THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN’S TRANSACTIONS IN IRELAND—CONCLUDED.

We left the Earl at Kilkenny after his enlargement. That his own confidence in his position was not misplaced all his acts clearly prove, and no attempt has been successfully made by his adversaries to show him in any other light than that of being a too ready instrument in the hands of his prince to work out his mystified political schemes.

It requires considerable calmness and consideration on the part of the biographer while undertaking to become the apologist of the Earl’s conduct, particularly when wholly differing in political and religious views. But sincerity will always command respect. That he was strictly conscientious in all his conduct there cannot be the shadow of a doubt; nor can he be accused of rather tempting the monarch than being tempted by him, a man open and most anxious to adopt any measures to regain his despotic authority over the people. Charles the First was all things to all men who offered him service; he was a Catholic to the Catholics, and a Protestant to the Protestants; and it was this duality of character, united with unbounded selfishness and a fatal attachment to secrecy, that perplexed his most discreet ministers. No man’s life or property was safe in his hands. No engagements were held sacred or inviolable, all being artfully contrived to conceal some mental reservation, which expediency always found it convenient to be shifting to serve some opposite purpose or other. All this subtle strategy was perfectly consistent with the possession of the most distinguished domestic affections and habits, and tastes most refined for art and literature, which, after all, may have been but the consummation of that all-grasping selfishness which shows but little integrity beyond the confines of self and home. His Majesty united so many inconsistencies of character that he completely deluded not the Earl alone but the entire Roman Catholic party throughout the land. He had succeeded in draining the Marquis of Worcester of his enormous wealth, and had not blushed to degrade his son, the Earl, by a public accusation (which his private conduct repudiated) to give colour to his own sophisms.

A letter written by the Earl to the Nuncio, in February, together with the oath he afterwards took, are not a little remarkable.[13]

“Most illustrious and most reverend Lord,

“There is no occasion for me to employ any further protestations to persuade your Lordship, how sincerely I desire that the whole glory of the advantages, which this nation and we poor Catholics of England may attain, should, as it ought, be ascribed to his Holiness, through your Lordship’s intervention; whom I beseech to consider the authority granted your Lordship by his Holiness, and to recall to your memory the letter written by the King my master to your Lordship, and my powers for treating with your Lordship. These things being laid down as a foundation, let us not sleep over our cause, but finish all the conventions made or to be made between his Holiness and our Queen (though without suffering them to be published), till your Lordship shall have received the original instruments themselves, or till an answer shall be returned from the King by means of my brother, who shall be sent to his Majesty in the name of your Lordship and myself. During which interval, though there be only a cessation of arms, yet our peace will be secure, and depend only on such conditions, as shall be acceptable to his Holiness; for it will not be such a peace, as the Pope disapproves of in his letters, but the same which your Lordship desires. But while the articles are agreed upon and concluded between your Lordship and me, and no change is made in the government, or in any other respect, till the peace shall be published, and the ratification transmitted hither by the King from England, no danger will arise either on your Lordship’s or my part, since the seven thousand soldiers will not pass over into England, till the peace be concluded and published, nor ever depart, till I shall return from Italy, and there shall be a certainty concerning his Holiness’ pleasure.”

He proceeds to suggest the conclusion of the peace at the end of three months; the signing of the articles by the Nuncio and himself, on the part of the Pope and the King respectively; thus satisfying the Irish, while affording the King security, the articles not being published; the safety of the kingdom ensured, and the Nuncio at ease in having thus conformed to the Pope’s instructions.

He afterwards signed, on the 18th February, 1646, an engagement to the Nuncio; and the next day took the following oath.[13]

“I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, promise and swear to your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship, that I will adhere to your party, not only against the Marquis of Ormond, and all his relations and favourers, but likewise against all others, who shall oppose the Pope’s treaty and your measures for the good of the Catholic Religion, and the service of the King my master, to supply your Lordship with—

200,000 crowns,
10,000 arms for foot,
2,000 cases of pistols,
800 barrels of powder,
and 30 or 40 ships well provided, over

which your Lordship shall name an Admiral. For I esteem your cause to be the cause of God, and of the King my master, in whose name I make all the concessions agreed upon between your Lordship and me; and am therefore ready, if your Lordship pleases, to confirm this my resolution before the most holy sacrament. In the mean time I subscribe my name, and affix my seal, this 19th day of February, 1646.

“Glamorgan.”

The Earl, in conformity with the power granted him on the 1st of April, by the King, agreed with the Nuncio to create, at his recommendation, one Earl, two Viscounts, and three Barons, hoping thereby to gratify the Irish.

But previously, on his arrival in Waterford, he wrote to the King:[87][13]—

“May it please your Majesty,

“I am now at Waterford, providing shipping immediately to transport 6000 foot; and 4000 more are by May to follow them. I hope these will yet come opportunely to the relief of Chester. What hath been the occasion of so long delays, and yet suffers not your Majesty’s service herein to proceed with that advantage it might do, I conceive not so fit to commit to paper; but I will shortly send my brother, who shall fully inform your Majesty with all particulars, and thereby rectify your opinion, and give you true knowledge, who are your faithful servants. I hope long ere this Captain Bacon hath arrived with you since my enlargement; and, therefore, I need only tell your Majesty that, my further services intended for you will, I hope, without further crosses, be suffered to go on; though strange is the industry used by many seeming friends to hinder me therein. But I am confident it shall not lie in their power, your Majesty remaining still constant, as I doubt not but you will, to your favourable opinion, and right interpretation of my poor endeavours; which, if they may take place, will procure you to be a gracious and happy prince, I having no other ends, but to approve myself,

“Sir, your sacred Majesty’s

“Most dutiful, obedient subject,

“and passionately devoted servant,

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, Feb. 23, 1645–6.”

The same month, however, Chester surrendered to the Parliamentary forces, after a stubborn siege; while in March following news arrived at Kilkenny of his Majesty’s message of the 29th of January, addressed to the Parliament, denying any participation in and unreservedly disavowing all knowledge of the Earl’s treaty of the 25th of August, 1645. The Roman Catholics were astounded; all their labour and expense, all their negociations at once appeared worse than vain, being only calculated to arouse public indignation.

But the Parliamentary party appeared pretty well satisfied that the Earl’s imprisonment was a merely colourable affair, suspecting that the King was merely sacrificing a devoted friend to clear himself and appease the public wrath.

Notwithstanding this state of affairs in Ireland, the Earl was, on the 4th of March, 1646, created “Duke of Somerset and Beaufort,” which title he afterwards resigned, but the original patent, still existing at Badminton, is translated as follows:—

“Charles, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our Archbishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Bishops, Barons, Knights, Governors of Towns, Freemen, and all other Officers, Ministers, and subjects to whom these Presents shall come Greeting.

“We esteem the greatness of our Royal Dignity not only to be highly adorned but even to be augmented and enlarged when men eminent for their nobility and virtue, who have deserved well of their country, and by notable achievements and particularly by trophys and other monuments of military valour acquired at home and abroad and distinguished and adorned by any illustrious accession of Honour, Dignity, or Titles.—And Whereas our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Earl of our County of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our right trusty and well beloved Cousin Henry Earl and Marquess of Worcester, Baron of the Honours of the castles of Raglan, Chepstow, and Gower, a man eminent for the nobleness of his blood, and his approved attachment and fidelity to us, (by always furnishing the most ready supplies out of his own fortune to us in these most calamitous times) Hath in a special manner recommended himself to our favour: as he is rendered illustrious by a long train of noble ancestors, and by the high nobility transmitted by paternal succession from John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, and his son John Plantagenet Duke of Somerset, from the place of his nativity surnamed Beaufort—and by other connections of blood with the Royal Houses of Lancaster and York, to Charles the first Earl of Worcester; All which dignity of birth and accumulated honours he hath himself greatly surpassed by his own personal virtues and inviolable fidelity to Us.

“For with what integrity, with what constancy, with what expense, he did execute the royal command of President of the six counties of South Wales and the places adjoining to the Severn coast? He was present at sieges and battles.—With what courage and successful conduct did he take Goodridge Castle, the Forest of Dean and the city of Hereford? In short, with what remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped for success he made himself master of the strongly fortified town of Monmouth? And not content with the confined limits of one kingdom, go to the most distant places beyond the seas, through the midst of hostile forces and the dangers of shipwreck, yet at his own private expense, regardless of all dangers, at the loss of his own private fortune, that he might raise succours for the support of the tottering crown of his King. These things, &c.”

Endorsed—“1646, 4 March. 21 Charles I. Creation of Edward, Earl of Glamorgan, Duke of Somerset and Beaufort, 4 March, 1646, and 21 C. I.”

This patent, worthless as it proved for confirming the title it was intended to convey, may well serve to seal the duplicity of the monarch who could thus intend to honour one whom he charged with treasonable acts, if not with absolute forgery of warrants in his own name.

In March 1646, the Earl committed to writing the following memorandum:—[13]

“Considerations and conclusions concerning the present state of my affairs, 29 March, 1646.

“1. As the King has published such a Declaration, I think myself at present incapable of serving him. Yet I am persuaded, that he has done this unwillingly, and through the violent impulse of others, and on account of the bad situation of his affairs. For which purpose, I am desirous to send express to him a person of rank, and my relation; by whose means I shall propose to his Majesty a method, by which he may enable me, under the authority of the Great Seal, to proceed further, both in promoting the interest of this nation, and his Majesty’s own, in such a manner, that his forced renunciation shall not be openly touched upon, and yet my justification, as far as it shall conduce to the good of this kingdom, so sincerely desired by me, may attain its wished-for effect. The safety even of the lowest person of this nation, is so truly at my heart, that I would not expose the life of one man to danger on my own account, nor press the transportation of the soldiers, till the return of the messenger to be sent to the King.

“2. As I have received such instructions from the King as these, viz. If by any unfortunate accident we should be involved in any counsels, in appearance contrary to the powers given by us to you, you shall make no other account of them, but by putting yourself in a condition to help us, and set us free; I do not find any more expeditious way of relieving his Majesty from his distress, than by taking no notice of anything which he has done through compulsion, and by supporting this nation. But if the Supreme Council will engage to adhere firmly to me, I will likewise oblige myself to employ the ships and money, which I had before designed for England, to the assistance of this nation, and devote my labours and endeavours to the service of this kingdom, till we can all jointly succour his Majesty in England. I desire, that the most illustrious and most reverend Nuncio of the Apostolic See will first of all subscribe this treaty of ours.

“But in this affair, I require nothing of the Supreme Council, but their private faith, till I shall return, by God’s blessing, with all things necessary. And though I am sensible, how little this concerns my own interest, yet my zeal prompts me to it. But I am extremely desirous, that General Preston should march the troops, designed for me, into Munster, to compose the commotions there, as well as to take care of this kingdom, whose safety is greatly concerned in it, as that when, through God’s blessing, I return with the subsidies, I may find an army ready. I desire, that our mutual engagement may be committed to writing, and signed and sealed, and kept under the most profound secrecy.”

The Earl of Glamorgan had designed a visit to Rome, anticipating important assistance there, as well as the especial favour of the King in that matter. But the Supreme Council, wearied by the expense of keeping a large army, intended for the relief of Chester, finding no vessels were supplied from England for that purpose, and being further discouraged by his Majesty’s recent proceedings, finally resolved against sending any troops out of Ireland. The critical state of affairs had become so acutely distressing to the Earl, that in a letter addressed to Father Robert Nugent at Kilkenny, he expressed the bitterness of his anguish in the most unrestrained language, such as we find no example of in any other portion of his varied correspondence.

To Father Robert Nugent, he thus wrote:—[13]

“Reverend Sir,

“I return you thanks for the messenger sent me on purpose, and your letter; and desire you to signify to the Nuncio, that if all the devils on earth and in hell had not conspired against me, I should not have been reduced to these difficulties and distresses; and that the loss of life itself would have been more tolerable to me, being now tired of it on account of the present difficulty, and I can think of nothing but redeeming myself; assuring you, that the misfortunes of my whole life have not perplexed me so much as this: to remedy which, though I am pressed by letters and most urgent business to go to Limerick, I still continue here. I swear to you, that I have been disappointed of seven thousand pounds sterling, which I thought as entirely my own as if the money had been actually paid to me; and all this since the resolution was published against sending the soldiers to England. I do not think it necessary to remind the Nuncio, that my enemies in Ireland are exasperated against me, because they perceive me so warmly and sincerely affected towards him, and know, that I shall always continue so; and because I should not hesitate to expose my life and fortune to the utmost danger, in order to bring to an issue his commission and business in this kingdom. This seems to me to deserve, that some pity and toleration should be shown towards me, especially in an event unforeseen by me, and forced upon me, and which has given me a vexation, than which I can imagine nothing more severe to me.

“I remain, in great affliction,

“Your affectionate Cousin and Servant,

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, 3 May, 1646.”

His operations in Ireland were virtually terminated, every measure had signally failed, and he was without hope, after the Parliamentary publications, of regaining confidence with any party. Much as has been written on this subject, and ably as it has been investigated by Dr. Birch and other writers, it must be admitted that we gain little from the mass of evidence accumulated to enlighten us in respect to the personal character of the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond entire satisfaction that he acted solely as his sovereign’s agent, at his instigation, and entirely under such authority as he could alone give him under all the circumstances of such an important secret mission. Charles the First’s confidence in him was by no means misplaced, and he had no doubt well weighed his character before taking him into his confidence. For this inquiry he had sufficient opportunity while the Earl was at his court, and again while himself a guest at Raglan. He well knew the weak side of the father and the son, the one expectant that his Majesty would be “a defender of the faith,” the other warm-hearted, and generous, to an extraordinary and enthusiastic degree. Not alone were the Marquis and Lord Herbert deceived by the machinations of the wily monarch, but so likewise were the whole Roman Catholic community. Had it been otherwise we might suspect undue measures would have been adopted, but wherever such were carried into effect they were on the side of the Crown and not of the subject. Charles the First’s duality of character in this respect has never been, nor can be, successfully refuted. Embarking, therefore, in his Majesty’s cause, in Ireland, we cease to be surprised that the Earl of Glamorgan should, consistently with his faith, be in constant consultation with the Nuncio and conform to proffered oaths. In short, had he adopted any other course than that which he pursued, his negociations would from the first either have ceased, or merged into the dilatory measures attending the Lord Lieutenant’s previous course, which it was expected by the King that the Earl would be able to out-run and overmatch. But his utmost diplomatic skill was insufficient to grapple with and satisfy the grasping party on his own side; and he was equally unsuccessful placed in opposition to such practised politicians as Ormond, Digby, and others. And above all, a supreme difficulty must have been, the conducting of his entire system to accord with the subtleties and secrecies of the King’s personally communicated and private counsels. He was thus placed in many painful straits, but which his ardent, vigorous temperament determined him to overcome. In his position, however, the Earl felt a compulsory necessity to maintain great secrecy; negociating with many mental reservations. He had to satisfy the King, while he did not wish to disoblige Ormond, and although there was a natural bond of sympathy between himself and the Roman Catholic party, he could neither wholly accede to the Nuncio’s measures nor satisfy the Council. To the best of his ability he consistently and conscientiously employed the vast powers delegated to him for the good of his King and his country through his own party; so that no historian, not his most bitter, sarcastic enemies, can point to any single fact that could cast the slightest taint on the rectitude of his conduct throughout the unfortunate and unhappy transactions into which it was his misfortune to be drawn by a too sanguine, hopeful, but helpless monarch.

On the 3rd of April the Earl wrote to the Marquis of Ormond:—[A]

“May it please your Excellency,

“With many thanks for your letter delivered me by Sir Vivien Molineux, give me leave to congratulate your Excellency’s happy escape from the mischievous intentions against you by the wicked enterprise for the taking of the castle of Dublin. And as nobody joys more in your deliverance than I do, so cannot any one wish more heartily than I, that all the warnings which your Excellency hath had might prevail to persuade you, in whom you might totally best confide, and of whom to beware; and then with a stedfast resolution to adhere to your truest and most real friends. Amongst whom, if your Excellency afford me not a place, I dare boldly say that it is not for want of having already endeavoured to deserve the same by serving you, with as great expressions, both public and private, as my wish and will could possibly obtain unto. Neither shall my future actions be inferior to what is past, but shall (God willing) enact those things wherein my good will only can yet be seen: for upon the ground work of my professed reality and affection unto your Excellency, and of your noble and friendly acceptance thereof, have I ever thought to build a fabric of my future services to his Majesty and most real friendship to yourself, whose subsistence I tender as mine own. And if your Excellency’s first begotten and expressed confidence in me had not been retarded by some unknown means unto me, though I humbly and thankfully acknowledge you never suffered it to be extinguished; give me leave to aver with truth, that your Excellency ere this should have seen the remarkable effects thereof. But this is so copious a theme, as that I fear already I have been too prolix, I will therefore abridge myself, and not extend unto the latitude, which the truth of this subject prompts me unto.

“And to the second part of your Excellency’s letter, give me leave to thank you for your tenderness in not accepting the £2500 from me; but also your Excellency may know, that it is upon a reliance thereon, that the Council offered you the £3000, and for the performance thereof I am enforced to this journey, without which against the prefixed time I could not have supplied them with the money. Now to the latter part of your letter, wherein you promise I should at large hear farther from you, as upon Friday last; but yet have received no other your commands, which I expected, before I thought it necessary to answer yours of the 24th of March. But receiving no other your directions, I think it opportune to let your Excellency know, that, of three vessels which I sent for a convoy unto the Prince, Sir Nicholas Crispe, and Mr. Hasendanke, the merchant, I have but one return, Captain Allen being taken and stript. And I hear a packet of your Excellency’s, as well as letters, thrown overboard without weight, were taken up; which I look for shortly to have in print.[B]

“By the sole return which came unto me, I received notice from the Prince and those about him, in how ill a condition he was enforced to retire into the Isle of Scilly, where he now is; and made use of Hasendanke’s frigates to transport himself, whereby I was not only disappointed of what I hoped for by the Prince, but also of his.

“Sir Nicholas Crispe indeed offers to send me three, but they were not then with him, and he desires a return from me first, so that only my Lord of Antrim’s frigates are come; and a ship with 18 pieces of ordnance, which is hourly expected, and bought by me at Galway. Two Hollanders there are likewise at Waterford, and two frigates likewise of Captain Antonio’s, and the Spanish agents, which carry ordnance. These are all of force, and truly I conceive, might, for so short a cut, be a sufficient convoy, were not Chester taken, the Prince in so bad a condition, and some defeat of my brother’s forces in Glamorganshire spoken of. But upon these considerations, how hazardous it will be to send away a part of the army only. I humbly offer to your Excellency, not speaking anything of a great disheartening and discouragement some take at a pretended declaration of his Majesty against me, though I myself value it so little, as that, could I, without shortening much more advantage to his Majesty’s service, go myself in person with 6000 men, I should no ways boggle thereat. And as it now stands, to give testimony that my zeal is not lessened to his service, and that you may have further assurance of my care to your person, I make this offer, that if you please to join, and together with the Supreme Council assure me, that against my return I may have 10,000 men in readiness for his Majesty’s service, I will immediately go and bring back with me twenty sail of good shipping at the least, well furnished for men of war; £40,000 ready money; 10,000 musquets, 2,000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of powder, and a gallant train of artillery.[C] For I shrink not at this instant from pain and expenses out of diminution of zeal to his Majesty’s service, as by the present difficulties propounded may perchance be surmised by others, though not by your Excellency, who (I am confident) will make a right construction, and how I only would willingly retire myself from further present charge, as a ram doth to take a greater vease. For I am not so much frightened at the bugbear declaration, but that, if I could go myself with a considerable force and provisions, it should not any ways deter me, from the confidence I have in his Majesty’s justice and goodness. It is true that two days since I have sent to take myself off from paying demurrage, which would have amounted to one hundred or two hundred pounds a day. But the shipping are still under an embargo, and the soldiers designed for England no other ways disposed of, who may in the interim until my return be useful unto this kingdom, assisted by the Nuncio’s purse. If therefore your Excellency resolve upon my journey, I pray send me immediate word by this messenger, whom I have sent of purpose, assuring that the shipping I speak of shall also attend this coast. And if (which God forbid) the King should be already joined with the Parliament, and that my services for him there be consequently rejected, I shall endeavour to serve his Majesty at my return in preserving your Excellency and this kingdom for him; and nothing but an extraordinary confidence in your Excellency’s goodness, and an infinite zeal unto my master’s service, could make me take this resolution; which I humbly submit to your better judgment, and ever remain,

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, the 3rd of April, 1646.”

The reply made by the Marquis of Ormond,[D] to this noble offer, only three days after, shows that he did not esteem it as being in any way extravagant or impossible; he writes:—

“My Lord,

“I receive your gratulations and devices for my future security as evident testimonies of your continued favour to me; and I am much joyed to find, that the accidents fallen out concerning your Lordship have not left any impression on you, to the prejudice of the real affection you give me to bear you.

“My Lord, I had, according to my promise, given you a larger account of things here; but that, at the concluding of the articles, we found ourselves so straitened in time, that many material parts of the agreement were fain to be put in another way than was first thought of; and at this instant I am so pressed with important despatches from Kilkenny, that I shall be able but shortly and confusedly to give you a return to the main parts of your Lordship’s [letter] of the 3rd of this month, which came to my hands yesterday about noon. Touching the noble and large offer you are pleased to make of shipping, arms, ammunition, and a train of artillery for the King’s service, in case you may receive assurance from those in power among the confederates, and from me, that ten thousand men shall be ready against your return, to be transported to serve the King in England. I return your Lordship this answer, that I shall, and by this letter do, cheerfully oblige myself for as much as shall lie in my power, either in my public or private capacity, to have that number of men in the readiness you expect; and to compass it, am contented all the remainder of my fortune should stand engaged. If your Lordship can procure as much as this from the other party, I conceive you will proceed in your intended voyage with satisfaction, and return (I hope) with success; which is earnestly wished by

“Your Lordship’s, &c.

“Ormond.

“Dublin Castle, the 6th of April, 1646.”

The following letter from the King, dated the 20th of July, 1646,[E] originally written in cipher, while it shows the estimation in which he justly held the Earl of Glamorgan, only throws a darker shade on his own mysterious and inexplicable line of policy. The Earl’s zeal and unbounded confidence in his Royal Master (determining rather to die in his service than to break faith with him), served, as they well might to continue him in his favour:—

“Glamorgan,

“I am not so strictly guarded, but that if you send to me a prudent and secret person, I can receive a letter, and you may signify to me your mind, I having always loved your person and conversation, which I ardently wish for at present more than ever, if it could be had without prejudice to you, whose safety is as dear to me as my own. If you can raise a large sum of money by pawning my kingdoms[F] for that purpose, I am content you should do it; and if I recover them, I will fully repay that money. And tell the Nuncio, that if once I can come into his and your hands, which ought to be extremely wished for by you both, as well for the sake of England as Ireland, since all the rest, as I see, despise me, I will do it. And if I do not say this from my heart, or if in any future time I fail you in this, may God never restore me to my kingdoms in this world, nor give me eternal happiness in the next, to which I hope this tribulation will conduct me at last, after I have satisfied my obligations to my friends, to none of whom am I so much obliged as to yourself, whose merits towards me exceed all expressions, that can be used by

“Your constant Friend,

“Charles R.

“From Newcastle, July 20th, 1646.”

On receipt of this letter in Ireland, a copy of it was sent to the Pope, who is related to have shed tears, with mingled feelings of gratification and sorrow, the King’s circumstances being so desperate; while at the same time his determination to favour the Irish and English Roman Catholics in all their demands was, to all appearance, proportionably increased. The Earl of Glamorgan, on his part, sent his suggestions and devised a plan for his Majesty’s safe conduct to Ireland; but the scheme either failed or was abandoned.

On the 30th of August, the Earl addressed a long letter to the Lord Lieutenant,[G] when he must have been unaware of the fate of Raglan Castle:—

“May it please your Excellency,

“I have this long time expected your commands, which to receive, having sent two expresses, I verily believed would have come ere this into my hands; trusting likewise to Mr. Walsingham’s solicitations; but as yet I have neither heard from him nor your Excellency, one word since his departure, and receiving an earnest desire from the Nuncio to speak with me; as understanding likewise how prejudicial it might be to me, and especially to my brother who is in Italy, if the dean whom he hath sent thither, should depart without satisfaction from me of so pressing an occasion, as was by my Lord Nuncio pretended unto me. I repaired thither on Saturday last, with so much the more contentment as that I persuaded myself that your Excellency would be at Kilkenny, and I so much the nearer to kiss your hands; but I now return to the county of Clare, there to expect your commands. Yet let me not forget to give you an account of the business I was sent for. The rumour being spread that the Concessions (which some call mine) were to be printed and published at Kilkenny, as I have absolutely disowned any such thing to my Lord Nuncio, and denied to patronise the same; so I think myself bound to acquaint your Excellency, and by your means the Council Table, how mindful I am of the favours I there received, so as not to incur the least censure of yours and theirs by enacting anything, for which I had already a check. And certainly it cannot be imagined that the Supreme Council which was, could expect or desire any such thing at my hands, since they never urged to take off my recognizance, which through innocency I also neglected, and I joy to be disengaged from so perilous a business, protesting before Almighty God, that since that time I have entered into no new engagements unto them; and what hath passed before (conditions not having been held with me), none of the Commissioners themselves can think them obligatory, all other reasons also considered. Besides, when they had first thought to make use of them, it was resolved, that after the completing of conditions with your Excellency, they might bear a true date subsequent thereunto; and how invalid they are without the same is sufficiently evident, abstracting from the King’s declaration, which (though enforced upon him), I esteem it yet a warning for further proceedings therein, and fit only for great persons, who can maintain the same, to go contrary to the intimation of his Majesty’s pleasure, though never so compulsorily granted. For as I never have, nor will esteem, and be frighted at the contradiction of any others, when the intimation of his Majesty’s pleasure continues to me in any particular unrevoked; so, on the contrary, can I never be drawn, for any man’s pleasure, to go immediately contrary to what proceedeth from him, deeming it not my part to enter into dispute which way his Majesty is induced, when I see his positive act extant. Let this, therefore (I beseech your Excellency), give you and the world satisfaction, that I no ways countenance the standing upon any articles heretofore treated of by me, who am no more tied to make anything thereof good, than any man is to deliver up the possession of his lands for which he never received the consideration agreed upon. Besides, in order to the King’s subsistence, one man was then more considerable than three now. In fine, having washed my hands of that business, verify I will that proverb that the Child burned dreads the fire. And those noble Lords, who stand my bail, may be confident, I shall never deservedly put them in fright, or myself in danger to save them further harmless; or to show such ingratitude to your Excelleney and the Council as to own those concessions which they so much endeavoured to prevent. And thus fearing to have been too tedious, I abruptly kiss your Lordship’s hands and ever remain

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Waterford, the 30th of August, 1646.”

Ormond replied under date, Dublin Castle, the 2nd of September, 1646, saying—“I must profess myself exceedingly satisfied with the prudence of your Lordship’s carriage at Waterford, and with the wisdom of the resolution you have taken in the particular of those things now endeavoured to be fastened upon you;” ... and which course he designates “a thing so much to your Lordship’s honour and advantage.”

Under date of 11th of September, the Earl again addressed the Lord Lieutenant:[H]

“May it please your Excellency,

“I think myself very happy in that the resolution which appeared in my letter unto you proved so acceptable, as by the noble expressions of your letter and of my Lord Digby’s I find it is, and do humbly acknowledge infinite thanks for your Excellency’s great desire of seeing me; and had the self-same letter informed me of any service I could have done you, I should have been far from taking the resolution which I now have put on, correspondent unto my expressions in my last unto your Excellency, and unto the sense for which the commendations given me by you (I conceive) do proceed: which was to keep myself free from having any part in those most unfortunate and newly occasioned distractions, from which the further I withdraw myself, and the sooner, suits best with my disposition. Besides, my intentions wherewith I came into this kingdom were first to serve his Majesty and it; and next to serve your Excellency above all his subjects, and my own friends, which being now frustrated, that part only remains which can only die with myself, which is Omnibus viis et modis, to endeavour to promote his Majesty’s service, finding myself more capable and more probable for to do it elsewhere for this present, than in this kingdom. I hasten towards the sea-side, where I am informed some conveniency of shipping will afford; ... yet I could not omit to send a person of trust and confidence, by whom your Excellency may send unto me before my departure such notions as perhaps you may think not fit to put to paper. And if, either by word of mouth or writing sent by so trusty a person as Mr. Joyner (by whom I have sent you the reasons, that debar me of the happiness to kiss your Excellency’s hands in transitu), I find myself thought capable by you to serve his Majesty or your Excellency longer in these parts, and more advantageously than what I am now going about, you may be confident to receive such a return from me as may best stand with my duty to his Majesty and my affection to your person, to whom my professions have been ever real; and had my ambition and only thoughts taken place, I dare boldly say, I should have vied with the nearest person in blood or affection you have in Ireland, in the reality of being ever,

“Your Excellency’s most really

“affectionate kinsman and

“devoted servant,

“Glamorgan.

“Limerick, the 11th of September, 1646.”

Among the Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library, from which the foregoing letter is taken, there occurs a curious undated letter written in cipher, which it is just possible may be the writing above named “sent by so trusty a person as Mr. Joyner.” The annexed engraving is a facsimile of an endorsement at the back of it in the Earl’s own hand-writing, affording the only specimen approaching to an autograph exemplifying his use of the title of Glamorgan[I] yet made public: every effort to obtain it in any other form having proved unavailing. And on page 180, an exact copy is given of the letter itself, as traced from the original.

The Nuncio wrote from Kilkenny on the 21st of September, 1646, to Cardinal Pamphilio at Rome,[J] as follows:—

“Among other patents and commissions signed by the King, and brought by the Earl of Glamorgan from England, there is one, appointing him Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, upon the expiration of the Marquis of Ormond’s term of holding that post, or in case the Marquis should, by any fault, deserve to be removed from it. For this reason, I was of opinion, that the Earl, who had designed to go to Rome, should stay for the present in this kingdom, imagining, that a way might perhaps be opened for accomplishing this affair. And in fact the way seems open for us, since the Marquis of Ormond is now publicly negotiating with the Parliamentarians, and consequently making a treaty with the King’s enemies. Upon which occasion, the Earl, being desirous of advancing himself to the Marquis’s post, has begun to solicit the consent of the kingdom, and believes, that he has the interest of the two Generals, and all the Congregation of the Clergy and the New Council. I have thought it the more proper to promote this affair, since when Dublin shall be taken, it will be immediately necessary for the kingdom to provide a Lord Lieutenant. And it is a point of no small importance to the present situation of affairs, to begin with appointing to that post a Catholic, so highly beloved by this kingdom and the King himself. Besides it is to be considered, that the King’s inclination and pleasure concurs with this design; for though his Majesty has appointed the Earl by his lesser seal only, yet that is sufficient for the Irish, since they have just reason to consider that appointment as legal and valid. Add to this, that as the Confederates of Ireland have it in their view to transport the Holy Faith into England by their arms, no person appears to be more fit for the execution of such a purpose, than the Earl, in whom two characters are united, that of a faithful servant to the King, and a perfect Catholic; and who, the winter before, was ready to carry over to the King from that country ten thousand men for the same purposes. Some, and those but a few, oppose this design, upon this single consideration, that the Earl being both an Englishman and of a very mild temper, will not be favourable enough to Ireland, nor exert the firmness necessary in this case. But I believe no better choice can now possibly be made, and that the appointment of a Catholic Lord Lieutenant, who is in so many respects attached to the Apostolical See, and bound to it by oath and promises, which the Earl has a hundred times repeated to me, is sufficient to weigh down every other doubt.”

And about the 28th of the same month the Earl took the following Oath[K] to the Nuncio:—

“I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, &c. faithfully promise and swear, that I will do nothing of moment without the consent and approbation of the most illustrious Nuncio; and if I shall happen to do anything imprudently, which shall not be approved by him, I will correct my error upon the first intimation of his pleasure, and obey his commands. If it should be more conducive to the praise and glory of God, the splendour of the Catholic Church, and the happiness of this kingdom, that the post of Lord Lieutenant be conferred upon another person rather than myself; I swear, that I will readily and without reluctance resign it, at the command of the most illustrious Nuncio. And in all things I vow a perfect, voluntary, and religious obedience to his Holiness, saving any secular obligations towards my most serene King. And if I fail in any part of the oath taken by me, I consent, that the said oath be published, and myself exposed; otherwise the said oath shall be communicated only to the Bishop of Fernes, Chancellor of the Congregation, and Father Robert Nugent, Superior of the Jesuits in Ireland. In confirmation of this oath voluntarily taken by me, I have written all this with my own hand, subscribed my name, and affixed my seal, the 28th of September, 1646.

“Glamorgan.”

These various letters and documents make us familiar with the Earl of Glamorgan’s Irish treaties,[L] and to a great extent with the cause of their failure: a most happy and provident circumstance for himself, his family, and above all for his country. His conduct throughout, notwithstanding the many temptations in his way, and his own naturally enthusiastic conduct in every enterprise in which he engaged, bears none of the distinguishing traits of intolerant bigotry. The King had already sapped the Earl’s available property, and was continually tantalising him with the prospect of coming fortune and ample honours. He fawned on the old Marquis and flattered his son; inducing the one to place his wealth, and the other his honour and happiness at his disposal. Perhaps in the whole course of his political scheming he never succeeded so completely, as in this instance, in thoroughly victimising any single noble family.

On the 1st of October, 1646, the House of Lords ordered, That a pass be granted to the Lady Herbert, Countess of Glamorgan, into Ireland, with thirty of her menial servants, etc.[M][74] So that from August, when she left Raglan Castle, with the other inmates, to this period, she must have been a wanderer.

Towards the close of the year 1646, it was decided between the Earl and his own party, to send his brother, the Lord John Somerset, a zealous Catholic, on a mission to the Pope. The Earl’s complicity with the clergy in these affairs, which had been conducted with great secrecy, occasioned much suspicion, creating for him many enemies among the Protestant party.

In August, 1647, the Marquis of Ormond, leaving Ireland, waited on Charles the First at Hampton Court: Dublin being besieged, and likely to fall into possession of the English Parliament.

While affairs were in this distracted state the Earl was apprised of his father’s decease, in December, 1646; and as Marquis of Worcester, he wrote from Galway to the titular Bishop of Fernes:—[26]

“My noble Lord,

“Although the place whither I go be now changed upon serious consideration, and my Lord Nuncio’s concurrence therein, as most advantageous super totam materiam, yet are my intentions the same they were when I left your Lordship; and I hope a shorter way contrived to them than I then imagined, having found a probable (I may call it even a certain) way to bring the Queen about to befriend this nation. In the interim, I beseech your Lordship, together with the Lord Bishop of Clogher and Mr. Rochfort, to be mindful of your promises to me, and to be sure that General O’Neile dissent not from the letter which you approved; the contents whereof I have not failed accordingly to recommend to his Majesty: and if I should deceive him therein, I must betake myself unto your Lordship’s advice and approbation, given thereupon. The copy of the original letter, together with the Nuncio’s recommendation, are to be delivered to General O’Neile by Father Definitor; and I have no more to say than that your Lordships (as I have said before), with Mr. Rochfort are the Triumvirate and the pillars upon whom I build, making no question of the goodness of that foundation; and I hope none of you do of my affection, which is not only devoted to yourselves, but as you shall further apply it to such persons as may be useful to God’s service, the King my master’s, and the good of this kingdom. And so, with my service to you all, I ever remain,

“My Lord,

“Your Lordship’s most humble

“and devoted Servant,

“Worcester.

“Galway, 12th Oct. 1647.”

His Lordship ultimately left Ireland in company with Father George Leyburn, a Roman Catholic priest, with whom he went to France in March, 1647–8.[61]