The same is true of established market places, boards of trade and produce exchanges. Not only does the multitude of exchanges in one place lessen the cost of such exchanges, but these make it possible for multitudes to reach a fair understanding of what is wanted and what is offered in any line of production. This need accounts for the tendency so frequently noticed to establish great centers of trade in particular commodities. The world wants a fair understanding of what the world contains, and these methods of bringing together buyers and sellers are the natural outgrowth of this need.

Full statistics.—The same end is served still more fully by frequent publication of price-lists, and a daily record of the transactions in any market gives information which every dealer can use to advantage. Public statistics, carefully and honestly prepared, serve both buyers and sellers of any article of commerce. The farmer needs as much as anybody the fullest information as to what his fellow farmers have to sell, whether they are immediate neighbors or in distant parts of the world. The price of wheat on any farm ought, if perfect understanding is reached, to conform to the general law of supply and demand throughout the world, and the yield of wheat in Russia, India and South America affects the value of every bushel raised in our country.

Every advance in the perfection of statistics and the rapidity of collection makes more certain the bargain of every producer and consumer. People have sometimes opposed the gathering of statistics for fear that large dealers and speculators may take unfair advantage from [pg 111] such information. But a careful consideration will show that managing of the market depends chiefly upon want of information on one side of the bargain. If farmers were as thoroughly informed as to the crops of the world as carefully collected statistics might make them, no false rumors could mislead them in selling their produce. The evident tendency toward more stable markets, as shown by the records of the last twenty years, is accounted for partially, at least, by the more perfect information available. If farmers themselves would take interest in furnishing accurate estimates of the extent and condition of every product held for sale, they would in the long run reap the highest advantages of clearly understanding the supply and demand in the markets of the world. This would do more to destroy the demoralizing force of mere speculation than any possible legal enactment.

Ready transportation.—An equally important part of the machinery of exchange is easy transportation. Every improvement in the transportation of persons or products not only lessens the cost of the article when delivered, but increases the actual stability of price and range of the market.

The pioneer farmers of northern Ohio found absolutely no market for their wheat until the opening of the Erie canal. Farmers upon western prairies found corn their cheapest fuel until railway transportation brought coal mines and corn fields into closer relations. The rural community which takes pains to have good roads not only lessens the cost of hauling grain to market by saving friction and toil, but actually [pg 112] enlarges its market at home. Hard roads enable them to do four times the work they can do on soft roads. In the same way any improvement of railroads, construction of pipe lines for gas and oil, or introduction of pneumatic tubes, for mails and light packages in cities, directly spreads the range of market for the products of every individual laborer and makes more sure the returns for any effort he may give in production. Perhaps this is even more easily seen by considering how the world's markets are opened by improvement in water transportation. Water freight on a bushel of wheat from Chicago to New York from 1865 to 1874 averaged over twenty-two cents; from 1885 to 1894 it was less than seven cents.

The universality of markets for all kinds of products is clearly shown by realizing what we have within reach of every country community today. Such easy transportation adds to the productive abilities of every person. Over ordinary roads the cost of transporting wheat two hundred miles is equal to its value at the end of the journey. Corn will usually pay its way not more than half that distance. So in countries where railroads do not exist the people consume only what they themselves produce, or devote themselves to very few products, and so occupy only a portion of their time. In the best developed regions of our country, every family can reach a steady supply of all kinds of goods, and can know that every article produced has its proper place in the market without waste. The cost of delivering bread in Boston is greater than the cost of carrying the flour in it two thousand miles. This ready transportation [pg 113] leads to more complete and more definite occupation and so to larger returns in the way of satisfaction from all efforts. The extended market gives added value to all permanent or fixed capital. It makes both farms and homes more useful, if full advantage of such improvements is taken. At the same time, values of land tend toward an equality throughout the world.

Diminishing cost of transportation.—That the cost of transportation keeps diminishing in spite of combinations of capital to prevent it, and in spite of local legislation restricting it, proves that the increasing perfection of machinery and the accession of capital in railroads and waterways are stronger than the purposes of men. That freights are regulated by “what the traffic will bear” is merely another way of saying that transportation comes under the universal law of values—what the service is worth in the market, or what people are willing to give for it. According to good authority, the net profit of carrying one ton of freight one mile has fallen in twenty-five years from one cent to less than one-ninth of a cent. The same principle fixes a classification of freight according to service. We can afford to pay more for carrying valuable produce than for carrying cheaper products. It also leads to special rates for developing traffic, as illustrated in rates on baled alfalfa hay from western plains to Chicago.

Wise managers, if not misled by speculation in stocks, care more for enlarging traffic than for immediate returns upon a smaller bulk, because the bulk of profit is greater. A good illustration of development [pg 114] of a special traffic is found in the milk trains running two hundred or three hundred miles to supply the city of New York. The railroads are compelled by the needs of the traffic to carry the milk cheaply enough to prevent its being made into butter and cheese. Laws regulating this charge are effective, because such a necessity exists in the nature of the case.

Weights and measures.—Another important growth in the machinery of trade is found in standards of quantity,—weights and measures of every kind. It is scarcely possible to realize the uncertainty of exchange without exact weights and measures. The story of the Indian trader who bought furs by weight, putting his hand upon the scales for one weight and his foot for its double, illustrates how uncertain such judgments of quantity may be without system. The present names of weights and measures indicate their origin in similar ways.

Measures have usually been connected with some part of the body: as “finger,” used one way in measuring the load of a gun and another on a stocking; “hand,” still used in measuring the height of horses; “span,” once considered sufficiently definite for any measurement; “foot,” now made to conform to an accurate system; and “pace,” still used in many communities. Connected with the arm, are “cubit” and “yard.” Many ladies still measure their dress goods by arm's lengths. For small measures, “grain” and “barley-corn,” still used as names, indicate dependence upon average quantity in articles of general growth.

Today all civilized governments settle upon a definite [pg 115] system of measures and weights, all accurately connected with each other and with some precise dimension in nature supposed to be invariable. Our common yard is distinctly associated with a pendulum vibrating seconds; and in the great decimal system, adopted by most countries in Europe, and likely to be reached in all countries, the whole is connected with a measured meridian upon the earth's surface. Care is then taken to have standard measures and weights prepared in such a way as to be free from all effects of any change of temperature, and legal enactments distinctly define each measure and weight, actually punishing one for the crime of using false weights or measures. Units of quantity thus enter into all our calculations and form an essential basis of all exchange. Cheating in measure and weight grows less and less possible with this clear understanding of exact units. The New York Legislature has defined the size of fruit packages, and the Massachusetts poultry raisers ask a law requiring eggs to be sold by weight.

Metrical system.—If the whole world should unite on a single decimal system of measures and weights, like that now used in most of Europe, all would be gainers from the reduction of misunderstandings and miscalculations increasing the cost of exchange. The difficulty of adopting a new system arises chiefly from the absolute importance of any system and the unconscious use of that to which people are already accustomed, together with its application in a thousand unthought of ways to every tool and every rule. That the advantage of a uniform decimal system would more [pg 116] than balance the difficulty of change, no student of the subject now doubts. Some have estimated the saving at nearly one-half of the present clerk hire. Our government has already taken steps for such a change, though years may be required to accomplish it.

Standards of quality.—The machinery of exchange also involves standard units of quality, but these must vary with every different kind of commodity. Custom has given rise to all sorts of devices for expressing degrees of fineness, strength and hardness, as well as more delicate qualities of flavor and odor. Boards of Trade often establish offices of inspection with brands upon grains, flour, butter, pork, etc., and these become definite parts of a contract which the government rightly enforces. Private trade-marks and brands, if honestly used, become a prominent element in exchange. These are protected rightly by being filed with the government, which secures to the originator his sole use of such a proof of quality.

In some articles of trade, when a whole community is interested, the government goes further and undertakes inspection and branding by an official. This in most states applies to kerosene oil, first for public safety, but afterwards for protection of exchange. Laws regulating the quality of fertilizers are based upon the necessity of knowledge, that bargains may be fair; and in many parts of our country now the branding of ground feeds, with an analysis of their qualities, is deemed an essential of safe bargaining. The extent to which this effort to establish the certainty of qualities may need to be carried can be estimated by the recent [pg 117] agitation over adulterations of food products. All believe that, as buyers, they have a right to know the quality of what they buy. It is conceivable that markets may some time establish a system of terms, descriptive of qualities, almost as definite as weights and measures. All this contributes to fair competition in exchange.

Standards of value.—More important still in the machinery of exchange is a standard unit of value. We have seen that value in any article of commerce can be fixed in terms of any other article, but prices remain indefinite so long as there is want of universal appreciation or appraisal in essentially the same terms and ideas. The tendency toward definite prices in well understood units of value is as clearly perceptible in the progress of commerce as is the tendency toward definiteness in weights and measures.

In early ages almost any article of common use, so that its qualities might be generally understood, has served as a standard of value, in terms of which all wealth has been estimated. Communities engaged in grazing counted all their wealth by cattle. Homer's heroes wore armor valued in cattle, and early Roman coins bore the images of cattle, while the very name of Roman coins, pecunia, is supposed to have been derived from the name of the flock. Communities of fishermen for a long period have estimated wealth in dried fish. More mechanical peoples have used some article of manufacture, like nails in some Scottish villages and the country cloth of western Africa. Sometimes a single prime article of export has served the purpose, [pg 118] like tobacco in the colony of Virginia and dried hides on the plains of South America. In most of pioneer America the hunters' pelts have served the same purpose, the average “coonskin” having a value which all could understand. As communities became more wealthy the display of wealth in ornaments made of precious metals and in precious stones has led to the use of these as standards of value. American Indians used their wampum, and African tribes employed peculiar shells. But as commerce increased, embracing wider regions, gold and silver became the staple article of value everywhere, since these, so easily tested for purity, could have their value estimated definitely by weight. Thus the standard unit of value has been definitely connected with standard weights.

Coinage.—Gradually these weights, for greater ease of transfer and for clearer understanding of values, became the basis of coinage. The stamp of the coiner became a certificate of quality and quantity, and finally, as in the case of weights and measures, governments assumed the whole responsibility for fixing the weight and fineness of coins, and reduced all coinage to system, that every citizen might know the value of the unit in which he estimates any article of commerce.

The early coins were definite weights of gold, silver or copper, and in many countries coins still bear the names that indicate their original weight. Yet arbitrary rulers have often sought to cheat their subjects by issuing coins of lighter weight and baser metal. The French livre, now the franc, is one seventy-second of its original value. English coins were debased ten [pg 119] times between the years 1299 and 1601 to exactly one-third of their original value. The loss from such debasement falls almost wholly upon the poor, whose wages fail to buy the usual food and clothing. Henry VIII reduced the coins of his realm again and again, until it would have taken five years' revenue of Elizabeth's reign to restore the currency. Elizabeth chose to take the standards as she found them, but to establish an absolute degree of purity and fix by law the weight of each coin in the system. The standard of purity since maintained in England is 22 carats, or eleven-twelfths fine, and weights have been maintained in spite of several efforts to reduce them. Other nations have taken similar steps with varying standards of purity: .835 in the Latin union, .9 in the United States, and over .96 in most coinage of western Asia. In this way the standard of value for every citizen of a country is as clearly defined as the standard of weight, and every transaction in trade, with every account of such transaction, involves that unit.

United States coinage.—A brief statement of the system of coinage now established in the United States may illustrate the definiteness of the standards of value. The United States mint at Philadelphia and its branches at New Orleans, Denver, San Francisco and Carson have the sole authority for making coins. Any effort at coinage by outside parties is criminal. The mint receives the gold and silver by weight and assay of purity, melts and refines and mixes with alloy, to bring the mass to required fineness, nine-tenths pure, and casts the metal into bars called bullion. These bars are [pg 120] then most carefully assayed, and, if found of exact standard purity, are rolled and drawn into plates the thickness of the coins desired. From these plates disks are punched by machinery, each disk being weighed, and if found too light thrown aside, if too heavy reduced by filing, until every disk represents exactly the required weight of the coin desired. The disks then pass through a milling machine which raises the edges, and when cleaned by dilute acid and carefully dried, are stamped by a steel die with some device covering both surfaces completely. This effectually gives the seal of the nation to the purity and weight of the coin, and, since it covers the whole surface, prevents the possibility of reducing that weight without marring the coin.

United States standards.—The system of coinage in the United States since 1873 embraces standard coins of gold, silver, nickel and copper, but gold alone actually furnishes the standards of value, all other coins being at present subsidiary. Gold is coined for individuals free; that is, a certain weight of metal presented at the mint is assayed, to determine the exact weight of pure gold, and an equal weight of pure gold is returned to the owner in coin. Sometimes a slight charge for the expense of coinage is made and called seigniorage. At present no such charge is made, for the reason that when a nation bears the cost of coinage, foreign coins are kept from circulation, and its own coins are current everywhere.

The standard unit of value for the United States is 25.8 grains of gold nine-tenths fine, and this is called a [pg 121] dollar, although no coin of this weight is at present struck. In actual practice, the standard is shown in the ten-dollar piece, or eagle, weighing 258 grains. The half eagle (five dollars) and the quarter eagle (two dollars and fifty cents) indicate upon their face their relation to the principal coin. The double eagle, or twenty-dollar piece, is coined for greater convenience. These coins connect all the currency of the country directly with the market value of commodities in the world, through gaining their value directly from the market value of gold, where gold is bought and sold. Thus gold furnishes the standard of value with which all other values are compared.

Silver coins of the United States are made from silver purchased by the government. The dollar, adopted from the Spanish rix-dollar, itself derived from the German thaler, is by law a coin of 412-½ grains of silver nine-tenths fine. This silver dollar has a story of its own, which will be given later, and does not form a part of the system of 1873. The half dollar, the quarter dollar, and the dime, for fractional currency, are proportional parts of 385.8 grains of silver nine-tenths fine. These are about five per cent less in weight than the proportional parts of the silver dollar. The original purpose of this reduced weight was to prevent the consumption of these coins in ordinary uses by making them worth on the face a little more than their bullion value. These fractional coins are legal tender in the courts to the amount of five dollars. In nickel and copper coins no effort has been made for many years to maintain a standard of value, the amount of metal in any of them being [pg 122] far less in value than their face. They are legal tender only to the amount of twenty-five cents.

Fluctuation of standards.—In the study of the precious metals as the standard of prices, it is necessary to remember that the value of these metals, like that of all products of labor, is subject to considerable fluctuations. The very fact that gold and silver are durable metals, not easily consumed or readily worn away, tends to make the increased product in a series of years less and less valuable. While the ordinary increase in product may be provided for by increased demand through extended exchange, the very improvements in the machinery of exchange, especially the extension of general credit, operate in the opposite direction.

It is certain that the value of gold and silver within one hundred years after the discovery of America, when European nations took possession of accumulations among the inhabitants of Central and South America, diminished to a little more than one-fourth of the value previous to that discovery. It is estimated that the value of gold since the discovery of 1849, in California, followed by the opening of mines in Australia and South Africa, has been reduced to little more than three-fifths of its value in 1850. This estimate is based upon careful comparisons between what an ounce of gold in 1850 would buy of some hundred staple products, and what the same ounce of gold will buy today of the same hundred products. The test is a somewhat uncertain one, from the fact that many products are much more affected by improved methods of production than others, and changes of habits and customs among the [pg 123] people greatly affect the prices by changing demands. The combination of a large number of products being less likely to be affected than any one, the comparison is worthy of some confidence. Nevertheless, it is possible for two different persons, making different selections for comparison, to arrive at very diverse results. If the selected articles are those of ready manufacture where improved methods have most largely entered, the value of gold will seem to have increased; if, on the other hand, the selected articles are raw materials, in which the law of diminishing returns gives greater cost of production, the value of gold will seem to have diminished.

A test easily applied, though not absolutely correct, is in the amount of labor of the most common sort which an ounce of gold would pay for at the different periods compared. Careful comparisons show that an ounce of gold today buys more of all sorts of manufactured articles and more of most articles of food, though less of the better class of meats and less of labor, than ever before. This fluctuation in the value of gold has its chief importance in connection with long extended credits, though its influence is felt in other directions through a common system of accounts, in which the standard unit of some system of coinage is the sole basis of comparisons. If the standard unit is growing less valuable, in a series of years the book-keeper will show a constantly increasing total of wealth; if, on the other hand, it is growing more valuable, the books will show an apparent loss. Were a perfectly uniform standard possible, all interests would be best provided for.