at all could any longer enter it. In addition to those gifts to Caesar they allowed the vestal virgins to employ one lictor each, because one of them had been insulted, owing to not being recognized, while returning home from dinner toward evening. The offices in the City they assigned for a greater number of years in advance, thus at the same time giving honor through the expected offices to those fitted for them and retaining a grasp on affairs for a longer time by means of those who were to hold sway. [-20-] When this had been accomplished, Lepidus remained there, as I have said, to take up the administration of the City and of the rest of Italy, and Caesar and Antony started on their campaign. Brutus and Cassius had at first, after the compact made by them with Antony and the rest, gone into the Forum and discharged the activities of praetorship with the same diligence as before. [B.C. 44 (a. u. 710)] But when some began to be displeased at the killing of Caesar, they withdrew, pretending to be in haste to reach the governorships abroad to which they had been appointed. Cassius, who was praetor urbanus,[29] had not yet finished his duties in connection with the Ludi Apollinares. However, though absent he accomplished that task most brilliantly through the medium of his fellow-praetor Antony, and did not himself sail away from Italy at once, but lingered with Brutus in Campania, to watch the course of events. And in their capacity as praetors they sent a certain number of letters to Rome to the people, until such time as Caesar Octavianus began to aspire to public position and to win the affections of the populace. Then, in despair of the republic and fear of him, they set sail. The Athenians gave them a splendid reception; for though they were indeed honored by nearly everybody else for what they had done, the inhabitants of this city voted them bronze images beside that of Harmodius and that of Aristogeiton, as having emulated them. [-21-] Meanwhile, learning that Caesar was making progress they neglected the Cretans and Bithynians, to whom they were directing their course, for among them they saw no aid forthcoming worthy the name: but they turned to Syria and to Macedonia, which did not, to be sure, appertain to them in the least, because they were teeming with money and troops for the occasion. Cassius proceeded to the Syrian country, because its inhabitants were acquainted with him and friendly as a result of his campaign with Crassus, while Brutus united Greece and Macedonia. The inhabitants would have followed him anywhere because of the glory of his deeds and in the hope of similar achievements, and they were further influenced by the fact that he had acquired numerous soldiers, some survivors of the battle of Pharsalus, who were still at this time wandering about in that region, and others who either by reason of disease or because of want of discipline had been left behind from the contingent that took the field with Dolabella. Money came to him, too, from Trebonius in Asia. So without the least effort, perhaps because it contained no force worth mentioning, he by this means gained the country of Greece. He reached Macedonia at the time that Gaius Antonius had just arrived and Quintus Hortensius, who had governed it previously, was about to lay down his office. However, he experienced no trouble. The departing official embraced his cause at once, and Antonius was weak, being hindered by Caesar's supremacy in Rome from performing any of the duties belonging to his office. The neighboring territory of Illyricum was governed by Vatinius, who came thence to Dyrrachium and occupied it in advance. He was a political adversary of Brutus, but could not injure him at all, for his soldiers, who disliked him and furthermore despised him by reason of a disease, went over to the other side. [B.C. 43 (a. u. 711)] Brutus, taking charge of these, led an expedition against Antonius, who was in Apollonia: the latter came out to meet him, whereupon Brutus won over his soldiers and confined him within the walls, whither he fled before him. After this Antonius was by betrayal taken alive, but no harm was done to him. [-22-] Close upon this success the victor acquired all of Macedonia and Epirus, and then despatched a letter to the senate, stating what had been accomplished, and placing himself, the provinces, and the soldiers at its disposal. The senators, who by chance already felt suspicious of Caesar, praised him strongly and bade him govern all that region. When, then, he had confirmed his leadership by the decree, he himself felt more encouraged and he found his subjects ready to support him unreservedly. For a time he communicated with Caesar, when the latter appeared to be hostile to Antony, urging him to resist his enemy and be reconciled with him (Brutus), and he was making preparations to sail to Italy because the senate summoned him. After Caesar, however, had matters thoroughly in hand in Rome, and proceeded openly to take vengeance on his father's slayers, Brutus remained where he was, deliberating how he should successfully ward off the other's attack when it occurred: and besides managing admirably the other districts as well as Macedonia, he calmed the minds of his legions when they had been thrown into a state of discontent by Antonius. [-23-] For the latter, although his conqueror had not even deprived him of a praetor's perquisites, did not enjoy keeping quiet in safety and honor, but connived at a revolt among the soldiers of Brutus. Being discovered at this work before he had done any great harm, he was stripped of his praetor's insignia, and delivered to be guarded without confinement that he might not cause an uprising. Yet not even then did he remain quiet, but concocted more schemes of rebellion than ever, so that some of the soldiers came to blows with one another and others started for Apollonia after Antonius himself, in the intention of rescuing him. This, however, they were unable to do: Brutus had learned in advance from some intercepted letters what was to be done and by putting him into an enclosed chair got him out of the way on the pretence that he was moving a sick man. The soldiers, not being able to find the object of their search, in fear of Brutus seized a point of high ground commanding the city. Brutus induced them to come to an understanding, and by executing a few of the most audacious and dismissing others from his service he set matters in such a light that the men arrested and killed those sent away, on the ground that they were most responsible for the sedition, and asked for the surrender of the quaestor and the lieutenants of Antonius. [-24-] Brutus did not give up any of the latter, but put them aboard boats with the avowed intention of drowning them, and so conveyed them to safety. Fearing, however, that when they should hear the next news of more terrifying transactions in Rome they might change their attitude, he delivered Antonius to a certain Gaius Clodius to guard, and left him at Apollonia. Meanwhile Brutus himself took the largest and strongest part of the army and retired into upper Macedonia, whence he later sailed to Asia, to the end that he might remove his men as far as possible from Italy and support them on the subject territory there. Among other allies whom he won over at this time was Deiotarus, although he was of a great age and had refused assistance to Cassius. While he was delaying here a plot was formed against him by Gellius Poplicola, and Mark Antony sent some men to attempt to rescue his brother. Clodius, accordingly, as he could not guard his prisoner safely, killed him, either on his own responsibility, or according to instructions from Brutus. For the story is that at first the latter made his safety of supreme importance, but later, learning that Decimus had perished, cared nothing more about it. Gellius was detected, but suffered no punishment. Brutus released him because he had always held him to be among his best friends and knew that his brother, Marcus Messala, was on very close terms with Cassius. The man had also attacked Cassius, but had suffered no evil in that case, either. The reason was that his mother Polla learned of the plot in advance, and being very fearful lest Cassius should be overtaken by his fate (for she was very fond of him) and lest her son should be detected, voluntarily informed Cassius of the plot herself beforehand, and received the preservation of her son as a reward. His easy escapes, however, did not improve him at all, and he deserted his benefactors to join Caesar and Antony. [-25-] As soon as Brutus learned of the attempt of Mark Antony and of the killing of his brother, he feared that some other insurrection might take place in Macedonia during his absence, and immediately hastened to Europe. On the way he took charge of the territory which had belonged to Sadalus (who died childless and left it to the Romans), and invaded the country of the Bessi, to see if he could at the same time recompense them for the trouble they were causing and surround himself with the name and reputation of imperator, which would enable him to fight more easily against Caesar and Antony. Both projects he accomplished, being chiefly aided by Rhascuporis, a certain prince. After going thence into Macedonia and making himself master of everything there, he withdrew again into Asia. [B.C. 44 (a. u. 710)] [-26-] Brutus besides doing this had stamped upon the coins which were being minted his own likeness and a helmet and two daggers, indicating by this and by the inscription that in company with Cassius he had liberated his country. At that same period Cassius had crossed over to Trebonius in Asia ahead of Dolabella, and after securing money from him and a number of the cavalry whom Dolabella had sent before him into Syria attached to his cause many others of the Asiatics and Cilicians. As a result he brought Tarcondimotus[30] and the people of Tarsus into the alliance, though they were reluctant. For the Tarsians were so devoted to the former Caesar (and out of regard for him to the second also) that they had changed the name of their city to Juliopolis after him. This done, Cassius went to Syria, and without striking a blow assumed entire direction of the nations and the legions. [B.C. 43 (a. u. 710)] The situation in Syria at that time was this. Caecilius Bassus, a knight, who had made the campaign with Pompey and in the retreat had arrived at Tyre, continued to spend his time there, incognito. On 'Change. Now Sextus was governing the Syrians, for Caesar, since he was quaestor and also a relative of his, had entrusted to his care all Roman interests in that quarter on the occasion of his own march from Egypt against Pharnaces. So Bassus at first remained quiet, satisfied to be allowed to live: when, however, some similar persons had associated themselves with him and he had attracted to his enterprise various soldiers of Sextus who at various times came there to garrison the city, and likewise many alarming reports kept coming in from Africa about Caesar, he was no longer pleased with existing circumstances but raised a rebellion, his aim being either to help the followers of Scipio and Cato and the Pompeians or to clothe himself in some authority. Sextus discovered him before he had finished his preparations, but he explained that he was collecting this body as an auxiliary force for Mithridates of Pergamum against Bosporus; his story was believed, and he was released. So after this he forged an epistle, which he pretended had been sent to him by Scipio, in which he announced that Caesar had been defeated and had perished in Africa and stated that the governorship of Syria had been assigned to him. His next step was to use the forces he had in readiness for occupying Tyre and from there he approached the camp of Sextus. In the attack on the latter which followed Bassus was defeated and wounded. Consequently, after this experience, he no longer employed violent tactics, but sent messages to his opponent's soldiers, and in some way or other so prevailed over some of them that they took upon themselves the murder of Sextus. [-27-] The latter out of the way the usurper gained possession of all his army except some few. The soldiers wintering in Apamea withdrew before he reached them toward Cilicia, and were pursued but were not won over. Bassus returned to Syria, where he was named commander, and he conquered Apamea so as to have it as a base for warfare. He enlisted not only the free but the slave fighting population, gathered money, and accumulated arms. While he was thus engaged one Gaius Antistius invested the position he was holding, and the two had a nearly even struggle in which neither party succeeded in gaining any great advantage. Thereupon they parted, without any definite truce, to await the bringing up of allies. The troops of Antistius were increased by such persons in the vicinity as favored Caesar and soldiers that had been sent by him from Rome, those of Bassus by Alchaudonius the Arabian. The latter was the leader who had formerly made an arrangement with Lucullus, as I mentioned,[31] and later joined with the Parthian against Crassus. On this occasion he was summoned by both sides, but entered the space between the city and the camps and before making any answer auctioned off his services; and as Bassus offered more money he assisted him, and in the battle wrought great havoc with his arrows. The Parthians themselves, too, came at the invitation of Bassus, but on account of the winter failed to remain with him for any considerable time, and hence did not accomplish anything of importance. This commander, then, had his own way for a time, but was later again held in check by Marcius Crispus[32] and Lucius Staius Murcus. [-28-] Things were in this condition among them when Cassius came on the scene and at once conciliated all the cities through the reputation of what he had done in his quaestorship and his other fame, and attached the legions of Bassus and of the rest without additional labor. While he was encamped in one spot with all of them a great downpour from the sky suddenly occurred, during which wild swine rushed into the camp through all the gates at once, overturning and mixing up everything there. Some, accordingly, inferred from this that his power was only temporary and that disaster was subsequently coming. Having secured possession of Syria he set out into Judea on learning that the followers of Caesar left behind in Egypt were approaching. Without effort he enlisted both them and the Jews in his undertaking. Next he sent away without harming in the least Bassus and Crispus and such others as did not care to share the campaign with him; for Staius he preserved the rank with which he had come there and besides entrusted to him the fleet. Thus did Cassius in brief time become strong: and he sent a despatch to Caesar about reconciliation and to the senate about the situation, couched in similar language to that of Brutus. Therefore the senate confirmed his governorship of Syria and voted for the war with Dolabella. [-29-] The latter had been appointed to govern Syria and had started out while consul, but he proceeded only slowly through Macedonia and Thrace into the province of Asia and delayed there also. While he was still there he received news of the decree, and did not go forward into Syria but remained where he was, treating Trebonius in such a way as to make him believe most strongly that Dolabella was his friend. Trebonius had his free permission to take food for his soldiers and to live on intimate terms with him. When his dupe became in this way imbued with confidence and ceased to be on his guard, Dolabella by night suddenly seized Smyrna, where the other was, slew him, and hurled his head at Caesar's image, and thereafter occupied all of Asia. When the Romans at home heard of this they declared war against him; for as yet Caesar had neither conquered Antony nor obtained a hold upon affairs in the City. The citizens also gave notice to Dolabella's followers of a definite day before which they must leave off friendship with him, in order to avoid being regarded also in the light of enemies. And they instructed the consuls to carry on opposition to him and the entire war as soon as they should have brought their temporary business to a successful conclusion (not knowing yet that Cassius held Syria). But in order that he should not gain still greater power in the interval they gave the governors of the neighboring provinces charge of the matter. Later they learned the news about Cassius, and before anything whatever had been done by his opponents at home they passed the vote that I cited. [-30-] Dolabella, accordingly, after becoming in this way master of Asia came into Cilicia while Cassius was in Palestine, took over the people of Tarsus with their consent, conquered a few of Cassius's guards who were at Aegeae, and invaded Syria. From Antioch he was repulsed by the contingent guarding the place, but gained Laodicea without a struggle on account of the friendship which its inhabitants felt for the former Caesar. Upon this he spent some days in acquiring new strength,—the fleet among other reinforcements came to him speedily from Asia,—and crossed over into Aradus with the object of getting both money and ships from the people also. There he was intercepted with but few followers and ran into danger. He had escaped from this when he encountered Cassius marching toward him, and gave battle, which resulted in his own defeat. He was then shut up and besieged in Laodicea, where he was entirely cut off from the land, to be sure (Cassius being assisted by some Parthians among others), but retained some power through the Asiatic ships and the Egyptian ones which Cleopatra had sent him, and furthermore by means of the money which came to him from her. So he carried on marauding expeditions until Staius got together a fleet, and sailing into the harbor of Laodicea vanquished the ships that moved out to meet him, and barred Dolabella from the sea also. Then, prevented on both sides from bringing up supplies, he was led by lack of necessaries to make a sortie. However, he was quickly hurled back within the fortress, and seeing that it was being betrayed he feared that he might be taken alive, and so despatched himself. His example was followed by Marcus Octavius, his lieutenant. These were deemed worthy of burial by Cassius, although they had cast out Trebonius unburied. The men who had participated in the campaign with them and survived obtained both safety and amnesty, in spite of having been regarded as enemies by the Romans at home. Nor yet did the Laodiceans suffer any harm beyond being obliged to contribute money. But for that matter no one else, though many subsequently plotted against Cassius, was chastised. [B.C. 42 (a. u. 712)] [-31-] While this was going on the people of Tarsus had attempted to keep from the passage through the Taurus Tillius Cimber, an assassin of Caesar who was then governing Bithynia and was hurrying forward to help Cassius. Out of fear, however, they abandoned the spot and at the time made a truce with him, because they thought him strong, but afterward they perceived the small number of his soldiers and neither took him into their city nor furnished him provisions. He constructed a kind of fort over against them and set out for Syria, believing it to be of more importance to aid Cassius than himself to destroy their city. They then made an attack upon this and got possession of it, after which they started for Adana, a place on their borders always at variance with them, giving as an excuse that it was following the cause of Cassius. The latter, when he heard of it, first, while Dolabella was still alive sent Lucius Rufus against them, but later came himself, to find that they had already capitulated to Rufus without a struggle. Upon them he inflicted no severe penalty save to take away all their money, private and public. As a result, the people of Tarsus received praise from the triumvirate, who now held sway in Rome, and were inspired with hope of obtaining some return for their losses. Cleopatra also, on account of the detachment she had sent to Dolabella, was granted the right to have her son called King of Egypt. This son, whom she named Ptolemy, she also pretended was sprung from Caesar, and she was therefore wont to address him as Caesarion. [-32-] Cassius when he had settled matters in Syria and in Cilicia came to meet Brutus in Asia. For when they learned of the union of the triumvirs and what the latter were doing against them, they came together there and made common cause more than ever. As they had a like responsibility for the war and looked forward to a like danger and did not even now recede from their position regarding the freedom of the people, and as they were eager also to overthrow their opponents, three in number and the authors of such deeds, they could plan and accomplish everything in common with much greater zest. To be brief, they resolved to enter Macedonia and to hinder the others from crossing over there, or else to cross into Italy before the others started. Since the men were said to be still settling affairs in Rome and it was thought likely that they should have their hands full with Sextus, lying in wait near by, they did not carry out their plans immediately. Instead, they went about themselves and sent others in various directions, winning over such as were not yet in accord with them, and gathering money and soldiers. [-33-] In this way nearly all the rest, even those who had before paid no attention to them, at once made agreements with them; but Ariobarzanes, the Rhodians, and the Lycians, though they did not oppose them, were still unwilling to form an alliance with them. These were therefore suspected by Brutus and Cassius of favoring their antagonists, since they had been well treated by the former Caesar, and fear was entertained by the two leaders lest when they themselves departed this group should cause some turmoil and lead the rest to revolt. Hence they determined to turn first in the direction of these doubtful parties, hoping that since they were far stronger in point of weapons and were willing to bestow favors ungrudgingly they might soon either persuade or force them to join. The Rhodians, who had so great an opinion of their seamanship that they anticipated Cassius by sailing to the mainland and displayed to his army the fetters they were bringing with the idea that they were going to capture many alive, were yet conquered by him, first in a naval battle near Myndus and later close to Rhodes itself. The commanding officer was Staius, who overcame their skill by the number and size of his ships. Thereupon Cassius himself crossed over to their island, where he met with no resistance, possessing, as he did, their goodwill because of the stay he had made there in the interests of his education. And he did them no hurt except to appropriate their ships and money and holy and sacred vessels,—all save the chariot of the Sun. Afterward he arrested and killed Ariobarzanes. [-34-] Brutus overcame in battle the public army of the Lycians which confronted him near the borders, and entering the citadel at the same time as the fugitives captured it at a single stroke; the majority of the cities he brought to his side, but Xanthus he shut up in a state of siege. Suddenly the inhabitants made a sortie, and themselves rushed in with them, and once inside arrows and javelins at once rendered his position very dangerous. He would, indeed, have perished utterly, had not his soldiers pushed their way through the very fire and unexpectedly attacked the assailants, who were light-armed. These they hurled back within the walls and themselves rushed in with them, and once inside cast some of the fire on several houses, terrifying those who saw what was being done, and giving those at a distance the impression that they had simply captured everything. The result was that the natives of their own accord helped set fire to the rest, and most of them slew one another. Next Brutus came to Patara and invited the people to conclude friendship; but they would not obey, for the slaves and the poorer portion of the free population, who had received in advance for their services the former freedom, the latter remission of debts, prevented any compact being made. So at first he sent them the captive Xanthians, to whom many of them were related by marriage, in the hope that through these he might bring them to terms. When they yielded none the more, in spite of his giving to each man gratuitously his own kin, he erected a kind of salesroom in a safe spot under the very wall, where he led each one of the prominent men past and auctioned him off, to see if by this means at least he could gain the Patareans. They were as little inclined as ever to make concessions, whereupon he sold a few and let the rest go. When those within saw this, they no longer were stubborn, but forthwith attached themselves to his cause, regarding him as an upright man; and they were punished only in a pecuniary way. The people of Myra took the same action when after capturing their general at the harbor he then released him. Similarly in a short time he secured control of the rest. [-35-] When both had effected this they came again into Asia; and all the suspicious facts they had heard from slanderous talk which will arise under such conditions they brought up in common, one case at a time, and, after they were settled, hastened into Macedonia. They had been anticipated by Gaius Norbanus and Decidius Saxa, who had crossed over into Ionium before Staius reached there, had occupied the whole country as far as Pangaeum, and had encamped near Philippi. This city is located close beside Mount Pangaeum and close beside Symbolon. Symbolon is a name they give the place for the reason that the mountain mentioned corresponds (symballei) to another that rises in the interior; and it is between Neapolis and Philippi. The former was near the sea, across from Thasos, while the latter has been built within the mountains on the plain. Saxa and Norbanus happened to have occupied the shortest path across, therefore Brutus and Cassius did not even try to get through that way, but went around by a longer path,—the so-called Crenides.[33] Here, too, they encountered a guard, but overpowered it, got inside the mountains, approached the city along the high ground, and there encamped each one apart,—if we are to follow the story. As a matter of fact they bivouacked in one spot. In order that the soldiers might preserve better discipline and be easier to manage, the camp was made up of two separate divisions: but as all of it, including the intervening space, was surrounded by a ditch and a rampart, the entire circuit belonged to both, and from it they derived safety in common. [-36-] They were far superior in numbers to their adversaries then present and by that means got possession of Symbolon, having first ejected the inhabitants. In this way they were able to bring provisions from the sea, over a shorter stretch of country, and had only to make a descent from the plain to get them. For Norbanus and Saxa did not venture to offer them battle with their entire force, though they did send out horsemen to make sorties, wherever opportunity offered. Accomplishing nothing, however, they were rather careful to keep their camp well guarded than to expose it to danger, and sent in haste for Caesar and Antony. These leaders on learning that Cassius and Brutus were for some time busy with the Rhodians and the Lycians had thought that their adversaries would have more fighting on their hands there, and so instead of hastening had sent Saxa and Norbanus forward into Macedonia. On finding out that their representatives were caught they bestowed praise on the Lycians and Rhodians, promising to make them a present of money, and they themselves at once set out from the city. Both, however, encountered a delay of some time,—Antony near Brundusium, because blocked by Staius, and Caesar near Rhegium, having first turned aside to meet Sextus, held Sicily and was making an attempt on Italy. [-37-] When it seemed to them to be impossible to dislodge him, and the case of Cassius and Brutus appeared to be more urgent, they left a small part of their army to garrison Italy and with the major portion safely crossed the Ionian sea. Caesar fell sick and was left behind at Dyrrachium, while Antony marched for Philippi. For a time he was a source of some strength to his soldiers, but after laying an ambush for some of the opposite party that were gathering grain and failing in his attempt he was no longer of good courage himself. Caesar heard of it and feared either possible outcome, that his colleague should be defeated in a separate attack or again that he should conquer: in the former event he felt that Brutus and Cassius would attain power, and in the latter that Antony would have it all himself; therefore he made haste though still unwell. At this action the followers of Antony also took courage. And since it did not seem safe for them to refuse to encamp together, they brought the three divisions together to one spot and into one stronghold. While the opposing forces were facing each other sallies and excursions took place on both sides, as chance dictated. For some time, however, no ordered battle was joined, although Caesar and Antony were exceedingly anxious to bring on a conflict. Their forces stronger than those of their adversaries, but they were not so abundantly supplied with provisions, because their fleet was away fighting Sextus and they were therefore not masters of the sea. [-38-] Hence these men for the reasons specified and because of Sextus, who held Sicily and was making an attempt on Italy, were excited by the fear that while they delayed he might capture Italy and come into Macedonia. Cassius and Brutus had no particular aversion to a battle,—they had the advantage in the number of soldiers, though the latter were deficient in strength,—but some reflection on their own condition and that of their opponents showed them that allies were being added to their own numbers every day and that they had abundant food by the help of the ships; consequently they put off action in the hope of gaining their ends without danger and loss of men. Because they were lovers of the people in no pretended sense and were contending with citizens, they consulted the interests of the latter no less than those of their own associates, and desired to afford preservation and liberty to both alike. For some time, therefore, they waited, not wishing to provoke a contest with them. The troops, however, being composed mostly of subject nations, were oppressed by the delay and despised their antagonists who, apparently out of fear, offered within the fortifications the sacrifice of purification, which regularly precedes struggles. Hence they urged a battle and spread a report that if there should be more delay, they would abandon the camp and disperse; and at this the leaders, though against their will, went to meet the foe. [-39-] You might not unnaturally guess that this struggle proved tremendous and surpassed all previous civil conflicts of the Romans. This was not because these contestants excelled those of the old days in either the number or the valor of the warriors, for far larger masses and braver men than they had fought on many fields, but because on this occasion they contended for liberty and for democracy as never before. And they came to blows with one another again later just as they had previously. But the subsequent struggles they carried on to see to whom they should belong: on this occasion the one side was trying to bring them into subjection to sovereignty, the other side into a state of autonomy. Hence the people never attained again to the absolute right of free speech, in spite of being vanquished by no foreign nation (the subject population and the allied nations then present on both sides were merely a kind of complement of the citizen army): but the people at once gained the mastery over and fell into subjection to itself; it defeated itself and was defeated; and in that effort it exhausted the democratic element and strengthened the monarchical. I do not say that the people's defeat at that time was not beneficial. (What else can one say regarding those who fought on both sides than that the Romans were conquered and Caesar was victorious?) They were no longer capable of concord in the established form of government; for it is impossible for an unadulterated democracy that has grown to acquire domains of such vast size to have the faculty of moderation. After undertaking many similar conflicts repeatedly, one after another, they would certainly some day have been either enslaved or ruined. [-40-] We may infer also from the portents which appeared to them on that occasion that the struggle between them was clearly tremendous. Heaven, as it is ever accustomed to give indications before most remarkable events, foretold to them accurately both in Rome and in Macedonia all the results that would come from it. In the City the sun at one time appeared diminished and grew extremely small, and again showed itself now huge, now tripled in form, and once shone forth at night. Thunderbolts descended on many spots, and most significantly upon the altar of Jupiter Victor; flashes darted hither and thither; notes of trumpets, clashing of arms, and cries of camps were heard by night from the gardens of Caesar and of Antony, located close together beside the Tiber. Moreover a dog dragged the body of a dog to the temple of Ceres, where he dug the earth with his paws and buried it. A child was born with hands that had ten fingers, and a mule gave birth to a prodigy of two species. The front part of it resembled a horse, and the rest a mule. The chariot of Minerva while returning to the Capitol from a horse-race was dashed to pieces, and the statue of Jupiter at Albanum sent forth blood at the very time of the Feriae from its right shoulder and right hand. These were advance indications to them from Heaven, and the rivers also in their land gave out entirely or began to flow backward. And any chance deeds of men seemed to point to the same end. During the Feriae the prefect of the city celebrated the festival of Latiaris,[34] which neither belonged to him nor was ordinarily observed at that time, and the plebeian aediles offered to Ceres contests in armor in place of the horse-race. This was what took place in Rome, where certain oracles also both before the events and pertaining to them were recited, tending to the downfall of the democracy. In Macedonia, to which Pangeaum and the territory surrounding it are regarded as belonging, bees in swarms pervaded the camp of Cassius, and in the course of its purification some one set the garland upon his head wrong end foremost, and a boy while carrying a Victory in some procession, such as the soldiers inaugurate, fell down.[35] But the thing which most of all portended destruction to them, so that it became plain even to their enemies, was that many vultures and many other birds, too, that devour corpses gathered only above the heads of the conspirators, gazing down upon them and squawking and screeching with terrible and bloodcurdling notes. [-41-] To that party these signs brought evil, while the others, so far as we know, were visited by no omen, but saw some such, visions as the following in dreams. A Thessalian dreamed that the former Caesar had bidden him tell Caesar that the battle would occur on the second day after that one, and that he should resume some of the insignia which his predecessor wore while dictator: Caesar therefore immediately put his father's ring on his finger and wore it often afterward. That was the vision which that man saw, whereas the physician who attended Caesar thought that Minerva enjoined him to lead his patient, though still in poor health, from his tent and place him in line of battle: and by this act he was saved. In most cases safety is the lot of such as remain in the camp and of those in the fortifications, while danger accompanies those who proceed into the midst of weapons and battles; but this was reversed in the case of Caesar. It was quite visibly the result of his leaving the rampart and mingling with the fighting men that he survived, although from sickness he stood with difficulty even without his arms. [-42-] The engagement was of the following nature. No arrangement had been made as to when they should enter battle, yet as if by some compact they all armed themselves at dawn, advanced into the square intervening between them quite leisurely, as though they were competitors in games, and there were quietly marshaled. When they stood opposed advice was given partly to the entire bodies and partly to individuals of both forces by the generals and lieutenants and subalterns. They made many suggestions touching the immediate danger and many adapted to the future, words such as men would speak who were to encounter danger on the moment and were endeavoring to anticipate troubles to come. For the most part the speeches were very similar, inasmuch as on both sides alike there were Romans together with allies. Still, there was a difference. The officers of Brutus offered their men the prizes of liberty and democracy, of freedom from tyrants and freedom from masters; they pointed out to them the excellencies of equality in government, and all the unfairness of monarchy that they themselves had experienced or had heard in other cases; they called to the attention of the soldiers the separate details of each system and besought them to strive for the one, and to take care not to endure the other. The opposing officers urged their army to take vengeance on the assassins, to possess the property of their antagonists, to be filled with a desire to rule all of their race, and (the clause which inspired them most) they promised to give them five thousand denarii apiece. [-43-] Thereupon they first sent around their watchwords,—the followers of Brutus using "Liberty," and the others whatever happened to be given out,—and then one trumpeter on each side sounded the first note, followed by the blare of the remainder. Those in front sounded the "at rest" and the "ready" signal on their trumpets in a kind of circular spot, and then the rest came in who were to rouse the spirit of the soldier and incite them to the onset. Then there was suddenly a great silence, and after waiting a little the leaders issued a clear command and the lines on both sides joined in a shout. After that with a yell the heavy-armed dashed their spears against their shields and hurled the former at each other, while the slingers and the archers sent their stones and missiles. Then the two bodies of cavalry trotted forward and the contingents shielded with breastplates following behind joined in hand to hand combat. [-44-] They did a great deal of pushing and a great deal of stabbing, looking carefully at first to see how they should wound others and not be wounded themselves; they desired both to kill their antagonists and to save themselves. Later, when their charge grew fiercer and their spirit flamed up, they rushed together without stopping to consider, and paid no more attention to their own safety, but would even sacrifice themselves in their eagerness to destroy their adversaries. Some threw away their shields and seizing hold of those arrayed opposite them either strangled[36] them in their helmets and struck them from the rear, or snatched away their defence in front and delivered a stroke on their breasts. Others took hold of their swords and then ran their own into the bodies of the men opposite, who had been made as good as unarmed. And some by exposing some part of their bodies to be wounded could use the rest more readily. Some clutched each other in an embrace that prevented the possibility of striking, but they perished in the intertwining of swords and bodies. Some died of one blow, others of many, and neither had any perception of their wounds, dying too soon to feel pain, nor lamented their taking off, because they did not reach the point of expressing grief. One who killed another thought in the excessive joy of the moment that he could never die. Whoever fell lost consciousness and had no knowledge of his state. [-45-] Both sides remained stubbornly in their places and neither side retired or pursued, but there, just as they were, they wounded and were wounded, slew and were slain, until late in the day. And if all had contested with all, as may happen under such circumstances, or if Brutus had been arrayed against Antony and Cassius against Caesar, they would have proved equally matched. As it was, Brutus forced the invalid Caesar from his path, while Antony overruled Cassius, who was by no means his equal in warfare. At this juncture, because not all were conquering the other side at once, but both parties were in turn defeated and victorious, the results[37] were practically the same. Both had conquered and had been defeated, each had routed their adversaries and had been routed, pursuits and flights had fallen to the lot of both alike and the camps on both sides had been captured. As they were many they occupied a large expanse of plain, so that they could not see each other distinctly. In the battle each one could recognize only what was opposite him, and when the rout took place each side fled the opposite way to its own fortifications, situated at a distance from each other, without stopping to look back. Because of this fact and of the immeasurable quantity of dust that rose they were ignorant of the termination of the battle, and those who had conquered thought they had been victorious over everything, and those who were defeated deemed they had been worsted everywhere. They did not learn what had happened until the ramparts had been laid in ruins, and the victors on each side on retiring to their own head-quarters encountered each other. [-46-] So far, then, as the battle was concerned, both sides both conquered thus and were defeated. At this time they did not resume the conflict, but as soon as they had retired and beheld each other and recognized what had taken place, they both withdrew, not venturing anything further. They had beaten and had proved inferior to each other. This was shown first by the fact that the entire ramparts of Caesar and Antony and everything within them had been captured. (That proved practically the truth of the dream, for if Caesar had remained in his place, he would certainly have perished with the rest.) It was shown again in the fate of Cassius. He came away safe from the battle, but stripped of his fortifications he had fled to a different spot, and suspecting that Brutus, too, had been defeated and that several of the victors were hastening to attack him he made haste to die. He had sent a certain centurion to view the situation and report to him where Brutus was and what he was doing. This man fell in with some horsemen whom Brutus had dispatched to seek his colleague, turned back with them and proceeded leisurely, with the idea that there was hurry, because no danger presented itself. Cassius, seeing them afar off, suspected they were enemies and ordered Pindarus, a freedman, to kill him. The centurion on learning that his leader's death was due to his dilatoriness slew himself upon his body. [-47-] Brutus immediately sent the body of Cassius secretly to Thasos. He shrank from burying it upon the ground, for fear the army would be filled with grief and dejection at sight of the preparations. The remainder of his friend's soldiers he took under his charge, consoled them in a speech, won their devotion by a gift of money to make up for what they had lost, and then transferred his position to their enclosure, which was more suitable. From there he started out to harass his opponents in various ways, especially by assaulting their camp at night. He had no intention of joining issue with them again in a set battle, but had great hopes of overcoming them without danger by the lapse of time. Hence he tried regularly to startle them in various ways and disturb them by night, and once by diverting the course of the river he washed away considerable of their wall. Caesar and Antony were getting short of both food and money, and consequently gave their soldiers nothing to replace what had been seized and carried off. Furthermore, the force that was sailing to them in transports from Brundusium had been destroyed by Staius. Yet they could not safely transfer their position to any other quarter nor return to Italy, and so, even as late as this, they set all their hopes upon their weapons,—hopes not merely of victory but even of preservation. They were eager to meet the danger before the naval disaster became noised abroad among their opponents and their own men. [-48-] As Brutus evinced an unwillingness to meet them in open fight, they somehow cast pamphlets over his palisade, challenging his soldiers either to embrace their cause (promises being attached) or to come into conflict if they had the least particle of strength. During this delay some of the Celtic force deserted from their side to Brutus, and Amyntas, the general of Deiotarus, and Rhascuporis deserted to them. The latter, as some say, immediately returned home. Brutus was afraid, when this happened, that there might be further similar rebellion and decided to join issue with them. And since there were many captives in his camp, and he neither had any way to guard them during the progress of the battle, and could not trust them to refrain from doing mischief, he despatched the majority of them, contrary to his own inclination, being a slave in this matter to necessity; but he was the more ready to do it because of the fact that his opponents had killed such of his soldiers as had been taken alive. After doing this he armed his men for battle. When the opposing ranks were arrayed, two eagles that flew above the heads of the two armies battled together and indicated to the combatants the outcome of the war. The eagle on the side of Brutus was beaten and fled: and similarly his heavy-armed force, after a contest for the most part even, was defeated, and then when many had fallen his cavalry, though it fought nobly, gave way. Thereupon the victors pursued them, as they fled, this way and that, but neither killed nor captured any one; and then they kept watch of the separate contingents during the night and did not allow them to unite again. |
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