[1] I may refer to my forthcoming publication, Scripta Minoa, Clarendon Press, Oxford.

[2] ‘Exemples de figures dÉgÉnÉrÉes et stylisÉes À l’Époque du Renne.’ (CongrÈs International d’Anthropologie et d’ArchÉologie prÉhistoriques, 1906. Compte Rendu, t. i, pp. 394 seqq.)

[3] ‘L’Évolution de l’Art PariÉtal des Cavernes de l’Âge du Renne.’ (C.r. du CongrÈs d’Anthropologie, etc., 1906, t. i, pp. 367 seqq.) Fig. 3 is taken from this (p. 370, Fig. 120).

[4] E. Cartailhac et l’AbbÉ H. Breuil, ‘Les peintures et gravures murales des Cavernes PyrÉnÉennes, II. Marsoulas.’ Anthropologie, xvi (1905), pp. 431 seqq. Fig. 4 is taken from p. 438, Fig. 8.

[5] Alcalde del Rio, Las Pinturas y Grabados de las Cavernas prehistÓricas de la Provincia de Santander, 1906. Fig. 5 is taken from Anthropologie, xvii (1906), p. 145, Fig. 3.

[6] E. Piette, ‘Les Écritures de l’Âge glyptique.’ Anthropologie, xvi, p. 8, Fig. 9.

[7] Reliquiae Aquitanicae, B, Pl. XXVI, Fig. 10.

[8] Op. cit., p. 9.

[9] See R. Verneau, ‘L’Anthropologie des Grottes de Grimaldi.’ (CongrÈs International d’Anthropologie, etc., 1906, pp. 114 seqq.)

[10] Capitan, Breuil et Peyrony, ‘Figures anthropomorphes ou humaines de la Caverne des Combarelles.’ CongrÈs International d’Anthropologie, etc., 1906, pp. 408 seqq. (See p. 411, Fig. 149.)

[11] It is perhaps worth making the suggestion that these anthropomorphic figures with their animal snouts may in some cases be caricatures, at the hands of the ‘Men of Cro-Magnon’, of the low negroid element of the population—the ‘Men of Grimaldi’ of Dr. Verneau—with their markedly prognathous jaws and broad nostrils.

[12] Anthropologie, xv (1904), p. 638.

[13] Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-80, p. 312.

[14] Cf. Lucretius, v. 1030, 1031 ‘ipsa videtur Protrahere ad gestum pueros infantia linguae’.

[15] For smoke the same, but undulating. The sign is also used for fire.

[16] Garrick Mallery.

[17] E. Piette, ‘Les Galets Coloris de Mas d’Azil’ (Anthropologie, vii, pp. 386 seqq.), and ‘Les Écritures de l’Âge glyptique’ (op. cit., xvi, pp. 1 seqq.).

[18] Anthropologie, t. xiv (1905), pp. 655 seqq.

[19] Ed. 1672, p. 125. A.

[20] Scheffer, op. cit. p. 129—see Fig.

[21] P. J. von Strahlenberg, Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia (English Edition, 1738, Table VII).

[22] Cf., inter alia, A. E. Holmberg, Scandinaviens HÄllristningar (1848) (who wrongly referred them to the Viking Period); Hildebrand, ‘ForsÖk till FÖrklaring ofver HÄllristningar’ (Antiquarisk Tiskscrift fÖr Sverige, ii); Montelius, ‘Sur les Sculptures de Rochers de la SuÈde,’ Compte rendu du CongrÈs d’Anthropologie et d’ArchÉologie prÉhistoriques, Stockholm, 1874, pp. 453 seqq.; N. G. Bruzelius, ‘Sur les rochers sculptÉs dÉcouverts en Scanie’ (ibid., pp. 475 seqq.).

[23] C.r. CongrÈs, etc., Stockholm, vol. i, p. 466, Fig. 22.

[24] Sir J. G. Simpson, British Archaic Sculpturing, Plates XXXIV, XXXV.

[25] Op. cit., Pl. XXVII.

[26] ‘On the Tumuli and Inscribed Stones at New Grange,’ Dowth and Knowth, pp. 32 seqq. (Trans. of R. I. Academy, 1892.)

[27] Capitan, Breuil et Charbonneau-Lassay, ‘Les Rochers gravÉs de VendÉe’ (Bull., 1904, Acad. Inscript. Paris); and see E. Cartailhac, Anthropologie, xvi, pp. 192, 193, who inclines to refer the group of monuments with which the authors compare the VendÉe rocks to the Neolithic Period.

[28] See Coffey (op. cit., p. 33, Fig. 24), who first pointed out the analogy with New Grange. Compare another sculptured slab of the same dolmen reproduced by D. A. Mauricet (Étude sur le MannÉ Lud, Vannes, 1864, Plates VII-IX). Similar ‘ship’ signs occur on the slabs of Mein Drein.

[29] Ricardo Severo, ‘As Necropoles Dolmenicas di Traz-os-Montes’ (Portugalia t. i. Oporto, 1903).

[30] Don Manuel de GÓngora y Martinez, AntigÜedades prehistÓricas de AndalucÍa, pp. 64 seqq.

[31] Among recent contributions to our knowledge of this North African group may be mentioned G. B. M. Flamand, ‘Les Pierres Écrites (Hadjrat Mektoubat) du Nord d’Afrique et spÉcialement de la rÉgion d’In-Salah’ (CongrÈs International d’Anthropologie et d’ArchÉologie prÉhistoriques, Paris, 1900).

[32] S. Berthelot, Bull. de la Soc. GÉogr. de Paris, 1875.

[33] They were first mentioned about 1650 by P. Gioffredo, Storia delle Alpi Marittime.

[34] The Maraviglie were first scientifically described by Mr. F. G. S. Moggridge (Trans. of Congress of Preh. Arch. 1868, pp. 309 seqq.). See, too, L. Clugnet, MatÉriaux, xii. 1877, pp. 379 seqq.; Issel, Bull. di Pal. It., 1901.

[35] C. Bicknell, The Prehistoric Rock Engravings of the Italian Maritime Alps, Bordighera, 1902 and 1903.

[36] I visited the spot in 1893 under the guidance of Padre Amerano of Finalmarina.

[37] See my remarks in the Athenaeum, December 18, 1897.

[38] C. Bicknell, op. cit., pp. 38, 39.

[39] Ilios, Whorl No. 1983.

[40] Professor Sayce, however, Ilios, p. 696, takes note of the possibility that such inscriptions as go-go-ti-re ‘may be intended for ornament’.

[41] Primitive Secret Societies, Macmillan, 1908.

[42] Theog. 681.

[43] Wallis, The Advance of our West African Empire, p. 239.

[44] Cf. Dieterich, Archiv fÜr Relig. Wiss., xi, p. 173.

[45] Soph. Ant. 965.

[46] Eumelus, cp. Schol. Il. Z. 131.

[47] British Central Africa, p. 439.

[48] Cf. Du Chaillu, A Journey to Ashongo Land, p. 52.

[49] Alldridge, The Sherbro and its Hinterland, pp. 153 ff.

[50] Plat. (Rep. 565 d). Cf. De Visser, Nicht-menschengestaltige GÖtter, p. 46.

[51] Theog. 386 ff.

[52] Dionys. Hal. Antiq. i. 71.

[53] Plut. Num. 15.

[54] See Folklore, xv. 304.

[55] According to the White Book of Papua for 1907, containing the governor’s report to the Federal Government, the only murder of a white man committed during last year was due to a wish for this medicine. A native called Hariki had built a new house and wished to make it strong and paint it with a mixture of red-clay and coconut-oil. For this purpose, it seems, special medicine was necessary, and in order to have it as strong as possible, Hariki determined to get it from a white man. He obtained it by killing a market-gardener called Weaver, with whom he was on quite friendly terms. Indeed, when the medicine had been obtained, Hariki and his friends ‘proceeded, under the guidance of one of the party who was skilled in charms,’ to bring Weaver back to life. They began at the feet, and succeeded, so they said, in reviving all the lower part of the body; but there was a great wound in the chest which they could not pass. So at last they hid the corpse away, and arranged that it should seem to have been eaten by alligators.

[56] Phorbas, being the strongest of the Phlegyai, was chosen their king. He lived under an oak, wrestled with all comers, and hung their heads on the oak. Kerkyon (et. quercus?) of Eleusis did much the same. So did Oinomaos. His daughter’s suitors had to challenge him to a chariot race; he hung up the heads of those whom he defeated. Pelops, having defeated him, slew him and took the kingdom. Apparently the daughter’s hand carried the kingdom with it, as the daughter of Zeus in the Birds is Basileia, ‘Royalty.’ Kyknos made a pyramid of skulls. The others killed their rivals in various ways.

[57] Theog. 485 ff. Cf. 690, where Zeus fights with the thunder as his weapon; also 853 ff., where he crushes Typhoeus, who ‘would have become king over mortals and immortals, but that Zeus saw him and used the thunder’.

[58] Thus in our present version of the Theogony Zeus is not swallowed at all: only the stone is swallowed. And when it reappears Zeus sets it to be a sign at Pytho. Comment is hardly needed. No one supposes that we have the stories of the Theogony in their original state. There is ‘contamination’ and ‘conciliation’ visible throughout the book.

[59] Paus. x. 24, 5; cp. ix. 2, 7 and Frazer’s note.

[61] Cp. Spencer and Gillen, Central Australia, p. 337. Several cases are given in Dieterich, Muttererde, pp. 20 f. The belief is very widespread.

[62] Preuss, in Archiv fÜr Rel. Wiss., xi. 576.

[63] Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 371, 533 ff., 546.

[64] The Muses were the daughters of Mnemosyne: but who was their Father?

[65] Schol. Od. xix. 163.

[66] Fr. 64 (Didot).

[67] Fr. 25 (Didot).

[68] Plut. De Plac. Phil. v. 19 (Ritter and Preller, 7th ed., 16).

[69] Euseb. Praep. Ev. i. 8 (R. P. 16).

[70] Plut. Symp. Quaest. viii. 8. 4 (R. P. 16).

[71] Hippocrates, pe?? f?s??? pa?d??? (ed. Kuhn, Leipzig, 1825, p. 391).

[72] Hippolytus, Ref. Haer. i. 9 (R. P. 171).

[73] Herodotus ii. 143.

[74] Herodotus ii. 10-11.

[75] Herodotus ii. 12.

[76] Herodotus v. 9.

[77] Aeschylus, Fr. 177.

[78] Fr. 183.

[79] Suppl. 286.

[80] Fr. 303.

[81] Fr. 290.

[82] P. V. 808.

[83] Fr. 178.

[84] Suppl. 287.

[85] P. V. 723.

[86] Compare ????e? in P. V. 453 with Hes. Fr. 64, about the aborigines of Aegina, and with Lucretius v. 790 ff.

[87] Persae, 181 ff.

[88] Suppl. 234 ff.

[89] Suppl. 287-8.

[90] Suppl. 241-3.

[91] Suppl. 244-5.

[92] Suppl. 279 ff.

[93] viii. 144 a?t?? d? t? ?????????, ??? ?a??? te ?a? ?????ss??, ?a? ?e?? ?d??at? te ????? ?a? ??s?a? ??e? te ??t??pa, t?? p??d?ta? ?e??s?a? ?f??a???? ??? ?? e? ????.

[94] Religion and Conscience in Ancient Egypt, pp. 18-20.

[95] Herodotus iv. 23 ?????p?? ?e??e??? e??a? (1) p??te? fa?a???? ?? ?e?et?? ????e???, ?a? ??se?e? ?a? f??ea? ?????, ?a? ???e?a ?????te? e???a, (2) f???? d? ?d??? ???te?, (3) ?s??t? d? ??e?e??? S??????, (4) ???te? d? ?p? de?d????. An exactly similar series of adversatives follows in the very next sentence, about the Pontikon tree.

[96] Herodotus vii. 183.

[97] Herodotus vii. 181.

[98] Herodotus iv. 110.

[99] The phrase of Herodotus i. 105, if interpreted strictly, means that the Scythians of Scythia themselves suffered from this defect, and gave as the reason for it the story which he relates.

[100] Hippocrates, pe?? ?e??? v??s?? (ed. Kuhn, Leipzig, p. 561), ??? d? ?a? a?t?? d??e? ta?ta t? p??ea ?e?a e??a? ?a? t???a p??ta, ?a? ??d?? ?te??? ?t???? ?e??te??? ??d? ??t???p???te???, ???? p??ta ?e?a· ??ast?? ?a? ??e? f?s?? t?? t????t???, ?a? ??d?? ??e? f?s??? ????eta?.

[101] Herodotus v. 9.

[102] Murray, The Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 69.

[103] Egypt, of course, had done great things in this direction under the earliest dynasties.

[104] Hippocrates, pe?? ????? (ed. Kuhn), p. 551.

[105] Hippocrates, pe?? ????? (ed. Kuhn), p. 550.

[106] Diogenes Laertius ii. 16 (R. P. 169).

[107] Simpl. in Arist. Phys. fol. 6 (R. P. 170).

[108] Choerilus is the only early authority for the theory, criticized by Hdt. iii. 115, that the Eridanus is in Germany. Serv. ad Virg. G. i. 482 ‘Thesias (Ctesias) hunc (Eridanum) in Media esse, Choerilus in Germania, in quo flumine Edion (Phaethon) extinctus est.’ Fr. 13 (Didot). Choerilus fr. 3 (Didot):

[109] Fragment 189 ???’ ?pp???? ??t??e? e?????? S??ta?. Fragment 184:

[110] Plato, Rep. 370-2.

[111] Plato, Rep. 373.

[112] Far more explicit and detailed is the comparative study of foreign customs which underlies Socratic doctrine in the Laws. The stock examples of the fifth century, Sarmatians (804 E), Amazons (806 A), Thracians (805 D), and the like, are all there, side by side with the Spartans and the Cretans, the Persians, the Egyptians, and the Phoenicians (750 C). But the anthropological basis of fourth-century thought is a distinct subject, and would require a whole chapter to itself.

[113] Hdt. i. 59.

[114] P. Ure, Journ. Hell. Studies, xxvi. pp. 134 ff.

[115] Aen. i. 607 foll. Cp. Aen. iii. 429—

where the slow movement and circuitous course of a lustratio are in the poet’s mind.

[116] Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, iii. p. 175. Cp. Serv. Aen. iii. 67, and Virg. Aen. vi. 229.

[117] Iron was taboo in the grove of Dea Dia: but the Fratres Arvales had a system of piacula enabling them to use it for pruning, &c., when necessary.—Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 22.

[118] Serv. Aen. i. 136, x. 32, xi. 842.

[119] Cato R. R. 139, 140; Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 136 foll.: cp. Ovid, Fasti iv. 749 foll.

[120] This is my own inference from the language of Cato in chapters 83 and 141. When the cattle are in the forest, there is a special formula of prayer for them: see ch. 83. The word ager could hardly, I think, be taken as including the woodland in which the flocks fed in summer; and in May, when the lustratio agri took place, they would be already off the winter pasture. In the formula for this lustratio (141) Cato does include the pastores and pecua; but they are not the most conspicuous objects of the prayer, and I am inclined to think that they are mentioned only as belonging to the farm, though not at the moment within its sacred boundary.

[121] Plin. N. H. xvii. 266, xxviii. 78.

[122] Relig. u. Kultus, p. 130.

[123] Varro, L. L. v. 143; Serv. Aen. v. 755 (from Cato); Plut. Romulus x.

[124] BÜcheler, Umbrica, p. 42 foll.

[125] BÜcheler, Umbrica, p. 84 foll.

[126] Perhaps, too, the scramble for the horse’s head between two divisions of the population was objectionable in their eyes.

[127] Relig. u. Kultus, p. 131. On the same day there was a sacrifice to that fortis dea, Nerio without doubt, who was in some unknown sense the consort of Mars (Ovid, Fasti iii. 849).

[128] Farnell, Evolution of Religion, p. 136.

[129] De Nat. Deorum, ii. 36. 82.