PAPERS
OF THE
PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND
ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY
VOL. IV.—No. 2
————
COMMENTARY
ON THE
MAYA MANUSCRIPT
IN THE
ROYAL PUBLIC LIBRARY OF DRESDEN
BY
DR. ERNST FÖRSTEMANN
————
TRANSLATED BY
MISS SELMA WESSELHOEFT
AND
MISS A. M. PARKER
Translation revised by the Author
————
Cambridge, Mass.
Published by the Museum
October, 1906
NOTE
——
In pursuance of the plan of publishing translations of valuable contributions to the study of the Maya hieroglyphs, the Museum Committee on Central American Research has the pleasure of offering the following translation of Dr. Ernst FÖrstemann's important Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the Royal Library of Dresden, generally known as the Dresden Codex.
The translation by Miss Selma Wesselhoeft and Miss A. M. Parker was made under the direction of Mr. Charles P. Bowditch of the Museum Committee.
In the original German edition, published in 1901, Dr. FÖrstemann used the Arabic numerals to designate the days, but in this translation, with the consent of the author who has kindly revised the translation, Mr. Bowditch has substituted the corresponding Maya names of the days, in uniformity with the general use of students in this country. It is needless to call attention to the importance of this paper by Dr. FÖrstemann whose long-continued study of the intricate system of hieroglyphic writing by the ancient Mayas makes all he writes of great value to students engaged in this most interesting research.
F. W. Putname.
Harvard University,
October, 1906.
PREFACE.
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Some of those who examine this book will say, that it is too early for a commentary on the "Dresdensis," since Maya research is yet in its infancy, and this opinion is certainly justified inasmuch as a final explanation of that remarkable monument is, of course, impossible at the present time. On the other hand the accounts of the numerous investigations and discoveries which have been made thus far are so isolated and so scattered in the shape of a hundred short magazine articles, that it is certainly desirable to have what we know and what we have still to learn gathered together under one head. This book is intended, therefore, to give an idea of the state of our knowledge in this department of research at this time, when the nineteenth century is passing into the twentieth, with the definite expectation that this work will soon be far outstripped and will possess an historical value only.
The contents of the following pages are of very little value, unless the student can compare them with an edition of the manuscript. My first edition was published in 1880 at Leipsic and the second at Dresden in 1892. The edition in Lord Kingsborough's "Mexican Antiquities" (in Volume III of that work, London, 1831) is still of practical use.
And since in this work I must premise a knowledge of the elements of the subject, I would recommend, as additional aids to the comprehension of the following pages, my "ErlÄuterungen zur Mayahandschrift der KÖniglichen Öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden" (Dresden, 1886), and also Brinton, "A Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics" (in the publications of the University of Pennsylvania. Series in Philology, Literature and Archaeology, Vol. III). I would also mention the very valuable work by Paul Schellhas, "Die GÖttergestalten der Mayahandschriften" (Dresden, 1897), which I follow in the designation of the various gods by letters of the alphabet.
It need hardly be pointed out, that the numerous pioneer articles by Edward Seler offer abundant instruction to the student in this field as well as in that of Aztec remains.
I wish to express heartfelt thanks to Mrs. Zelia Nuttall and Mr. Charles P. Bowditch, who have aided my work in various ways and have thus rendered possible the publication of this book.
E. FÖrstemann.
FIRST PART.
Pages 1-45.
Page 1.
As the first page is almost entirely effaced by abrasion, we know very little of its contents. Like the second, however, it was doubtless divided into four parts. The two pages have this also in common, that, for lack of space, their contents are not expressed in full, but abbreviated as much as possible.
The top section (a) of page 1 may have been filled with a sort of frontispiece, perhaps a face with a few signs around it.
The three lower sections (b, e, d,) with the three lower of the second page doubtless formed a whole. Each of these sections contained a normal Tonalamatl of the commonest kind, which was introduced on the left by five day-signs having a difference of 12 and was thus divided into five sections of 52 days each. In sections b and d, at least, these periods seem to be divided into equal halves of 26 days each. In d alone we recognize the initial week day, VII, of the Tonalamatl. In each of the three divisions there were two figures of gods, but we can recognize only the first of these in section d as the god D.
Page 2.
This page contains four much abbreviated Tonalamatls. In the following I will represent each Tonalamatl by setting down in a vertical line those of the twenty days with which the principal divisions of equal length of the Tonalamatl begin, in a horizontal line with Roman numerals the days of the week of thirteen days on which the separate subdivisions begin, and with the Arabic numerals the distance between these days. I will also remark that the position of the Tonalamatls in the "Dresdensis" is not connected at all, as in the Aztec, with certain places in the year, and that no rule for this proceeding can be found. It is curious, however, that no Tonalamatl in this codex begins with the day IX or Eb, which is the more important in the last pages of the Dresden Codex.
2a.
This first Tonalamatl has the following form:—
XIII | 5 | V | 12 | IV | 11 | II | 12 | I | 12 | XIII |
Cauac |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men |
Manik. |
The hieroglyphs and the figures show that preparations for a human sacrifice are treated of here and that the subject is, therefore, closely connected with page 3a, where the sacrifice itself is represented.
There are but two pictures of persons, which refer, therefore, only to the first or to the first two subdivisions and which, for lack of space, are wanting for the others. On the left walks the person doomed to sacrifice, his arms are bound on his back, his head is barely visible and his eyes are apparently torn out. There is an object in front of his breast resembling a wreath. Behind this figure crouches a second, who holds an object in his hand which probably represents a rattle. The parallel passage in Cod. Tro. 2b shows the bound prisoner with an axe behind him. Then follows in Tro. 3b the prisoner without a head and behind him the black god with gory lance.
The hieroglyphs—four for each of the five subdivisions—are arranged in the following order:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 6 | 9 | 13 | 17 |
3 | 4 | 7 | 8 | 10 | 14 | 18 |
11 | 15 | 19 |
12 | 16 | 20 | . |
Of these 9, 13 and 17-20 are wholly effaced and 14 for the most part. The very first group refers to human sacrifice, for 1 is a head with an axe affixed to it, 2 contains the hand (i) which so often appears as the sign of grasping, especially in representations of the chase; here it has the same superfix as on page 22a, which on pages 4a-10a and 11a, b, appears as prefix. 3 is the head of god H, perhaps given here as a symbol of wounding (serpent god?). I am unable to explain the meaning of the dot between two crosses in front of this head; perhaps the sign denotes the day Kan, which is here arrived at by calculation. We find the same hieroglyph on page 3. Sign 4 signifies the death-god A = Cimi, who appears again in 12.
In like manner 2 is repeated in 6 and 14. 7, 11 and 15 (probably also 19) are, however, the familiar cross b; 8 is the head of E with a prefixed knife; the intention here may have been to show that human sacrifice would be likely to have an auspicious influence upon the harvest. 10 and 16 are another unknown head. In 5 we see the familiar Kan-Imix sign, which, for the present, I am inclined to regard as denoting a feast or a sacrificial meal.
2b—c.
These two sections have something in common. First, 2b (as also 2d) is divided into but two parts and 2c into only three parts. Second, in 2b and 2c the scribe intended to draw the hieroglyphs for 10 days each, instead of 5 each, but only drew the outlines of the second five, since they could not be used for these Tonalamatls. Third, the persons represented here are all engaged in the same occupation, each holding in his hands an object which looks like a frame for a net or web, and also a large needle with an eye through which a thread has been passed.
A very similar representation is found in the Codex Troano 34a, 33a and 23*c, and also in the Sahagun Manuscript of the Bibliotheca Laurentiana at Florence. This can hardly mean anything else than the knotting of cords, which was the only method of casting lots current among the Mayas; compare Seler, "Altmexikanische Studien II" (1899), p. 31, and "Zauberei im alten Mexiko" (1900), p. 90, by the same author. This clearly indicates the use of these Tonalamatls in soothsaying.
Fourth and last, each of the five hieroglyph groups of 2b and 2c begin with the same sign, which must, therefore, denote the casting of lots.
The Tonalamatl 2b runs thus:—
XI | 34 | VI | 18 | XI |
Oc |
Ik |
Ix |
Cimi |
Ezanab. |
The pictures are of three persons. At the left two sit facing one another and at the right is the god A. Of the first two, the one at the left is probably feminine, but with an old face. I am inclined here, in spite of the sex, to recall the bald-headed old god (N, according to Schellhas), whom I am inclined to consider, for the present, the representative of the 5 Uayeyab days at the end of the year. This would account for the sign resembling an 8 lying on its side, which appears on the god's head and which usually represents the change of the year (compare pages 38a, 41b, 52b, 68a and 72c). I cannot explain the person sitting facing this god further, than that from his hieroglyph he is either H or allied to H.
Of the 8 hieroglyphs
the first, as stated, seems to refer to the casting of lots, 2 is the sign for H, 3 denotes the female figure pictured beneath it, and 4 is the sign q with the Ben-Ik on top of it. In the second group 5 is the same as 1, 6 is the cross b, and 7 and 8 are the hieroglyphs for A.
2c contains the following Tonalamatl:—
III | 20 | X | 17 | I | 15 | III |
Oc |
Ik |
Ix |
Cimi |
Ezanab. |
There are illustrations for only the first two of the three subdivisions; the two figures composing them are engaged in the occupation mentioned under 2b. At the left sits a deity, who is probably E, whose head develops into a second, which is that of an animal; on the right sits the god D.
The three groups of four hieroglyphs each are arranged as follows:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 6 | 9 |
3 | 4 | 7 | 8 | 10 |
11 |
12 | . |
Of these hieroglyphs 1, 5 and 9 are the head already numbered 1 and 5 on 2b; 2, 6 and 10 are the cross b; 3, 7 and 11 are three different heads, all, as it seems, having the Akbal sign, and 11 having also the numeral 6. 4 is again (see 5 on 2a above) the Kan-Imix sign, 8 a Kin with suffix (the east?) and the numeral 16 as prefix; finally 12 is Cimi (A). Do the numbers 16 and 6 refer to the 16th and 6th of the 17 and 15 days standing below them? The beginning of this Tonalamatl III Oc seems to me to fall on an especially auspicious day (hieroglyph a).
2d has the following Tonalamatl:—
XIII | 28 | II | 24 | XIII |
Lamat |
Ahau |
Eb |
Kan |
Cib. |
This refers probably to the section devoted to women, pages 13-23. For the picture on the left is a woman sitting and holding an unknown object in one hand; on her right stands the death-god A holding in his hands what may be an apron or breech-clout; there is a similar representation in Cod. Tro. 29*b.
The hieroglyphs are
Of these 1, 6 and 8 are one of the signs of A, 7 another, and 4 may be a third, recalling the Moan, which, as on page 14c, rests on a hand held beneath it. 2 and 5 seem to signify a carpet or other fabric (or a lying-in bed?), on the one hand suggesting the occupation of the figures in 2b and 2c, and on the other the checkered hieroglyph, which is so common in the Palenque inscriptions. Finally 3 is the woman pictured beneath.
Page 3.
We come now to the sacrificial scene proper, which practically fills the upper half of the page. The victim, a woman, lies bound hand and foot, on the sacrificial stone, just as in the Cortes. 41-42; the incision above the stomach is already made and the eyes are closed. Behind her rises the tree of life with a bird (vulture?) sitting in its branches, which holds in its bill one end of an object, resembling a ribbon (entrails) issuing from the eyes of the victim, just as in Tro. 26*a and 27*a.
This picture is surrounded by four gods, who, however, differ very much from the other four in the second sacrificial scene, page 34a. At the right above is K, who, I think, is the storm-god; the figure at the left above is almost entirely destroyed, and its hieroglyph wholly; I prefer to consider it a rain deity, so that these two gods shall signify the productive season. The two gods below may refer to the blessing upon the harvest and chase resulting from the season and the sacrifice. For, at the left below, we see the maize deity E, holding a dish of fruit, while her head-ornament contains a second head. At the right below sits the serpent deity H and in front of him is an animal with the noose still around its neck, with which it was caught.
The hieroglyphs are in the following order:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 6 | 9 | 10 | 13 | 14 |
3 | 4 | 7 | 8 | 11 | 12 | 15 | 16 |
17 | 18 | 21 | 22 |
19 | 20 | 23 | 24 | . |
Of these, 1-5 are wholly effaced and also the most essential part of 6.
Of these hieroglyphs four (1-4, 13-16, 17-20 and 21-24) clearly belong to each of the four deities, for 15, 18, and 22 (the last again with the dot between two crosses as on page 2a) certainly belong to the picture. From this it seems to follow that Hieroglyphs 5 to 12 refer to the sacrifice itself. As a matter of fact 9 and 11, which are directly above the sacrifice, also refer particularly to that part of the representation.
I wish also to call special attention to the two signs 8 and 16 which seem to correspond to one another. They are the two which I have designated with q and a, which are met with here for the first time (aside from the q with the Ben-Ik, which is not in question here) and which, I think, denote the good and evil days, q referring to the sacrifice and a to its results.
In regard to the rest of these hieroglyphs, 7 and 9 are Cimi; 10, 14, 17 and 24 the cross b and 11 and 23 the hieroglyph c. 12 is the head with the Akbal eye, having for its prefix the uplifted arm, which is joined thus to the most diverse signs, and which also occurs in the Tro-Cort. 13 is a similar head, 19 again Imix, 20 the sign o and 21 a hieroglyph, which is without doubt a simplified head.
Here, too, we have a Tonalamatl, and one beginning on an especially ceremonial day I Ahau, which seems to play the same role in celestial affairs as IV Ahau does in terrestrial matters. On the sacrificial stone we read the days Ahau, Eb, Kan, Cib and Lamat, and I think it likely that the same days occur in the passage of the Cortes. referred to above; the passage evidently contains some errors. The subdivisions of this Tonalamatl are not known to us, for here the manuscript is somewhat confused. I propose to read it as follows:—
I | 10 | XI | 4 | II | 15 | IV | 9 | XIII | 14 | I |
but Cyrus Thomas, "Aids," p. 294, has
I | 4 | V | 8 | XIII | 11 | XI | 15 | XIII | 14 | I. |
Either reading is dubious. The scribe divided the lower half of page 3 into two parts, and drew in each the outline of five days; but then he saw that, to continue his work, he needed a long surface extending from left to right, and he therefore omitted filling in these two sections.
Pages 4a—10a.
We have here a normal Tonalamatl, which, however, was evidently meant by the author to serve a very special purpose, since he divided the first section of 52 days into no less than 20 parts of 2, 3 or 4 days. I give the following arrangement here, remarking, at the same time, that in one doubtful case (between the third and fourth groups) I deviate from my former plan:—
X 2, XII 4, III 3, VI 2, VIII 4, XII 2, I 2, III 4, VII 2, IX 2, XI 2, XIII 4, IV 2, VI 3, IX 2, XI 3, I 2, III 3, VI 2, VIII 2, X.
Since the five sections on page 4a begin with the days Imix, Ben, Chicchan, Caban, and Muluc, we have resulting from this and from the intervals specified, the following days:—
X Imix, XII Akbal, III Manik, VI Oc, VIII Eb, XII Cib, I Ezanab, III Ahau, VII Kan, IX Cimi, XI Lamat, XIII Oc, IV IX, VI Cib, IX Cauac, XI Imix, I Kan, III Cimi, VI Muluc, VIII Chuen, X Ben.
Now, however, in the "Globus," Vol. LXXIII, in my two articles entitled "Die TagegÖtter der Mayas," I have expressed the opinion that there is good reason to believe that the scribe has made a grave mistake here.
I assume that the scribe simply transferred the so-called month days from the year just past to the year in which he was writing, in doing which they were, of course, moved five days on (since 365 = 20 × 18 + 5), but he did not bear in mind, that the pictures and the hieroglyphs could then no longer correspond. Hence the days must be not
Imix, Akbal, Manik, Oc, Eb, Cib, Ezanab, Ahau, Kan, Cimi, Lamat, Oc, Ix, Cib, Cauac, Imix, Kan, Cimi, Muluc, Chuen, Ben,
but
Cib, Ezanab, Ik, Chicchan, Manik, Chuen, Ben, Men, Cauac, Imix, Akbal, Chicchan, Muluc, Chuen, Ix, Cib, Cauac, Imix, Kan, Cimi, Lamat.
Let us now consider the 20 groups, disregarding the first (really zero) which has no figure and no hieroglyphs. We will leave out of the question also the first two hieroglyphs of each group, which are the same twenty times and form, as it were, merely a superscription, in which the first sign is a head, also occurring elsewhere (4b-5b), with suffix and affix, and the second is the hieroglyph i, which might readily denote a sacrifice. Thus only the usual four signs remain for each picture.
1. Day 15 = Ezanab; Aztec Tecpatl, flint, lance point. The figure of the god does not correspond with this at all; it is a god in a gala cloak, holding before him a serpent and bearing a quetzal bird on his back. This figure, which resembles none other in our manuscript, strongly recalls Kukulcan, who, in fact, is often placed by the scribes at the head of the 20 Maya gods (cf. Dres. 36) in which manner he appears in this place quite without reference to the day and the hieroglyphs. In this interpretation I follow Seler, in the main, who in his treatise "Quetzalcouatl-Kukulcan in Yucatan" (1898) expresses this opinion on page 403 of the separate edition. But possibly the ear-ornament may refer to Ezanab. Of the hieroglyphs, 1 and 2 are the familiar sign of the serpent deities H or I, though here they are not drawn exactly alike. They also appear together on page 6a. 3 ( = r) I think is the sign for the week of 13 days, which recurs in groups 5, 11, 14 and 16, and hence is distributed 4 times, though not regularly, among the 4 × 13 days. Sign 4 is the death bird.
2. Day 19 = Ik; Aztec Ehecatl, wind, air, breath. The deity pictured is B, the god who is found the most frequently, and with the most varied attributes, of all the gods in our manuscript. He is the god proper of breathing and living and was, perhaps, the local god in the region where this manuscript originated. The second hieroglyph is his sign; the first, with a prefixed 9, is p the third q and the fourth a with the usual 3 before it; their relations to B are still unknown.
3. Day 3 = Cimi; Aztec Miquiztli, death. The deity with a black line about the mouth is certainly the bald-headed old god N, whom we shall find on pages 12c, 14b, 17a, 21c, and 37a. His hands are much deformed; perhaps indicating the bite of a serpent? Of the hieroglyphs, 1, 2 and 4 are effaced; 3 is surely the sign of the god, differing, it is true, from his usual hieroglyph, but recurring with a 4 also on pages 21c and 24. This 4 might refer to the four kinds of years, but here, perhaps, to the fourth of the five Uayeyab days, and would thus agree with the 24th day of Cumku, which should lie here (in the year 9 Kan), if I have begun the Tonalamatl correctly.
4. Day 4 = Manik; Aztec Mazatl. The significance is stag or roe, game or the chase. The first picture on page 5 is one of the forms of F, which seems to stand here not merely for human sacrifice, but also for war and the chase, and especially for the act of killing in general. Of the hieroglyphs, unfortunately only the fourth can be read in full (the sign c), the upper part of the second is the cross b and the lower part the sign Ahau; the number 11, which is peculiar to the god F, probably stood before the second sign. Did this god rule the eleventh of the 13 months of 28 days, as Moan ruled the thirteenth?
5. Day 8 = Chuen; Aztec Ozomatli, ape, then probably the constellation of Ursa Minor, and hence belonging to the god C. The figure is unquestionably his, and the first hieroglyph is surely his sign. The other three are the familiar a, o and r.
6. Day 10 = Ben; Aztec Acatl, the fundamental significance of which is reed, rush, etc. The connection between this day and the god B pictured here must be left undecided. Of the hieroglyphs, the first points rather to the sun-god G, the second, with the numeral 7 as a prefix, is entirely destroyed, the third is the sign u, and the fourth, which is half obliterated, was q.
7. Day 12 = Men; Aztec Quauhtli, eagle. The figure to which the first hieroglyph with the numeral 11 belongs, is a form of the god F, but has the nose-ornament of the sun-god G. Hieroglyph 2, which we shall find again on 22c, may refer especially to the eagle; the third is the sign of the day Caban with a prefixed 3, and the fourth is the sign o.
8. Day 16 = Cauac; Aztec Quiahuitl. The meaning in the different languages points to rain, storm and summer, of which the tortoise and serpent are special symbols. I shall not venture to decide positively upon the deity pictured here; perhaps the object in his hand may be a tortoise; Seler, "Quetzalcouatl-Kukulcan" (1898), p. 403, calls him the young god. In the hieroglyphs we find the serpent sign Chicchan twice, just as in the first group on page 4; then follow a and Kan-Imix.
9. Day 18 = Imix; Aztec Cipactli. In my treatise on the day-gods, I have referred to the variations in the significance of this day. The Mayas connected with it the idea of the female breast, of drink, and, in particular, of the intoxicating beverage pulque. The deity pictured here, which is certainly a female deity, has a kind of vessel in her hand, from which the serpent resting on her head appears to be drinking. Hieroglyphs 2 and 4 are wholly obliterated, and 1 partly; there is a lock of hair, the sign of femininity, before 1 and 3. It is to be noted further that 3 is the sign of the death-god and that the deity pictured here has the death-sign on its cheek. Can this possibly suggest deathlike intoxication?
10. Day 20 = Akbal; Aztec Calli. The meaning is that of darkness, night, dark hole, then that of house as an artificial cave or as a place of shelter at night. The first picture on page 7, the black deity L with the beard fits admirably here. The black paint still visible proves that the first hieroglyph, which is almost effaced, was his sign, and the second may be a head more definitely identifying him. The third was the sign q, the fourth is an Ahau, perhaps intimating that Akbal belonged to the days beginning the Uinal sections of 20 days, and to the lords of the same. In addition to appearing with these 5th, 10th, 15th, and 20th days, an Ahau is found with the 1st, 6th, 11th and 16th as regent of the year, and lastly, but especially, with the 17th, which bears the name Ahau, and with the god D belonging to it.
11. Day 2 = Chicchan; Aztec Cohuatl, serpent. With this would agree also the third and fourth hieroglyphs (the latter r), which are the two we found in the first representation on page 4 belonging to the deity holding the serpent. But what is the meaning here of the dog-head of the figure, and of the first two hieroglyphs corresponding to it? And what does this creature hold in its hand? The lightning? The hieroglyphs seem to correspond to the seventh day, as if the scribe had recognized his mistake and referred here to the present and not to the past year.
12. Day 6 = Muluc; Aztec Atl, water, cloud. With this corresponds the image of the storm deity K and his two hieroglyphs 1 and 2, the first of which occurs frequently, and the second is found on pages 20 b and 47, while 3 (Ahau) designates the day as regent of the year and 4 is the hieroglyph a. The curious sign 2 is also given on Cort. 32 b.
13. Day 8 = Chuen; Aztec Ozomatli, ape. There is no agreement at all here, but everything points to the day 3 lying 5 days back, the picture of the Cimi as well as the hieroglyphs, even the third with the Akbal sign and the uplifted arm (as on page 36a), also the fourth (c) which is generally thought to be the death-bird. It even seems here as if the scribe had had the preceding year in mind; possibly he did not want to repeat the fifth group.
14. Day 11 = Ix; Aztec Ocelotl, jaguar. Here there is an admirable correspondence between the figure and the first hieroglyph, which on page 26, top, also refers to the jaguar represented there; the other three hieroglyphs are r, Kan-Imix and q.
15. Day 13 = Cib; Aztec Cozcaquauhtli, vulture. The bird is actually pictured here and its sign is the first hieroglyph; the third is q, the second and fourth are obliterated.
16. Day 16 = Cauac; Aztec Quiahuitl, meaning, as in the eighth group, rain, storm, summer. The figure, the first on page 9, seems, however, to indicate the day Ahau, as does also the second hieroglyph, which is Ahau; the first and third are effaced and the fourth is r. Perhaps the scribe did not wish to repeat the eighth group.
17. Day 18 = Imix; Aztec Cipactli, as in the ninth group. Here the allusion to pulque is still plainer than it is there. The picture is that of a woman with bound eyes and uncertain position of the hands, and here too with the death-sign, and on her head a bee from whose honey the beverage was prepared. I shall not venture to explain the first two hieroglyphs; the second with uplifted arm appears again on page 8c. The third is Cimi and the fourth q.
18. Day 1 = Kan; Aztec Cuetzpalin, denoting maize with the Mayas. The representation consists of the maize deity with the Kan sign on her head, the first hieroglyph is hers, then follows Kan-Imix, which I am inclined to interpret as meaning a meal, next the sign a and finally a head, which is uncommon and undetermined, with the leaf-shaped prefix as on pages 4c, 6c, 9c, 34b, 61a, 67b and 69a.
19. Day 3 = Cimi; Aztec Miquiztli, death. The first figure on page 10 is a deity with the head of the death-bird Moan and above the head is the death-sign. As has long been known, the first and third hieroglyphs unquestionably belong to this god, also the fourth with the Akbal sign agrees with it, and the second likewise recalls the Moan.
20. Day 5 = Lamat; Aztec Tochtli, meaning rabbit in the latter language. Neither the figure, which represents Cimi, death, nor the corresponding hieroglyphs, excepting the second one agree with this day. This second hieroglyph has both in front and above it the number 6. Two numbers added thus to the common Uinal sign usually designate the Uinal period plus days, as is so very common on the inscriptions, so that the sign appearing here would denote 6 × 20 + 6 = 126 days. The hieroglyph here, however, is not the usual sign for 20 days. On the contrary, it has in the centre a straight line and on either side of it a parallel line ending in a little knob (or loop?). I propose to regard these lines as representing the ecliptic and the moon, which takes its course now to the north and now to the south of the ecliptic, and the sign as a whole as signifying the lunar month of 28 days. This is confirmed on pages 51, 55, 56 and 57. In that case this hieroglyph would denote 6 × 28 + 6 = 174 days.
Now bear in mind that in this passage the day X Lamat, which equals the Aztec Tochtli, is referred to.
In the year named after this day, and indeed on the 174th day of the same (1 Cipactli), in February 1502, the emperor Ahuitzotzin died; compare especially Brinton, "Essays of an Americanist" (1890), pp. 274-283.
Should this association in our manuscript of Cimi = death, X Tochtli and the numeral 174, be considered accidental? Or did the scribe, writing in the year after the event, actually record it in the year 1503 and, departing from his real subject, immortalize it in this place at the end of the greatest Tonalamatl? I will not refrain from expressing the conjecture I have long entertained, though I am quite prepared for differences of opinion.
Seler attempts to explain this series of 20 gods in another way; see his "Monumente von Copan und Quirigua" (1899), p. 729. (Cf. his collected papers p. 781.)
Pages 4b—5b.
It is my opinion that the Tonalamatl just now discussed connects with another, which is recorded directly below the beginning of the first, and which also differs from all the other ordinary Tonalamatls. It likewise divides the first 52 days into a large number of small parts (14) and has the following form, if we adopt Seler's correction in the last member:—
XII | 4 | III | 4 | VII | 4 | XI | 3 | I | 4 | V | 3 | VIII | 4 | XII | 3 | II | 6 | VIII | 3 | XI | 4 | II | 4 | VI | 4 | X | 2 | XII |
Ix |
Cimi |
Ezanab |
Ik |
Oc. |
The two days Ik and Oc should be read Oc and Ik. There is only one picture here:—a scaly green monster with the head of the principal god D. There are six hieroglyphs on its body, the first is that of Eb and the second that of Cimi, the fourth is the sign c. The others I shall not venture to determine.
According to a conjecture expressed verbally by Dieseldorff, this figure may represent the god who continually recreates himself. We are reminded here of the two-headed serpent (Seler, "Tonalamatl der Aubinschen Sammlung," 1900, pp. 65-66). There are two rows of hieroglyphs above the monster, the upper contains 8 and the second 6, but the second hieroglyph in the upper row belongs in the lower. Thus there are 14 hieroglyphs corresponding to the subdivisions noted above.
The upper seven signs are all alike and are also identical with the one, which, in the great Tonalamatl, recorded above, begins the heading of all the 20 groups; this likewise points to a close connection between the two Tonalamatls.
The remaining 7 hieroglyphs should be considered as only 6, for it is improbable that C occurs twice in this series. They are the gods D, C, H, N, A and B, to which perhaps an E or F or G is to be mentally added in place of the second C. They are all principal gods with the exception of N (as always, according to Schellhas's nomenclature). This N, an old man, denotes, as it seems, the five Uayeyab days at the end of the year, as he does also on page 21c. This sign with the number 4 has already been seen on page 4a. If in 4b this sign signifies the last day of the year, then this Tonalamatl falls in the year XIII Kan. The sign 5 Zac also appears in the Tro-Cort., e.g., Cort. 29 c, Tro. 9*b and 28*b.
Now I shall proceed to examine all that has not yet been discussed to the end of page 12, taking up first the remainder of sections a and b and then all those of 4c-12c.
Pages 10a—12a.
XI | 12 | X | 8 | V | 12 | IV | 8 | XII | 12 | XI |
Lamat |
Ahau |
Eb |
Kan |
Cib. |
The period of 52 days is thus divided into five sections of 12 and 8 days each, alternating regularly. A deity and four hieroglyphs belong to each of these sections, viz:—
1. D sitting, with his right hand pointing upward and his left downward; on his head is the Akbal sign as on page 15c. The hieroglyphs are destroyed with the exception of the third, which is the sign of D (Ahau). The fact that the 12 days happen to end with the day belonging to D (Ahau) is accidental.
2. R, a human figure with the head of the Moan (as on page 7c and 10a) and with the copal pouch around his neck. Of the hieroglyphs only the fourth, one of the common signs of Moan (c), is legible.
3. H, or, according to Seler, "the young god," as on 12b and 14b, with nose-peg and copal pouch. On his (her?) head sits a bird with an object, which I do not recognize, in its bill; compare page 12b. Of the hieroglyphs, the first is destroyed, the second is the unmistakable sign of H, the fourth is the common a, and the third I cannot as yet decipher.
4. A, with the usual design issuing from his mouth (the expiring breath of life?). Of the hieroglyphs, the first is a double Manik with prefixes, which probably denotes violent death; the other three are very common symbols of A.
5. E, holding a vessel containing plants (agave?) and with the cross b on his head-ornament. The first hieroglyph is an unexplained compound design apparently referring to the Moan, an Imix and two prefixes, the second is the monogram of E, whom the third hieroglyph, Imix-Kan, designates as dispensing nourishment, and the fourth, Ahau, as a leading deity.
Page 12a.
The scribe evidently wishing to carry out his material in some conclusive form in the top, middle and bottom sections of page 12, found insufficient space in the top section. He, therefore, condensed two independent unconnected Tonalamatls, by arranging them in such a manner, that the period of 52 days was divided, for the sake of brevity, into only two parts, viz:—
VIII | 27 | (IX) | 25 | (VIII) |
Ahau | Oc |
Eb | Ik |
Kan | Ix |
Cib | Cimi |
Lamat | Ezanab. |
I have supplied the two numbers enclosed in parentheses; they are wanting in the Manuscript.
The hieroglyphs
are sufficient for the two figures one expects to see here; but they are, in fact, intended for four figures—two for each of the two Tonalamatls. For the first of the two Tonalamatls we have only one figure, God K, who, however, from the dish held in his hand, probably containing honey (compare 10b), seems to stand here also in place of E. In agreement with this, Hieroglyph 2 and probably also 1 (s, which occurs again on page 13a, and also on page 10b) refers to K, while 3 clearly refers to E and 4 is the sign a. Hieroglyphs 5-8 belong to the second of the two Tonalamatls. The first two of these hieroglyphs, which are entirely erased, refer to an unknown deity, and the last two unquestionably relate to A.
Pages 5b—6b.
I | 16 | IV | 9 | XIII | 25 | XII | 2 | I |
Manik |
Cauac |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men. |
Four hieroglyphs belong to each of the four subdivisions:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 6 | 9 | 10 | 13 | 14 |
3 | 4 | 7 | 8 | 11 | 12 | 15 | 16 | . |
These four parts, however, form a whole, inasmuch as they all relate to making fire, as it is also represented in the Troano 6, 19 and 14*c. Hence the upper row of hieroglyphs contains signs which are repeated. 1, 5 and 9 are the same head, the last two cases have the sign for darkness (Akbal); this Akbal appears again in the parallel passages of the Tro. and in 13 it is somewhat enlarged simply owing to the absence of a head. The act of making fire seems to be denoted here rather by the second sign (2, 6, 10, 14), which I designate by k and which, originally, doubtless consisted of two hands (double Manik sign); the prefix is the same in 6 and 14, and different in 2 and 10.
The eight lower hieroglyphs are merely the monograms of the four gods making the fire. The first deity is F, the second either A or one of the black deities L or M, the third D and the fourth apparently F again, but conceived as feminine. In the third picture there is a second object, apparently a head (of D?), below the piece of wood in which the fire-stick is being whirled. Hieroglyph 11 belonging to this deity has an Akbal as a prefix.
Pages 6b—7b.
X | 13 | X | 13 | X | 13 | X | 13 | X |
Kan |
Cib |
Lamat |
Ahau |
Eb. |
This Tonalamatl is divided, by way of exception, into four equal parts, which all begin with the same week day X.
Here too, as in the preceding Tonalamatl, there are four subdivisions, and also 16 hieroglyphs arranged in the same way. And here too the upper line is a condensation of the whole, the same two signs being repeated four times. The first of these is q, which is still a problem and which occurs inverted also on Cort. 20d-21d (where there are figures with bird-heads); there too it is the characteristic hieroglyph. The second, however, is again the double Manik sign referring to activity of some kind, as in the preceding Tonalamatl. But the occupation of the four deities represented here is of very different kinds and altogether problematical. E, conceived as feminine, occupies the first place, with a Kan sign on her head and holding in her hand a vessel exactly like the one held by the figure just above on the same page. The third hieroglyph is hers and the fourth is the sign a.
The second figure is A with a hook-shaped object hanging around his neck. His hands also seem to be deformed, as are those of the third and fifth figures of the great Tonalamatl (on pages 4 and 5). His two hieroglyphs are among those usually belonging to him.
The third god is D sitting, by way of exception, on some object (stone?). Something resembling the pestle of an ordinary mortar is hanging down in front of his headdress, and he is holding a very similar object to his mouth. His two hieroglyphs are also those which usually refer to him.
The most striking figure is that of the fourth god, whom I do not recognize. He seems to be attracting to himself a bird flying down from above, whose bill almost touches his mouth. His hieroglyph has the sign Yax (strength) for a prefix and the fourth hieroglyph is c.
Page 8b.
VIII | 26 | VIII | 26 | VIII |
Manik |
Cauac |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men. |
Again we have a Tonalamatl divided into equal parts, this time, however, into but two, and it seems thus to be closely connected with the preceding.
While hitherto four hieroglyphs have usually belonged to each figure, we find here ten in all and in the following order:—
There are two figures here, which stand in some relation to one another,—two persons sitting facing each other. The one at the left is certainly D, the one at the right can hardly be the old woman, whom Schellhas designates with O, but rather N, the old god of the Uayeyab days. The former seems to be about to take something from the hand of the latter. I surmise that it is one of the prophetic weaving implements. which we found on page 2. The two hieroglyphs e and h must refer to this; they are repeated, as usual, in the two groups, e in places 2 and 8, and h in 1 and 6.
Signs 3 and 4 refer unquestionably to D and hence 5 and 7 (the first q with Ben-Ik, and the latter unknown) must be the designation of the person sitting on the right. We shall meet the latter sign again on pages 15b and 18a, with the same person, and on pages 27a and 39b with entirely different persons. Sign 7 is an object, which also appears on 15b and 18a, held in the hands of women and may denote some special sacrificial offering; on 9b Kan-Imix appears in place of this sign, and on 39b beside it. It should be noted that sign 7 stands here in exactly the same proximity to 1 and 6 as on page 27a.
The hieroglyphs 9 and 10 stand outside the two groups, and since, as we know, they belong to the god A, this prophecy must concern death, as is more clearly indicated by the corresponding hieroglyphs on page 9b.
Page 9b.
Here, for the first time in this manuscript, we have a Tonalamatl in which the 260 days are not divided into five fifths of 52 days each, but into four quarters of 65 days. This may be represented as follows, if we supply the III, which is wanting at the beginning:—
III | 33 | X | 32 | III |
Muluc |
Ix |
Cauac |
Kan. |
In the first place, the close connection of this Tonalamatl with that recorded on page 8b, just now discussed, is striking, for
1. Here too we find a division into two equal parts is intended, but which, of course, as the number is 65, cannot be mathematically exact.
2. Here too we not only find 10 hieroglyphs, but we find them in the same order as on page 8b, and here too the sign e stands in places 2 and 8, and h in 1 and 6; again 3, 4 and 9 are exactly the same hieroglyphs here as there, so that only 5, 7 and 10 are different.
3. The picture is again that of two persons sitting facing each other. Here D sits on the right and facing him is the grain deity E. D is speaking to E as is indicated by the sign before his face and by the position of his right hand. The signs belonging to E are Hieroglyphs 5 and 7, while those of D are 3 and 4. It seems, therefore, that D is announcing to E the prophecy contained in the preceding Tonalamatl.
4. Two hieroglyphs, 9 and 10, are again added, both relating to death—9 to god A and 10 to F.
Now what especially distinguishes this passage from the preceding one, is the fact that the four days are the so-called regents of the year, Muluc, Ix, Cauac and Kan, above which, perhaps to emphasize this circumstance, there is a particularly elaborate Ahau. Seler ("Einiges mehr Über die Monumente von Copan und QuiriguÁ," p. 210), however, thinks that this sign is the hieroglyph for the numeral three, which should stand here.
The fact that the tenth sign, which is the last, is 13 Moan in the preceding Tonalamatl, while here it is 11 F, will be of special significance in deciding the interpretation.
Page 10b.
The manuscript gives the following:—
XIII | 22 | III | 22 | |
Oc |
Ik |
Ix |
Cimi |
Ezanab. |
This cannot be correct, for 22 + 22 is not 52, and from XIII to III is not 22 days, while the last Roman numeral is wanting. I, therefore, propose to make a 6 of the numeral 2, which occurs twice, by changing the lower dot into a line, and to change the III into a XIII by the addition of two lines. This gives the series the form XIII 26 XIII 26 XIII. Then by its division into three equal parts, this Tonalamatl accords with the three preceding ones, which it also resembles in other respects. For here too we find two persons pictured; this time, however, they do not face each other, but are placed one behind the other. The first is B, the god of life strictly speaking, the second is F, who is represented by his hieroglyph in the preceding Tonalamatl, and who is the god of the chase and probably of death by violence. Both hold offerings in their hands, which have been presented to them, and this also seems to be suggested by the two pendent copal pouches. The dish in B's hand probably contains honey, while F holds a plant (agave?)—the very same articles, which we find on page 12a in the hands of other gods. It looks as if the gods had been propitiated and as if this were the conclusion of a drama running through four Tonalamatls. Again the two death-hieroglyphs, which were added on pages 8 and 9, are wanting here, and we find only the usual eight signs:—
Of these, 1, 2 and 5, 6 are the usual comprehensive heading; 1 and 5 are the Manik sign, which must denote the offering, while 2 and 6 are the characters, which perhaps, not incorrectly, has been thought to denote a repetition, a kind of plural; we have already seen it on pages 12a-13a. 3 is the monogram of B, yet it looks more like a fist with the thumb prominent—a figure I have frequently found in the inscriptions of Palenque. It must also refer to the sacrifice offered to B, which is confirmed by the a added to it in 4 and probably denoting a good day. 7 is the hieroglyph of F to which the sign in 8 corresponds, while the prefixed arm in 8 seems to refer to the presentation of the sacrifice.
Pages 10b—11b.
VIII | 8 | III | 9 | XII | 9 | VIII | 10 | V | 16 | VIII |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men |
Manik |
Cauac. |
I have corrected the 15 in the manuscript by making it 16.
20 hieroglyphs correspond regularly to the five sections in the following order:—
1 | 5 | 6 | 9 | 10 | 13 | 17 |
2 | 7 | 8 | 11 | 12 | 14 | 18 |
3 | 15 | 19 |
4 | 16 | 20 | . |
This section seems to refer chiefly to the harvest. First the Muluc sign with suffix and affix, which is repeated in 1, 5, 9, 13 and 17 at regular intervals, suggests rain as a preliminary condition of the harvest. Next in 2 the hieroglyph of K, the wind-god, is added to this Muluc sign, and K is the patron of the day Muluc. Then the signs a and o follow in 3 and 4. There is no picture belonging to this group; it ought to be the god K. The second group adds to the Muluc in 6 the glyph of the sun, which is the second preliminary condition of the harvest. This is followed in 7 by the sign u apparently denoting wind and cloud and having the prefix of the storm-god, and in 8 is the sign, which, strange to say, stands also in the last Tonalamatl in the eighth place. I am not very clear in regard to this sign. The sun-god G with copal pouch and a vessel containing grains of maize is appropriately represented with this group. With equal fitness the third group contains E, the harvest-god proper, with copal pouch and grains of maize, and, as usual, a Kan sign on his head, but also with a parrot, probably as an enemy of the harvest. Sign 10 is E's hieroglyph, to which, as is so often the case, sign 11 (Imix-Kan) is added and in 12 the double Manik (i). The last two groups are without figures of deities; the double Manik (14 and 18), possibly a repeated summons to sacrifice, is common to both groups. There seems here to be a further reference to the enemies of the harvest, for 15 is the hieroglyph of the vulture, 16 that of the death-bird and 19 that of the night-god, after which this section closes with the quite universal sign a. If space had permitted, the vulture and the night-god would have been represented here.
Page 12b.
I | 13 | I | 26 | I | 13 | I |
Ix |
Cimi |
Ezanab |
Oc |
Ik. |
This is again a regular arrangement, half of the 52 days being in the middle and a quarter each at the beginning and end.
The first four days refer to the purport of the prediction, Ix, the tiger, Cimi, death, Ezanab, the wounding lance point, and Oc, the lightning dog. The 12 hieroglyphs indicate the connection with the foregoing Tonalamatl, for 1, 5 and 9 contain the same Muluc sign which we found there in the same places.
The three figures, it seems to me, signify the approach of death, the wound occasioning death, and the arrival of death.
The first picture represents the god probably as feminine, with which the illustration on page 9c should be compared. The lock of hair before sign 3, the death hieroglyph, agrees with this as do also the familiar signs 2 and 4. The god is making sounds, which is indicated by the figure issuing from his mouth. Is the snail in his head-ornament to be understood as the sign for retarded motion?
The second figure is the wounding serpent deity H, likewise represented here as feminine, with a lock of hair; the copal pouch hangs from her neck, her nose-peg resembles a flower as on page 19a. A bird is sitting on her head and is devouring a piece of an animal's body; we have already met this representation in the preceding Tonalamatl. Hieroglyph 6 designates the deity H, 7 (Imix-Kan) probably denotes the devouring of the flesh and sign 8, which is an Ahau with a prefixed knife, may also refer to this.
Finally, the third picture is again the death-god, who is clad in a gala cloak and, in contrast to the first picture, where the deity is sitting on some object, is squatting on the ground. The three hieroglyphs 10, 11 and 12 fit here admirably.
We will now turn back to page 4 and consider the lowest section (c) of pages 4 to 12, which like pages 5b-12b (I omit 4b here because its contents are of an entirely different nature) contain 7 Tonalamatls, that is, five ritual years of 364 days. If, however, we add 4b to these and bear in mind that 10c-11c contain a double Tonalamatl, we will have 9 Tonalamatls. We find a group of 7 Tonalamatls also on pages 51a-52a.
Pages 4c-5c.
XII | 10 | IX | 22 | V | 11 | III | 9 | XII |
Cauac |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men |
Manik. |
The incorrect 10 of the manuscript has been changed to 9. The hieroglyphs are as follows:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 6 | 9 | 10 | 13 | 14 |
3 | 4 | 7 | 8 | 11 | 12 | 15 | 16 | . |
and there are four figures of gods.
The sign of the rising Moan with its usual prefix and superfix (d) forms the principal part of this section, the meaning of which, however, is not yet very intelligible. This sign appears not merely as the 1st, 5th, 9th and 13th hieroglyphs, but all the four gods hold it in their hands. Placed after each of these signs are hieroglyphs 2, 6, 10 and 14, which are the double Manik or hand sign denoting a sacrifice (i).
The first god portrayed here is G, the sun-god, and the third hieroglyph is his sign, which is rendered yet more unmistakable here by the laterally elongated head q, the meaning of which is not yet wholly determined.
The second god is D with his two signs in 7 and 8. 7 designates him rather as night and moon-god and 8 more as the old god and lord of the gods.
The third god is the serpent deity H or Seler's "young god." His sign is hieroglyph 11, with which, to be sure, the unusual sign 12 (v) appears as a not very intelligible determinative.
The fourth god is A and his usual signs are given in 15 and 16.
Pages 5c—6c.
This is the second example in our manuscript of a Tonalamatl divided into four parts:—
XII | 29 | II | 11 | XIII | 18 | V | 7 | XII |
Ezanab |
Akbal |
Lamat |
Ben |
Ezanab. |
The repetition of the 15th day at the end is superfluous.
Here, then, we have the four days with which the 18 Uinals can begin; in the Tonalamatl on page 9b, the four regents of the year were given instead. Now, whether the beginning of these periods of 20 days was celebrated by a banquet or not, at all events, a feast is suggested by the sign Imix-Kan, which is repeated in hieroglyphs 1, 5, 9 and 13. The four vessels in the hands of the four deities, two of whom are sitting and two standing, would agree with the idea of a feast. The first vessel is a cup filled apparently with foaming pulque, and the other three are larger vessels meant to be hung up. The first deity is D with a snail on his head. Compare page 12b. His hieroglyphs are 2 and 3, and sign a is added as fourth. The next deity is A with his usual signs in 6, 7 and 8. C follows with his hieroglyph in 10 and lastly F with the sign 14 which belongs to him.
There still remain as the 11th and 15th signs, the elongated head q with the Ben-Ik superfix belonging to C and with another superfix belonging to F (with which he likewise appeared as sign 4 in the preceding Tonalamatl). The 12th sign (v), which occurs in exactly the same place in the preceding Tonalamatl, is no more intelligible to me here than there.
Pages 6c—7c.
I | 17 | V | 19 | XI | 6 | IV | 10 | I |
Chuen |
Akbal |
Men |
Manik |
Cauac. |
Four sitting gods with the regular 16 hieroglyphs. There is no collective sign, however, among these. It seems exactly as if the intention had been to represent the different offerings usually presented to the various deities. At all events the sacrifices are designated by hieroglyphs 1, 5, 9 and 13, and the same objects are also held in the hands of the four gods respectively, although they are clearly recognizable only in the case of the second and third gods.
Now what are these four different sacrificial gifts?
The principal part of the first looks like the sign of the month Mol. In excellent agreement with its appearance is the fact, that this word signifies egg in the Quecchi language. The god receiving the sacrifice here is A. Hieroglyph 2 is his monogram and 3 is that of his companion F and 4 fits both deities.
The second figure is D and his signs are hieroglyphs 6 and 7 to which 8 is added quite superfluously. The sacrifice proper is denoted by 5, which, I think, is a sign of multiplicity and which was originally the fin of a fish. In the manuscripts and inscriptions, when this sign is added to the sign for 360 days, it enhances the value to 20 × 360 = 7200 days.
The third picture represents the god with the bird-head of the Moan and his signs are hieroglyphs 10, 11 and 12. One of these, signifying rising birds, is also the offering in 9.
Lastly, the fourth picture is, according to Schellhas, the serpent deity H, and, according to Seler, the "young god," with the snail on his head. His sign is hieroglyph 14. Added to this is the sign a in 15, and in 16 it is q again with the same superfix as in sign 15 of the preceding Tonalamatl. The sacrifice in 13 is represented by a Kan sign, which is equivalent to maize, maize bread or tortilla.
Repeatedly, as on page 23b or 29b-31b of our manuscript, we see a portion of game (deer), a bird, a lizard and a fish represented as sacrifices. With this the fish and bird in our second and third pictures agree very well. I shall not venture to explain the other two in the first and fourth pictures. Perhaps future explanations of the curious head-ornament of the four gods will shed further light on the subject.
Page 8c.
III | 9 | XII | 9 | VIII | 9 | IV | 9 | XIII | 9 | IX | 7 | III |
Cib |
Lamat |
Ahau |
Eb |
Kan. |
The horizontal line should be read in this order; in the manuscript the numbers are in a somewhat unusual order.
An attempt has been made to divide the 52 days into sections of 9 days each, and in doing this the sixth subdivision has fallen short of two days. Since this passage has but two pictures, six of the 12 hieroglyphs must belong to each of the figures. I read the hieroglyphs in the following order:—
1 | 2 | 5 | 7 | 8 | 11 |
3 | 4 | 6 | 9 | 10 | 12 | . |