It has been asked by both Roman Catholics and Protestants—and not unfairly—whether the interest shown for the last half century by Protestant writers in the hymns of Latin Christendom, is a legitimate one. It is said by the former: “You are poaching on our preserves. All this you admire so much is what your fathers turned their backs upon when they renounced the Roman obedience. You cannot with any consistency attempt to naturalize in your churches and their services, hymns which have been written for a worship which differs in idea and principle, not in details merely, from your own. At best you can pick out a little here and a little there, which seems to suit you. But even then you are in danger of adopting what teaches doctrine which your Protestant confessions and their expositors denounce as idolatry, as when the compilers of the hymnal in use by American Presbyterians adopted Mr. Caswall’s English version of
ignoring its express reference to the devotion to the Sacred Heart. This is a gross instance of what you are doing all the time. If it lead you back to the bosom of the Catholic Church we shall be glad of it. But it grates on Catholic nerves to see you employing the phrase which we regard as a serious statement of doctrinal truth, as though it were a mere purple patch of rhetoric.” This leads us to ask what the Reformation was in the idea of the Reformers themselves. They never took the ground that the religious life of Protestant nations and churches was out of all relation to the life of the nations and churches of Western Europe, as these were before Luther began his work. With all their regard for the Scriptures, they never assumed that out of these could be created a Christian Church upon ground previously held by Antichrist and him alone. Luther declared that the elements of Melanchthon’s gentler spirit more than shared in Luther’s reverence for the good in the mediaeval Church. The antithesis to Melanchthon, the representative of the extreme party among Protestants, is Matthias Flacius Illyricus, a man of Slavic stock and uncompromising temper. Yet he also searched the past for witnesses to the truth which Luther had proclaimed. He appeals to a hymn in the Breviary of the Premonstratensian Order, as old, he thinks, as the twelfth century, which testifies against saint worship: Adjuvent nos eorum merita, Quos propria impediunt scelera? Excuset eorum intercessio, Quos propria accusat actio? At tu, qui eis tribuisti Coelestis palmam triumphi, Nobis veniam non deneges peccati. In the same spirit he and his associates edited the first great Protestant work on Church history—the Magdeburg Centuries (1559-74, in thirteen folio volumes). The first Protestants had Quid sum miser tunc dicturus, Quem patronum rogaturus, Quum vix justus sit securus? Rex tremendae majestatis, Qui salvandos salvas gratis, Salve me, fons pietatis! “Whenever in the Middle Ages,” says Albrecht Ritschl, “devotion, so far as it has found articulate expression, rises to the level of the thought that the value of the Christian life, even where it is fruitful of good works, is grounded not upon these as human merits, but upon the mercy of God ... then the same line of thought is entered upon as that in which the religious consciousness common to Luther and Zwingli was able to break through the connection which had subsisted between Catholic doctrine and the Church institutions for the application of salvation.... Whenever even the Church of Rome places herself in the attitude of prayer, it is inevitable that in the expression of her religious discernment, in thanksgiving and petition, all the benefits of salvation should be referred to God or to Christ; the daily need for new grace, accordingly, is not expressed in the form of a claim based upon merits, but in the form of reliance upon God.” That the Latin hymns of those earlier centuries show a steadily increasing amount of unscriptural devotion to the mother of our Lord and to His saints, and of the materializing view of our Lord’s presence with His Church in the Communion, is undeniable. But even in these matters the hymns of the primitive and mediaeval Church are a witness that these and the like misbeliefs and mispractices are a later growth upon primitive faith and usage. The first generation of Protestants, to which Luther, Melanchthon, and Zwingli belong, had been brought up on the hymns of the Breviary and of the Missal, and they did not abandon their love for these when they ceased to regard the Latin tongue as the only fit speech for public worship. They showed their relish for the old hymns, by publishing collections of them, by translating them into the national languages, by writing Latin hymns in imitation of them, and even by continuing their use in public worship to a limited extent. As collectors and editors of the old Latin hymns, the Protestants of the sixteenth century surpassed the Roman Catholics of that age. Over against the names of Hermann Torrentinus (1513 and 1536), Jacob Wimpheling (1519), Joste Clichtove (1515-19), Jacob van Meyer (1535), Lorenzo Massorillo (1547), and George Cassander (1556), the Roman Catholic hymnologists of the half century which followed the Reformation, we may place the anonymous collector of Basel (1538), Johann Spangenberg (1545), Lucas Lossius (1552 et seq., with Preface by Melanchthon), Paul Eber (1564), George Fabricius (1564), Christopher Corner (1568), Hermann Bonn (1569), George Major (1570), Andreas Ellinger (1573), Adam Siber (1577), Matthew Luidke (1589), and Francis Algerman (1596). All these, with the possible exception of the first, were Lutherans, trained in the humanistic school of Latin criticism and poetry; but only two of them found it needful or desirable to alter the hymns into conformity with the tastes of the age. The collections of Hermann Bonn, the first Lutheran superintendent of Lubeck, and that of George Fabricius, are especially important, as faithfully reproducing much that else might have been lost to us. The work of translating the old Latin hymns fell especially to the Lutherans. Roman Catholic preference was no stronger for the original Latin than that of the Reformed for the Psalms. Of the great German hymn-writers from Luther to Paul Gerhardt, nearly all made translations from the storehouse of Latin hymnody, Bernard of Clairvaux being the especial favorite with Johann Heermann, John Arndt, and Paul Gerhardt. And even in hymns which are not translations, the influence of the Latin hymns is seen in the epic tone, the healthy objectivity of the German hymns of this age, in contrast to the frequently morbid subjectivity of those which belong to the age of Pietism. More interesting to us are the early translations into English. The first are to be found in the Primer of 1545, a book of private devotions after the model of the Breviary, published in Henry VIII.’s time both in English in 1545 and again in Latin (Orarium) in 1546. In the next reign a substitute for this in English alone was prepared by the more Protestant authorities of the Anglican Church, in which, besides sundry doctrinal changes, the hymns were omitted. But the scale inclined somewhat the other way after Elizabeth’s accession. The English Primer of 1559 and the Latin Orarium of 1560 are revised editions of her father’s, not of her brother’s publications. The parts devoted to the worship of Mary are omitted, but the prayers for the dead and the hymns are retained. These old versions are clumsy enough, but not without interest as the first of their kind. Here is one with the original text from the Orarium, differing from any other authority known to us: Rerum Creator omnium, Te poscimus hoc vesperi Defende nos per gratiam Ab hostis nostri fraudibus. Nullo ludamur, Domine, Vel somnio vel phasmate: In Te cor nostrum vigilet, Nec dormiat in crimine. Summe Pater, per Filium Largire quod Te poscimus: Cui per sanctum Spiritum Aeterna detur gloria. Amen. O Lord, the Maker of all thing, We pray thee now in this evening Us to defend, through thy mercy, From all deceit of our enemy. Let us neither deluded be, Good Lord, with dream nor phantasy. Our heart waking in thee thou keep, That we in sin fall not on sleep. O Father, through thy blessed Son, Grant us this our petition; To whom, with the Holy Ghost, always In heaven and earth be laud and praise. Amen. It is not wonderful that when the Anglo-Catholics sought to revive the Primer as “the authorized book of Family and Private Prayer” on the same footing as the Prayer book, they took the liberty of substituting modern versions of the hymns for these “authorized” translations. In the Book of Common Prayer, besides such “canticles” as the Gloria in Excelsis and the Te Deum, there is but one hymn, an English version of the Veni, Creator Spiritus in the Ordination Service. It is the wordiest of all known versions, rendering one hundred and five Latin by three hundred and fifty-seven English words, but is not without its old-fashioned felicities. The revisers of 1661 cut it down by omitting just half of it, and modernized the English in a number of places. Its very verbosity seems to have suggested Bishop Cosin’s terse version, containing but four more From the Reformation until about fifty years ago, there was among English-speaking people no interest in Latin hymnology worth speaking of. A few Catholic poets, like Crashaw and Dryden, honored their Church versions from the hymns of the Breviary. But even John Austin, a Catholic convert of 1640, when he prepared his Devotions in the Ancient Way of Offices after the model of the Breviary, wrote for it hymns of his own instead of translating from the Latin. Some of these (“Blessed be Thy love, dear Lord,” and “Hark, my soul, how everything”) have become a part of our general wealth. Of course some versions of a homely sort had to be made for Catholic books of devotion, and I possess The Evening Office of the Church in Latin and English (London, 1725), in which the Vesper hymns of the Roman Breviary are closely and roughly versified. It is notable that “the old hymns as they are generally sung in churches”—i.e., the hymns as they stood before the revision of 1631, are printed as an appendix to the book, showing how slow English Catholics were to accept the modernization of the hymns which the papacy had sanctioned nearly a century before. Mr. Orby Shipley, in his Annus Sanctus (London, 1884), gives a large number of these early versions from the Roman Catholic Primers of 1619, 1684, 1685, and 1706; from the Evening Office of 1710, 1725, and 1785; and from the Divine Office of 1763 and 1780. The translations of 1619 have been ascribed to William Drummond, of Hawthornden, and those of 1706 to Dryden. Drummond was the first Scotchman who adopted English as the language of literature, and although a Protestant, he belonged to the Catholicizing party represented by William Forbes, the first Protestant bishop of Edinburgh. Three hymns are given in Sir Walter Scott’s edition of Dryden on the authority of English Roman Catholic tradition, the best known being his version of the Veni Creator Spiritus. These three are found in the Primer of 1706, along with versions of the other hymns of the Roman Breviary sufficiently like them to suggest that they are all by the same hand. But this judgment is disputed. Among Protestants the neglect was as great. So profuse a writer of hymns for the Christian year as George Wither translated only the Te Deum and the Veni, Creator Spiritus into English verse. The Methodist revival, which did so much to enrich our store of hymns, and which called attention anew to those of Germany, accomplished nothing for us as regards Latin hymns. The Earl of Roscommon’s translation of the Dies Irae (1717), and Dr. Johnson’s affecting reference to the stanza,
stand almost alone in that age. It was not until the Romantic movement in Germany and then in England broke the bonds of a “The hymns which Christianity introduced had for their basis those old Hebrew Psalms which very soon found their way into the Church, if not as songs or anthems, at any rate as prayers.... The songs of Mary and of Zacharias, the Angelic Salutation, the Nunc Dimittis of Simeon, which open the New Testament, gave character more immediately to the Christian hymns. Their gentler voice was more suitable to the spirit of Christianity than even the loud trumpet note of that old jubilant Hallelujah, although that note was found capable of many applications, and was now strengthened with the words of prophet or psalmist, now adapted to gentler strains. Over the graves of the dead, whose resurrection was already present to the spirit’s vision, in caves and catacombs, first were heard these psalms of repentance and prayer, of sorrow and hope, until after the public establishment of Christianity, they stepped out of the dark into the light, out of solitude into splendid churches, before consecrated “If we seek after the reason of this remarkable effect, which we feel in hearing these old Christian hymns, we find it somewhat peculiar. It is anything but the novelty of the thoughts which here touches and there shakes us. Thoughts in these hymns are found but sparingly. Many are merely solemn recitations of a well-known story, or they are familiar petitions and prayers. They nearly all repeat each other. Nor is it frequently surprisingly fine and novel sentiments with which they somehow permeate us; the novel and the fine are not objects in the hymns. What, then, is it that touches us? Simplicity and Veracity. Here sounds the speech of a general confession of one heart and one faith. Most of them are constructed either so as to be fit for use every day of the year, or so as to be used on the festivals of the various seasons. As these come round there comes with them in constant recurrence their rehearsal of Christian doctrines. There is nothing superfine in the hymns as regards either emotion, or duty, or consolation. There reigns in all of them a general popularity of content, expressed in great accents. He who seeks novel thoughts in a Te Deum or a Salve Regina looks for them in the wrong place. It is just what is every day and always known, which here is to serve as the garb of truth. The hymn is meant to be an ambrosial offering of nature, deathless like that, and ever returning. “It follows that, as people in these Christian hymns did not look for the grace of classic expression or the pleasurable emotion of the instant—in a word, what we expect from a work of art, they produced the strangest effects at once after their introduction. Just as Christian hands overthrew the statues and temples of the gods in honor of the unseen God, so these hymns contained a germ which was to bring about the death of the pagan poetry. Not only were those hymns to gods and goddesses, heroes and geniuses, regarded by the Christians as the work of unbelievers or misbelievers, but the germ from which they sprang, the poetic and sportive fancy, the pleasure and rejoicing of the peoples in their national festivals, were condemned as a school of evil demons; yes, even the national pride, to which those songs appealed, was despised as a perilous though splendid sin. The old religion had outlived its time, the new had won its victory, when the absurdity of idol-worship and pagan As the Romanticist movement gained ground in Germany, attention to the early hymns increased. Even Goethe, the weltkind among the prophets, was influenced. Hence his use of the Dies Irae in the first part of Faust, although he was pagan enough to care for nothing at Assisi except the Roman remains. A. W. Schlegel made a number of translations for the Musen-Almanach. Then came the long series of German translators, of whom A. J. Rambach, A. L. Follen (brother of Professor Charles Follen of Harvard), Karl Simrock (1850 and 1866), and G. A. Koenigsfeld (1847 and 1865) are the most notable. Much more important to us are the German collectors: G. A. BjÖrn (a Dane, 1818), J. C. von Zabuesnig (1822 and 1830), H. A. Daniel (BlÜthenstrauss, 1840; Thesaurus, 1841-56), F. J. Mone (1853-55), C. B. Moll (1861 and 1868), P. Gall Morel (1866), Joseph Kehrein (1873). To the unwearied thoroughness of these editors, more than of any other laborers in this field, we owe our ampler access to the treasures of Latin hymnody. But what field of research is there in which the scholarship of Germany has not laid the rest of the world under obligations? In English literature the Romanticist movement begins properly with Sir Walter Scott. Himself a Presbyterian, he was brought up on the old Scotch Psalm-book, for which he entertained the same affection as did Burns, Edward Irving, Campbell, Carlyle, and Archdeacon Hare. He opposed any attempt to improve it, on the ground that it was, “with all its acknowledged occasional harshness, so beautiful that any alterations must eventually prove only so many blemishes.” But his literary tastes led him to a lofty appreciation of the Anglican liturgy—a circumstance which has led many to class him as an Episcopalian—and equally for the poetry of the mediaeval hymns. His vigorous version of a part of the Dies Irae inserted in The Lady of the Lake (1805) gives him his smallest claim to mention in the history of hymnody. It was the new atmosphere he carried into the educated world, his fresh and hearty admiration of admirable things in the Middle Naturally the Oxford movement was the first to turn attention to the hymns of the Middle Ages, or what it regarded as such. We use this qualified expression because its leaders at the outset were much better poets than hymnological scholars, and welcomed anything in the shape of a Latin hymn as “primitive,” no matter what. Isaac Williams, in the British Magazine in 1830, published a series of translations of “primitive hymns” which he gathered into a volume in 1839. They were from the Paris Breviary, of whose hymns only one in fourteen were older than 1685, and most of them not yet a hundred years old. Rev. John Chandler, in his Hymns of the Primitive Church (1837), drew on Santeul and Coffin with equal freedom, evidently supposing he was going back to the early ages for his originals. Bishop Mant, in his Ancient Hymns from the Roman Breviary (1837), did a little In fact, these English scholars, with their constant habit of making Latin verse after classic models from their school-days, and their entire want of familiarity with post-classic Latin, found what pleased them best in the two Breviaries of Rome and Paris. With that they seemed likely to stop. It was Dr. John Mason Neale (1851-58) who, among translators, first broke these bounds, went to the older sources, and introduced to English readers, both by his collections and his translations, the great hymns of the Western Church. As a translator he leaves much to be desired. His ideas as to faithful reproduction of the form of his originals are vague. His hymns too often might be said to be based on the Latin text rather than to reproduce it. But they are spirited poems, whose own vigor and beauty sent readers to the original, and they were not disappointed. From that time we have had a series of excellent workers in this field—John Keble, Rev. W. J. Blew (1855), Mr. J. D. Chambers (1857 and 1866), Rev. J. W. Hewett (1859), Sir Henry Baker (1861 and 1868), Rev. Herbert Kynaston (1862), Rev. J. Trend (1862), Rev. P. S. Worsley (1863), Earl Nelson (1857 and 1868), Rev. Richard F. Littledale (1867), R. Campbell, of the Anglo-Catholic In America the work was begun in 1840 with a modest little volume published at Auburn, in New York, and ascribed by Mr. Duffield to Dr. Henry Mills of Auburn Theological Seminary, who in 1856 also published a volume of translations of German hymns. His earlier book was The Hymn of Hildebert and the Ode of Xavier, with English Versions, and contained thirty-five duodecimo pages. Next in order came Dr. John Williams, Bishop of Connecticut, with Ancient Hymns of the Holy Church (1845). Dr. William R. Williams of New York, in his address on “The Conservative Principle in our Literature,” delivered in 1843, made a reference to the Dies Irae, which gave him the occasion to publish in an Appendix the literary history of the great hymn, giving the text along with Dr. Trench’s version and his own. This seems to have given the impulse which has made America so prolific in translations of that hymn, only Germany surpassing us in this respect. Dr. Abraham Coles may be said to have led off with his volume, containing thirteen translations in 1847. But it was not until after the war for the Union that the productive powers of American translators were brought into play. Much, no doubt, was due to foreign impulse, especially from Dr. Trench and Dr. Newman; but it is notable that in America far more work has been done outside than inside the Episcopalian communion. Dr. Coles again in 1866, Mr. Duffield in 1867, Chancellor Benedict in 1869, Hon. N. B. Smithers in 1879 and 1881, and Mr. John L. Hayes in 1887 published volumes of translations. But far more numerous are the poets whose versions of Latin hymns have appeared in various periodicals or in collections like Professor CoppÉe’s Songs of Praise (1866), Dr. Schaff’s Christ in Song (1869), Odenheimer and Bird’s Songs of the Spirit (1871), Dr. H. C. Fish’s Heaven in Song (1874), Frank Foxcroft’s Resurgit (1879), and Dr. Schaff and Arthur Gilman’s Library of Sacred Poetry (1881 and 1886). Of these contributing poets we mention Dr. E. A. Washburn, whose translations have been collected in his posthumous volume, Voices from a Busy Life (1883); Dr. It is not, however, only as literature, but in the actual use of the American churches, that the Latin hymns have made a place for themselves. Since 1859, when the Andover professors published the Sabbath Hymn and Tune-Book, with original translations furnished by Dr. Ray Palmer, there has been a peaceful revolution in American hymnology. Every one of the larger denominations and many of the smaller have provided themselves with new hymn-books, in which the resources of English, foreign, and ancient hymnology have been employed freely, and with more exacting taste as to sense and form, than characterized the hymn-books of the era before the war. While the compilers have drawn freely upon Caswall, Neale, Chandler, and the Anglican Hymns Ancient and Modern (1861), in many cases original translations were given, as in Hymns of the Church for the (Dutch) Reformed Church, of which Dr. A. R. Thompson was one of the editors; and Dr. Charles Robinson’s Laudes Domini (1884), to which Mr. Duffield contributed. And there is evidence that the hymns thus brought into Church use from the storehouse of the earlier Christian ages have helped thoughtful Christians to realize more fully the great principle of the Communion of the saints—to realize that all the faithful of the present are bound in spiritual brotherhood with those who held to the same Head and walked in the light of the same faith in bygone centuries, even though it was with stumbling and amid shadows, from which our path by God’s good providence has been set free. |