“Bright and steady as the star Autumnal, which in ocean newly bathed, Assumes fresh beauty.” Iliad v. 6. Gosselin remarks, “I do not find any thing in these different passages of Homer to warrant the conclusion that he was aware of the ebb and flow of the tide; every one knows that the movement is hardly perceptible in the Mediterranean. In the Euripus, which divides the Isle of Negropont from Boeotia, the waters are observed to flow in opposite directions several times a day. It was from this that Homer probably drew his ideas; and the regular current of the Hellespont, which carries the waters of the Black Sea into the Mediterranean, led him to think that the whole ocean, or Mediterranean, had one continued flow like the current of a river.” “Eratosthenes of Cyrene was, according to Suidas, the son of Aglaus, according to others, the son of Ambrosius, and was born B. C. 276. He was taught by Ariston of Chius, the philosopher, Lysanias of Cyrene, the grammarian, and Callimachus, the poet. He left Athens at the invitation of Ptolemy Euergetes, who placed him over the library at Alexandria. Here he continued till the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes. He died at the age of eighty, about B. C. 196, of voluntary starvation, having lost his sight, and being tired of life. He was a man of very extensive learning: we shall first speak of him as a geometer and astronomer. “It is supposed that Eratosthenes suggested to Ptolemy Euergetes the construction of the large armillÆ, or fixed circular instruments, which were long in use at Alexandria; but only because it is difficult to imagine to whom else they are to be assigned, for Ptolemy the astronomer, though he mentions them, and incidentally their antiquity, does not state to whom they were due. In these circles each degree was divided into six parts. We know of no observations of Eratosthenes in which they were probably employed, except those which led him to the obliquity of the ecliptic, which he must have made to be 23° 51' 20, for he states the distance of the tropics to be eleven times the eighty-third part of the circumference. This was a good observation for the times. Ptolemy the astronomer was content with it, and according to him Hipparchus used no other. Of his measure of the earth we shall presently speak. According to Nicomachus, he was the inventor of the ??s?????, or Cribrum Arithmeticum, as it has since been called, being the well-known method of detecting the prime numbers by writing down all odd numbers which do not end with 5, and striking out successively the multiples of each, one after the other, so that only prime numbers remain. “We still possess under the name of Eratosthenes a work, entitled ?ataste??s??, giving a slight account of the constellations, their fabulous history, and the stars in them. It is however acknowledged on all hands that this is not a work of Eratosthenes.... The only other writing of Eratosthenes which remains, is a letter to Ptolemy on the duplication of the cube, for the mechanical performance of which he had contrived an instrument, of which he seems to contemplate actual use in measuring the contents of vessels, &c. He seems to say that he has had his method engraved in some temple or public building, with some verses, which he adds. Eutocius has preserved this letter in his comment on book ii. prop. 2, of the sphere and cylinder of Archimedes. “The greatest work of Eratosthenes, and that which must always make his name conspicuous in scientific history, is the attempt which he made to measure the magnitude of the earth, in which he brought forward and used the method which is employed to this day. Whether or no he was successful cannot be told, as we shall see; but it is not the less true that he was the originator of the process by which we now know, very nearly indeed, the magnitude of our own planet. Delambre says that if it were he who advised the erection of the circular instruments above alluded to, he must be considered as the founder of astronomy: to which it may be added, that he was the founder of geodesy without any if in the case. The number of ancient writers who have alluded to this remarkable operation (which seems to have obtained its full measure of fame) is very great, and we shall not attempt to combine their remarks or surmises: it is enough to say that the most distinct account, and one of the earliest, is found in the remaining work of Cleomedes. “At Syene in Upper Egypt, which is supposed to be the same as, or near to, the town of Assouan, (Lat. 24° 10' N., Long. 32° 59' E. of Greenwich,) Eratosthenes was told (that he observed is very doubtful) that deep wells were enlightened to the bottom on the day of the summer solstice, and that vertical objects cast no shadows. He concluded therefore, that Syene was on the tropic, and its latitude equal to the obliquity of the ecliptic, which, as we have seen, he had determined: he presumed that it was in the same longitude as Alexandria, in which he was out about 3°, which is not enough to produce what would at that time have been a sensible error. By observations made at Alexandria, he determined the zenith of that place to be distant by the fiftieth part of the circumference from the solstice, which was equivalent to saying that the arc of the meridian between the two places is 7° 12´. Cleomedes says that he used the s??f?, or hemispherical dial of Berosus, in the determination of this latitude. Delambre rejects the idea with infinite scorn, and pronounces Cleomedes unworthy of credit; and indeed it is not easy to see why Eratosthenes should have rejected the gnomon and the large circular instruments, unless, perhaps, for the following reason. There is a sentiment of Cleomedes which seems to imply that the disappearance of the shadows at Syene on the day of the summer solstice was noticed to take place for 300 stadia every way round Syene. If Eratosthenes took his report about the phenomenon (and we have no evidence that he went to Syene himself) from those who could give no better account than this, we may easily understand why he would think the s??f? quite accurate enough to observe with at his own end of the arc, since the other end of it was uncertain by as much as 300 stadia. He gives 500 stadia for the distance from Alexandria to Syene, and this round number seems further to justify us in concluding that he thought the process to be as rough as in truth it was. Martianus Capella states that he obtained this distance from the measures made by order of the Ptolemies (which had been commenced by Alexander): this writer then implies that Eratosthenes did not go to Syene himself. “The result is 250,000 stadia for the circumference of the earth, which Eratosthenes altered into 252,000, that his result might give an exact number of stadia for the degree, namely, 700; this of course should have been 694-4/9. Pliny calls this 31,500 Roman miles, and therefore supposes the stadium to be the eighth part of a Roman mile, or takes for granted that Eratosthenes used the Olympic stadium. It is likely enough that the Ptolemies naturalized this stadium in Egypt; but nevertheless, it is not unlikely that an Egyptian stadium was employed. If we assume the Olympic stadium, (202¼ yards,) the degree of Eratosthenes is more than 79 miles, upwards of 10 miles too great. Nothing is known of any Egyptian stadium. Pliny asserts that Hipparchus, but for what reason he does not say, wanted to add 25,000 stadia to the circumference as found by Eratosthenes. According to Plutarch, Eratosthenes made the sun to be 804 millions of stadia from the earth, and the moon 780,000. According to Macrobius, he made the diameter of the sun to be 27 times that of the earth. With regard to the other merits of Eratosthenes, we must first of all mention what he did for geography, which was closely connected with his mathematical pursuits. It was Eratosthenes who raised geography to the rank of a science; for previous to his time it seems to have consisted, more or less, of a mass of information scattered in books of travel, descriptions of particular countries, and the like. All these treasures were accessible to Eratosthenes in the libraries of Alexandria; and he made the most profitable use of them, by collecting the scattered materials, and uniting them into an organic system of geography, in his comprehensive work entitled Ge???af???, or as it is sometimes but erroneously called, ?e???af??e?a or ?e???af?a. It consisted of three books, the first of which, forming a sort of Introduction, contained a critical review of the labours of his predecessors from the earliest to his own times, and investigations concerning the form and nature of the earth, which, according to him, was an immoveable globe, on the surface of which traces of a series of great revolutions were still visible. He conceived that in one of these revolutions the Mediterranean had acquired its present form; for according to him it was at one time a large lake covering portions of the adjacent countries of Asia and Libya, until a passage was forced open by which it entered into communication with the ocean in the west. The second book contained what is now called mathematical geography. His attempt to measure the magnitude of the earth has been spoken of above. The third book contained the political geography, and gave descriptions of the various countries, derived from the works of earlier travellers and geographers. In order to be able to determine the accurate site of each place, he drew a line parallel with the equator, running from the Pillars of Hercules to the extreme east of Asia, and dividing the whole of the inhabited earth into two halves. Connected with this work was a new map of the earth, in which towns, mountains, rivers, lakes, and climates were marked according to his own improved measurements. This important work of Eratosthenes forms an epoch in the history of ancient geography; but unfortunately it is lost, and all that has survived consists in fragments quoted by later geographers and historians, such as Polybius, Strabo, Marcianus, Pliny, and others, who often judge of him unfavourably, and controvert his statements; while it can be proved that in a great many passages they adopt his opinions without mentioning his name. Marcianus charges Eratosthenes with having copied the substance of the work of Timosthenes on Ports, (pe?? ??????,) to which he added but very little of his own. This charge may be well-founded, but cannot have diminished the value of the work of Eratosthenes, in which that of Timosthenes can have formed only a very small portion. It seems to have been the very overwhelming importance of the geography of Eratosthenes, that called forth a number of opponents, among whom we meet with the names of Polemon, Hipparchus, Polybius, Serapion, and Marcianus of Heracleia.... Another work of a somewhat similar nature, entitled ????, was written in verse, and treated of the form of the earth, its temperature, the different zones, the constellations, and the like.... Eratosthenes distinguished himself also as a philosopher, historian, grammarian, &c.” ——t? p?e?sta f??e? ?e?d???? ?????a F??a?a. Odyssey iv. 229. Which Cowper properly renders:— “Egypt teems with drugs of various powers.” Strabo, by omitting the word f??a?a from his citation, alters to a certain degree the meaning of the sentence. ???? ?? ?a???? ? ????? ?p??????da fa??e?. What thews And what a haunch the senior’s tatters hide. Cowper.
The stadium made use of in Egypt at the time of Herodotus consisted of 1111-1/9 to a degree on the grand circle, as may be seen by comparing the measure of the coasts of the Delta furnished by that historian with our actual information. The length of this stadium may likewise be ascertained by reference to Aristotle. In the time of Eratosthenes and Strabo, the stadium of 700 to a degree was employed in Egypt. Now 6360 stadia of 1111-1/9 to a degree make just 4006 stadia of 700: consequently these two measures are identical, their apparent inconsistency merely resulting from the different scales by which preceding authors had expressed them.” This reasoning seems very plausible, but we must remark that Col. Leake, in a valuable paper “On the Stade as a Linear Measure,” published in vol. ix. of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, is of opinion that Gosselin’s system of stadia of different lengths cannot be maintained.
The great fertility of Bactriana, according to Strabo, appeared to be inconsistent with a position so far towards the north. In this he was correct.
The Pillars of Hercules, or Strait of Gibraltar, 36°.
Cum Saxetani ponatur cauda lacerti; Et bene si coenas, conchis inuncta tibi est; Sumen, aprum, leporem, boletos, ostrea, mullos, Mittis: habes nec cor, Papile, nec genium. Hic multÆ quÆ se manibus Q. Sertorii turmÆ, et terrÆ Mortalium omnium parenti Devovere, dum, eo sublato, Superesse tÆderet, et fortiter Pugnando invicem cecidere, Morte ad prÆsens optata jacent. Valete posteri. t?? ?t?? ?pe?f???? a?p?? ??e????, ?e???? ?’ ?et??a?? ?d’ ??t??a ?ast??? ?t?? ?????? ???ta f????, ?d’ ?? f????? ???’ ?a p??te? ????? ??ap????at’, ???dest?? ?a? ?fa?t??. Iliad vi. 57-60. The office of the Fratres Arvales was for life, and was not taken away even from an exile or captive. They wore, as a badge of office, a chaplet of ears of corn fastened on their heads with a white band. The number given on inscriptions varies, but it is never more than nine; though, according to the legend and general belief, it amounted to twelve. One of their annual duties was to celebrate a three days’ festival in honour of Dea Dia, supposed to be Ceres.... Of this the master of the college, appointed annually, gave public notice from the temple of Concord on the Capitol. On the first and last of these days, the college met at the house of their president, to make offerings to the Dea Dia; on the second day they assembled in the grove of the same goddess, about five miles south of Rome, and there offered sacrifices for the fertility of the earth. An account of the different ceremonies of this festival is preserved in an inscription, which was written in the first year of the emperor Heliogabalus, (A. D. 218,) who was elected a member of the college under the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix. The same inscription contains a hymn, which appears to have been sung at the festival from the most ancient times. Besides this festival of the Dea Dia, the Fratres Arvales were required on various occasions under the emperors to make vows and offer up thanksgivings, an enumeration of which is given in Porcellini. Strabo indeed informs us that, in the reign of Tiberius, these priests performed sacrifices called the Ambarvalia at various places on the borders of the Ager Romanus, or original territory of Rome; and amongst others, at Festi. There is no boldness in supposing that this was a custom handed down from time immemorial; and, moreover, that it was a duty of this priesthood to invoke a blessing upon the whole territory of Rome. It is proved by inscriptions that this college existed till the reign of the emperor Gordian, or A. D. 325, and it is probable that it was not abolished till a. a. 400, together with the other colleges of the pagan priesthoods. The private Ambarvalia were certainly of a different nature to those mentioned by Strabo, and were so called from the victim hostia Ambarvalis that was slain on the occasion, being led three times round the corn-fields, before the sickle was put to the corn. This victim was accompanied by a crowd of merry-makers, (chorus et socii,) the reapers and farm-servants, dancing and singing, as they marched along, the praises of Ceres, and praying for her favour and presence while they offered her the libations of milk, honey, and wine. (Virg. Georg. i. 338.) This ceremony was also called a lustratio, (Virg. Ecl. v. 83,) or purification; and for a beautiful description of the holiday, and the prayers and vows made on the occasion, the reader is referred to Tibullus (ii. 1). It is perhaps worth while to remark that Polybius (iv. 21, § 9) uses language almost applicable to the Roman Ambarvalia in speaking of the Mantineians, who, he says, (specifying the occasion,) made a purification, and carried victims round the city and all the country. There is, however, a still greater resemblance to the rites we have been describing, in the ceremonies of the Rogation or gang-week of the Latin church. These consisted of processions through the fields, accompanied with prayers (rogationes) for a blessing on the fruits of the earth, and were continued during three days in Whitsun-week. The custom was abolished at the Reformation in consequence of its abuses, and the perambulation of the parish boundaries substituted in its place. (Vide Hooker, Eccl. Pol. v. 61, 2; Wheatley, Com. Pray. v. 20. Bohn’s Standard Library edition.) Sulmo mihi patria est gelidis uberrimus undis. Ovid. Trist. iv. El. 9. Marruvium, veteris celebratum nomine Marri, Urbibus est illis caput. Sil. Ital. viii. 507. We must place this city, with Holstenius, at San Benedetto, on the eastern shore of the lake, where inscriptions have been found which leave no doubt on the subject. The coins of Marruvium have MARUB on the reverse and a head of Pluto. “Spelunca alta fuit, vastoque immanis hiatu, Scrupea, tuta lacu nigro, nemorumque tenebris; Quam super haud ullÆ poterant impune volantes Tendere iter pennis; talis sese halitus atris Faucibus effundens supera ad convexa ferebat; Unde locum Graii dixerunt nomine Avernum.” Æneid. vi. 237. Sirenum dedit una suum memorabile nomen Parthenope muris AcheloÏas: Æquore cujus Regnavere diu cantus, quum dulce per undas Exitium miseris caneret non prospera nautis. Sil. Ital. xii. 33. Scymnus of Chios mentions both the PhocÆi and CumÆi as its founders. Stephanus of Byzantium attributes its foundation to the Rhodians; their proximity is favourable to the claims of the CumÆi, and hence the connexion of Naples with Euboea, alluded to by Statius, who was born there. At te nascentem gremio mea prima recepit Parthenope, dulcisque solo tu gloria nostro Reptasti; nitidum consurgat ad Æthera tellus Eubois, et pulchra tumeat Sebethos alumna. Silv. i. 2. A Greek inscription mentions a hero named Eumelus as having had divine honours paid to him, possibly as founder of the city. [See Capaccio, Hist. Nap. p. 105. Martorelli de’ Fenici primi abitatori di Napoli. This may illustrate the following lines,— Di patrii, quos auguriis super Æquora magnis Littus ad Ausonium devexit Abantia classis, Tu ductor populi longe emigrantis Apollo, Cujus adhuc volucrem leva cervice sedentem Respiciens blande felix Eumelis adorat. Silv. iv. 8, 45. Tuque ActÆa Ceres, cursu cui semper anhelo Votivam taciti quassamus lampada mystÆ. Silv. iv. 8, 50. Jamque adeo scopulos advecta subibat; Difficiles quondam, multorumque ossibus albos. It had been decreed that the Sirens should live only till some one hearing their song should pass on unmoved, and Orpheus, who accompanied the Argonauts, having surpassed the Sirens, and led on the ship, they cast themselves into the sea, and were metamorphosed into these rocks. “Nunc Silarus quos nutrit aquis, quo gurgite tradunt Duritiem lapidum mersis inolescere ramis.” At its mouth was a haven named Portus Albernus. “Evincitque fretum, Siculique angusta Pelori, HippotadÆque domos regis, Temesesque metalla.” And Fast. v. 441, “... TemesÆaque concrepat Æra.” And Statius, Silv. i. 42, “Et cui se toties Temese dedit hausta metallis.” ??a??d?, p??f??a?? ??e?? ??e???s??? ?d?? ?a?d?s??? ?’, ??? t?? ???at?? pep?????? ?st?. Son of Æacus, beware of approaching the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where death is destined for thee. ?a?d?s?a t???????e, p???? p?te ?a?? ???sse??? together with a rivulet, Maresanto or Arconti; which last name recalls the Acheron denounced by another prediction, as so inauspicious to the Molossian king. Scylax, in his Periplus, seems to place Pandosia, together with Clampetia and Terina, near the western coast. “HÆc loca, vi quondam et vasta convulsa ruina (Tantum Ævi longinqua valet mutare vetustas,) Dissiluisse ferunt: cum protinus utraque tellus Una foret, venit medio vi pontus, et undis Hesperium Siculo latus abscidit: arvaque et urbes Litore diductas angusto interluit Æstu.” ... Attollit se diva Lacinia contra Caulonisque arces, et navifragum Scylaceum. Æn. iii. 652. “Vixque pererratis quÆ spectant littora terris, Invenit Æsarei fatalia fluminis ora: Nec procul hinc tumulum, sub quo sacrata Crotonis Ossa tegebat humus. Jussaque ibi moenia terra Condidit; et nomen tumulati traxit in urbem.” Ovid. Metam. xv. 53. “Si quÆras Helicen et Buram AchaÏdas urbes, Invenies sub aquis....” ????a??? d’ ?p? t?s??, ?p?? p?d?? ??s?????? ??t?tata?. And Homer, Strabo’s great geographical authority, in book xi. of the Odyssey, line 106, terms it T???a??? ??s?. Virgil, Æn. iii. 440, says, “Trinacria fines Italos mittere relicta.” “Venit ab amne trahens nomen Gela, venit HalÆsa.” And the inscription in Gruter, p. 212, gives the name of the river near it, ??a?s??. “Arduus inde Acragas ostentat maxima longe Moenia, magnanimÛm quondam generator equorum.” ???e? [?] t?? ????, ?a???? ?e??? ????e p?te?, ?t?st?? ??t?a?. The words played on are H????? and h?e???. “Multa solo virtus: jam reddere foenus aratris, Jam montes umbrare olea, dare nomina Baccho; Nectare Cecropias HyblÆo accendere ceras;” and Florus terms it Terra frugum ferax. “Quis Catinam sileat? quis quadruplices Syracusas?” Dionysius however fortified EpipolÆ with a wall, and joined it to the city. “Sicanio prÆtenta sinu jacet insula contra Plemmyrium undosum: nomen dixere priores Ortygiam. Alpheum fama est huc, Elidis amnem, Occultas egisse vias subter mare; qui nunc Ore, Arethusa, tuo Siculis confunditur undis.” Æn. iii. 692. ?p?e?a se??? ??fe??, ??e???? S??a??ss?? ?????, ??t???a. The French translators have rendered them, “Terme saint du tourment d’AlphÉe Bel ornement, de Syracuse Ortygia!” And Groskurd, “EhrwÜrdige Ruhstatt Alpheos’. Ruhmzweig Syrakossai’s, o Du Ortygia.” Liddell and Scott call ???p?e?a a resting-place, referring to this passage, but I can see no reason for not allowing to it the signification most suitable to the passage. ??ap??? is, “to breathe again,” and, according to the supposition of the ancients, the Alpheus might justly be said to breathe again on appearing at Arethusa, after its passage beneath the bed of the sea from Greece. ??ap??? also, means “a recovering of breath.” “Grata domus Cereri, multas ea possidet urbes, In quibus est culto fertilis Enna solo.” From this place we have the adjective Enneus, and the Ennea virgo of Sil., lib. xiv., for Proserpine, “Tum rapta prÆceps Ennea virgine flexit.” Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. cap. 3, says that there was a fable about the seizure of the virgin [Proserpine] in the meadows near Enna. The locality is very near the town, embellished with violets and all kinds of beautiful flowers. An ancient coin of the place described by Ezech. Spanheim, page 906, is inscribed with the letters MUN. HENNAE. Pliny, lib. iii. cap. 8, writes, “Municipes Hennenses.” “Planaque Messena, montanaque nutrit Ithome.” Et cunctas revocare rates, quas avius HydrÛs, Antiquusque Taras, secretaque litora LeucÆ. Quas recipit Salapina palus, et subdita Sipus Montibus. And Cicero, writing of the town to Tyro, book xvi. epistle 9, says of his voyage from Cassiope, Inde Austro lenissimo, coelo sereno, nocte illa et die postero in Italiam ad Hydruntem ludibundi pervenimus. This place was called Hydruntum by Pliny and other authors. . . . . . . . . . quosque Obscura inculsis Herdonia misit ab agris. “Ne forte credas interitura, quÆ Longe sonantem natus ad Aufidum, Non ante vulgatas per artes Verba loquor socianda chordis.” Apulus Hadriacas exit Garganus in undas. |