LORD HERBERT CREATED EARL OF GLAMORGAN. IRISH AFFAIRS.

Although many successes had early attended the Royalists’ arms, the chances of war in 1643 were interminably perplexing to all parties. The royal cause was becoming desperate, and the King, never over-scrupulous, then endeavoured to obtain speedy assistance at all hazards. After taking the sacrament at Oxford, in sacred repudiation of employing papists, yet was he privately urging his generals to engage all who would serve. The fact of the Marquis of Worcester being of the proscribed religion was no obstacle to his maintaining correspondence with him, personally communicating with his son, and constantly draining their fortunes and other resources.

The impoverished monarch was at least liberal in promises and niggardly in fulfilling even those referring to mere dignities in acknowledgment of immense services, so long as farther demands might thereby possibly be the better secured; such was his insincerity in all social relations, and such his intriguing policy in all his acts of sovereign power.

At home the battle of Edge-hill had just been fought, and in Ireland a rebellion had to be suppressed, and troops to be raised to swell the royal army. The King must have been much confounded how best to conciliate friends and enemies, protestants and papists, until he could fearlessly assert his claims in accordance with his own construction of regal rights.

In the early part of the year 1644, the King conferred on Lord Herbert, during his father’s lifetime, the dignity of Earl of Glamorgan. “But,” says Sir Harris Nicolas,[A] “great doubt exists whether the patent ever passed the great seal.” And Mr. Nichols states that, on reference to the original Docquet Book of grants made by the King at Oxford, commencing in December 1642, and ending in June 1646, nothing of the kind occurs among the numerous grants of Dignities there recorded.[74] Yet the title was constantly employed by Charles the First in his several letters and commissions, and later in a message to the Houses of Parliament; and the following is a copy of the Patent he privily granted to his Lordship on the 1st April, 1644.[13]

“Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin, Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Lord Herbert, Baron Beaufort of Caldicote, Grismond, Chepstow, Ragland, and Gower, Earl of Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our entirely beloved cousin, Henry Earl and Marquis of Worcester, greeting. Having had good and long experience of your prowess, prudence, and fidelity, do make choice, and by these nominate and appoint you, our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin, Edward Somerset, &c. to be our Generalissimo of three armies, English, Irish, and foreign, and Admiral of a fleet at sea, with power to recommend your lieutenant-general for our approbation, leaving all other officers to your own election and denomination, and accordingly to receive their commission from you; willing and commanding them, and every of them, you to obey, as their general, and you to receive immediate orders from ourself only. And lest through distance of place we may be misinformed, we will and command you to reply unto us, if any of our orders should thwart or hinder any of your designs for our service. And there being necessarily great sums of money to the carrying on so chargeable an employment, which we have not to furnish you withal; we do by these empower you to contract with any of our loving subjects of England, Ireland, and dominion of Wales, for wardships, customs, woods, or any our rights and prerogatives; we by these obliging ourselves, our heirs and successors, to confirm and make good the same accordingly. And for persons of generosity, for whom titles of honour are most desirable, we have intrusted you with several patents under our Great Seal of England, from a Marquis to a Baronet; which we give you full power and authority to date and dispose of, without knowing our further pleasure, so great is our trust and confidence in you, as that, whatsoever you do contract for or promise, we will make good the same accordingly, from the date of this our commission forwards; which for the better satisfaction, we give you leave to give them, or any of them, copies thereof, attested under our hand and seal of arms. And for your encouragement, and in token of our gratitude, we give and allow you henceforward such fees, titles, preheminences, and privileges, as do and may belong unto your place and command above-mentioned, with promise of our dear daughter Elizabeth to your son Plantagenet, in marriage, with three hundred thousand pounds in dower or portion, most part whereof we acknowledge spent and disbursed by your father and you in our service; and the title of Duke of Somerset to you and your heirs male for ever; and from henceforward to give the Garter to your arms, and at your pleasure to put on the George and blue ribbon. And for your greater honour, and in testimony of our reality, we have with our own hand affixed our Great Seal of England unto these our Commissions and letters, making them patents.

“Witness ourself at Oxford, the first day of April, in the 20th year of our reign, and the year of our Lord, One thousand six hundred and forty-four.”

Under any ordinary circumstances there would appear to be no possibility of obscurity respecting this title, and that any should exist only occasions the more surprise, when considered in reference to a family so eminently in favour with Charles the First. But the subtle Monarch might have his own reasons for favouring any source of possible remote obscurity, until assurance of the Earl of Glamorgan’s success in his new enterprise should embolden him to make his title clear; for it has been well observed of him, that he was not only a most unscrupulous but a most unlucky dissembler.[67]

This much disputed title is, however, acknowledged by Charles the Second in a royal warrant, bearing date the 6th of April, 1661, as one, he is informed, “settled by our Royal Father, of blessed memory.”[74]

His Majesty gave the Earl the following instructions:[B]

“Oxford, this 2nd of January, 1644. Several heads whereupon you our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin Edward Earl of Glamorgan may securely proceed in execution of our commands.

“First, you may engage your estate, interest and credit, that we will most really and punctually perform any our promises to the Irish, and as it is necessary to conclude a peace suddenly, whatsoever shall be consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, We will die a thousand deaths rather than disannul or break it; and if upon necessity anything be to be condescended unto, and yet the Lord Marquis not willing to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present publicly to own, do you endeavour to supply the same.

“If for the encouragement of the Lord Marquis of Ormond you see it needful to have the Garter sent him, or any further favour demonstrated from us unto him, we will cause the same to be performed.

“If for the advantage of our service you see fit to promise any titles, even to the titles of Earls in either of our kingdoms, upon notice from you we will cause the same to be performed.

“For the maintenance of our army under your commands, we are graciously pleased to allow the delinquents’ estates where you overcome to be disposed by you, as also any our revenues in the said places, customs or other, our profits, woods, and the like, with the contributions.

“Whatever towns or places of importance you shall think fit to possess, you shall place commanders and governors therein at your pleasure.

“Whatever order we shall send you (which you are only to obey) we give you leave to impart the same to your council at war, and if they and you approve not thereof, we give you leave to reply; and so far shall we be from taking it as a disobedience, that we command the same.

“At your return we will accept of some officers upon your recommendation, to the end no obstacle or delay may be in the execution of your desires in order to our service, and our commands in that behalf.

“At your return you shall have the command of South Wales, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire of the Welsh side returned to you in as ample manner as before.

“In your absence we will not give credit or countenance to anything which may be prejudicial to your father, you, or yours.

“C. R.”

Next month his Majesty wrote the following letter:[C]

“Glamorgan,

“I herewith send you the rest of my dispatches for Ireland, whither I pray hasten, time being most considerable. I am sensible of the dangers you will undergo, and the great trouble and expenses you must be at, not being able to assist you, who have already spent a million of crowns [£250,000] in my service; neither can I say more than I well remember to have spoke and written to you that already words could not express your merits, nor my gratitude: and that next to my wife and children I was most bound to take care of you, whereof I have, besides others, particularly assured your Cousin Byron, as a person dear unto you.

“What I can further think at this point is to send you the Blue Ribbon, and a Warrant for the Title of Duke of Somerset, both which accept, and make use of at your discretion; and if you should defer the publishing of either for a while to avoid envy, and my being importuned by others, yet I promise your antiquity for the one, and your Patent for the other shall bear date with the Warrants.

“And rest assured, if God should cross me with your miscarrying, I will treat your son as my own, and that you labour for a dear friend as well as a thankful master, when time shall afford means to acknowledge, how much I am

“Your most assured, real, constant

“and thankful friend,

“Charles R.

“Oxford, Feb. 12th, 1644.”

The Earl being from some cause detained at home, his Majesty wrote in March, as follows:—[D]

“Herbert,

“I wonder, you are not yet gone for Ireland; but since you have stayed all this time, I hope these will overtake you, whereby you will the more see the great trust and confidence I repose in your integrity, of which I have had so long and so good experience; commanding you to deal with all ingenuity and freedom with our Lieutenant of Ireland the Marquis of Ormond, and on the word of a King and a Christian I will make good anything, which our Lieutenant shall be induced unto upon your persuasion; and if you find it fitting, you may privately show him these, which I intend not as obligatory to him, but to myself; and for both your encouragements and warrantise, in whom I repose my chiefest hopes, not having in all my kingdoms two such subjects; whose endeavours joining, I am confident to be soon drawn out of the mire, I am now enforced to wallow in; and then shall I show my thankfulness to you both; and as you have never failed me, so shall I never fail you, but in all things show how much I am...

“Oxford the 12th of March, 1644.”

The newly created Earl of Glamorgan was now just entering on what afterwards proved to be the most perilous period of his life. He no doubt felt the weighty importance of the duties he was undertaking, and one cannot help imagining that it was under a lively impression of the possible change in his fortune, which, whether for good or for evil, it was past human wisdom to divine, that he addressed the following most reverential letter to his honoured father, in August, 1644.[E]

“May it please your Lordship,

“Amongst other memorable expressions which have taken deep root in my heart, I assure your Lordship, that those you were pleased to use towards me on Sunday last, shall never be defaced out of my memory; for you were pleased so to interlace terror and comfort, as that I knew not whether joy or fear possessed me most, or whether you showed more justice or clemency; but at last a tender fatherly affection appeared to steer your words and deeds which shall be, God willing, answered with a filial duty and tenderness, and your unparalleled goodness shall not, with God Almighty’s grace, undo, but strengthen me in my duty to God and your Lordship, with as much zeal and true-hearted devotion as can be witnessed, with the uttermost endeavours of thought, word, and deed, lying in the power and uttermost abilities which I can at any time attain unto, whose ambition is not greater to anything in this world than really and entirely to appear, my Lord,

“Your Lordship’s most dutifully obedient son,

“and most devoted servant,

“This 13th of August, 1644.”

His military career in Wales appears to have terminated late in 1644, at which time the Parliament having protested against the cessation made by the Marquis of Ormond with the Irish rebels, by the King’s express orders, his Majesty determined not only on a speedy peace in Ireland, but also on the raising of troops there to be sent over to England. Difficulties, however, arising consequent on the demands made by the Irish Roman Catholics, the King devised the expedient of engaging the services of the Earl of Glamorgan in that hazardous negotiation. Adopting his customary narrow policy, he planned and plotted alike with friends and foes. Ormond was to be flattered and deceived, next Glamorgan, and in succession all his ministers, council and court, yea, the very Parliament and the public were to be hood-winked by a master-stroke of double-dealing. Such a net-work of intrigue had he woven, before the least of his measures could be finally executed, that Charles the First’s course of conduct throughout this affair, has confounded early as well as later and most dispassionate politicians. That the King was wavering and uncertain, at least in his decisions, is admitted by all, and it is very evident that expediency was with him a sufficient plea for the most perfidious treachery, without distinction of parties. He first wrote to the Marquis of Ormond that well-known letter, in which he says:[25]

“Ormond,

“My Lord Herbert having business of his own in Ireland (wherein I desire you to do him all lawful favour and furtherance), I have thought good to use the power I have, both in his affection and duty, to engage him in all possible ways to further the peace there; which he hath promised to do. Wherefore, as you find occasion, you may confidently use and trust him in this, or any other thing he shall propound to you for my service; there being none in whose honesty and zeal to my person and crown I have more confidence. So I rest,

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Oxford, 27 Decemb. 1644.

[F]“His honesty or affection to my service will not deceive you; but I will not answer for his judgment.”

In this letter we detect the artful arrangement of its matter, making Lord Herbert’s real mission secondary to some private business of his own, to the forwarding of which the wily monarch solicits the kind offices of his minister. Yet, secondary as was his mission apparently, he is much lauded for his “honesty and zeal” to the royal person and crown; while the same hand adds a postscript in cipher,—“but I will not answer for his judgment.”

Yet he was not so insufficient in “judgment,” but that the royal adept in deception could purpose his eventually superseding the Lord Lieutenant, whom he was thus cajoling meanwhile.

On the 12th of January, 1644, his Lordship received a Commission under the Great Seal from the King, empowering him to levy any number of men in Ireland and elsewhere, with other considerable powers, requiring for their exercise a man of no ordinary “judgment.” So that when the King wrote one thing, he meant another, for his acts reversed his own statement, and offer the best proofs of the want of truth, although he might consider himself obliged to adopt this shallow species of subterfuge, in such an emergency.

The Commission is as follows:—[13]

“Charles R.

“Whereas we have had sufficient and ample testimony of your approved wisdom and fidelity, so great is the confidence we repose in you, as that whatsoever you shall perform, as warranted under our sign-manual, pocket signet, or private mark, or even by word of mouth, without further ceremony, we do on the word of a King and a Christian, promise to make good to all intents and purposes, as effectually as if your authority from us had been under the Great Seal of England, with this advantage, that we shall esteem ourself the more obliged to you for your gallantry, in not standing upon such nice terms to do us service, which we shall, God willing, reward. And although you exceed what law can warrant, or any powers of ours reach unto, as not knowing what you have need of; yet it being for our service, we oblige ourself, not only to give you our pardon, but to maintain the same with all our might and power; and though either by accident, or by any other occasion, you shall deem it necessary to deposit any of our warrants, and so want them at your return, we faithfully promise to make them good at your return; and to supply anything wherein they shall be found defective, it not being convenient for us at this time to dispute upon them; for of what we have here set down you may rest confident, if there be faith and trust in men. Proceed, therefore, cheerfully, speedily, and boldly; and for your so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant.

“Given at our Court at Oxford under our sign-manual and private signet, this 12th of January, 1644.”

The Warrant his Lordship received from his Majesty, to treat and conclude with the Irish confederates, dated 12th of March, 1644, proceeds as follows:—[13]

“Charles R.

“Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and right well-beloved cousin, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom and fidelity, do by these (as firmly as under our Great Seal, to all intents and purposes) authorise and give you power, to treat and conclude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be condescended unto, wherein our Lieutenant cannot so well be seen in, as not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant, with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever you shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise on the word of a King and a Christian, to ratify and perform the same, that shall be granted by you, and under your hand and seal; the said confederate Catholics having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service. And this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant.

“Given at our Court at Oxford, under our signet and royal signature, the 12th of March, in the twentieth year of our reign, 1644.”

It is generally asserted that the visit of the Earl of Glamorgan to Ireland was of a personal nature, having by his marriage become allied to some of the first Irish families; but no one can doubt that the important commission he had received from the monarch swayed all other considerations. He was then about 43 years of age. His royal master was profuse in the professions of the most sincere attachment to the person of his Lordship; his acts and words being such as were best calculated to ensnare an honourable man quite incapable of insincerity. But the King, after his own fashion, had sound reasons for his conduct; the Marquis of Worcester was still rich, and might continue his liberality; and, as belonging to the Roman Catholic faith, the son might promote his measures in Ireland. He only felt it necessary to flatter without serious meaning, and to promise without feeling the duty of performing, should expediency cause him to change his views.

To Ormond, however, from whom he was not seeking any favour, yet whose suspicion he desired not to awaken, the royal diplomatist made light of this visit to Ireland—“having business of his own” there; spoke sneeringly of the Earl—“I will not answer for his judgment;” and yet employed him on matters of such vital importance for the success of his own measures, that we at once detect the sophistry of such language.

The Earl of Glamorgan, it would appear, went to Ireland at the end of 1644 or commencement of 1645, as his Majesty addressed the following letters to him in 1645;[G] the first in February:—

“Herbert,

“I am confident that this honest trusty bearer will give you good satisfaction why I have not in every thing done as you desired, the want of confidence in you being so far from being the cause thereof that I am every day more and more confirmed in the trust that I have of you, for believe me it is not in the power of any to make you suffer in my opinion by ill offices, but of this and divers other things I have given so full instructions that I will say no more, but that I am

“Your most assured constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Oxford, 26th Feb. 1645.”[H]

The next in June following:—

“Glamorgan,

“I am glad to hear that you are gone to Ireland, and assure you that as myself is no wise disheartened by our late misfortune so neither this country; for I could not have expected more from them, than they have now freely undertaken, though I had come hither absolute victorious, which makes me hope well of the neighbouring Shires. So that (by the grace of God) I hope shortly to recover my late loss with advantage, if such succours come to me from that kingdom which I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of time is that of the greatest consequence, being that which is chiefliest and earnestliest recommended you by

“Your most assured, real constant friend,

“Charles R.

“Hereford, 23rd June, 1645.”

The Earl wrote the annexed letter to the Marquis of Ormond, dated from Kilkenny in February, 1645:—[I]

“May it please your Excellency,

“I need not give you a relation of the public audience given to the Nuncio yesterday by the Assembly, nor of his addresses thereunto; all which (I am confident) will be at Dublin before this can have the happiness to arrive with your Excellency. Neither need I use many words to persuade your Lordship, that the expectance of a more advantageous peace, wrought by the powerful hand of her Majesty, soon wipes out the clandestine hopes of my endeavours to serve this nation, to which any professions of mine have never been other, and always in order to the King my master’s service, which my duty commands me ever to have before mine eyes. And my zeal unto that transports me beyond all other considerations. Neither was ever anything of vanity in me to be esteemed the person that should contribute to the satisfaction of this kingdom, which I have ever aimed more to do than to seem to do (as the private way of my proceedings may well testify for me). But the saying is, a burnt child dreads the fire; and, therefore, if I be contented to withdraw my hands from meddling with concessions, I conceive it is your Excellency’s own dictamen, not only as you are so great a public Minister of State, but likewise as your Excellency is pleased in all things to express yourself my noble friend. And sure I am in all things you will find me a devoted servant unto you; and according unto the freedom that your Excellency is pleased to give me in order to his Majesty’s service, I must needs deal so plainly with your Excellency, as to put you in mind how absolutely necessary it is not to disgust the Nuncio, since that the supplies out of this kingdom unto the King can be but men. And certainly, before I can put myself into a handsome posture to serve the King my master by sea and land, and in some kind to supply his Majesty’s private purse, I think it will stand me in little less than £100,000, within three months; all which whence can I have it but out of Catholic countries; and how cold I shall find Catholics bent to this service, if the Pope be irritated, I humbly submit to your Excellency’s better judgment. And here am I constrained, to your friends and mine here, absolutely to profess not to be capable to do the King that service which he expects at my hands, unless the Nuncio here be civilly complied with, and carried along with us in our proceedings. Besides (if there be understanding or reality in me), it is impossible to carry this nation, and make them do any notable service for the King my master, against the hair, and contrary to the Nuncio’s satisfaction. And (pardon me to tell you) he is not a friend to your Excellency that will persuade to the contrary, knowing very well that you place your happiness and contentment in serving his Majesty and this kingdom, as far as any great and public Minister of State and real Protestant can attain unto. According to which conditions I confess it is not fit for your Excellency to appear in it yourself; but if you please to interest myself and some others of your chief assured friends and servants here (even with whom your Excellency must give me leave to vie in reality and zeal to serve you), to deal with the Nuncio, I am most confident in a few days (if not in a few hours), we shall bring him so far to comply in order to his Majesty’s service, as may give your Excellency satisfaction. And for the present I alone have dealt with him so efficaciously, as that he hath not only given his consent and approbation for the 3000 men to go for Chester (for the transporting whereof I shall find shipping sufficient ready); and if that will not serve, he means to-morrow or the next day to make it his absolute business. And I beseech your Excellency to take what I have said here into your serious and speedy consideration, as proceeding from me, who am not only transported with zeal to the King my master’s service herein, but also to manifest myself how much I am

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Kilkenny, the 8th of February, 1645.”

To which the Marquis replied from Dublin Castle on the 11th of February:—[25]

“I hope the supplies your Lordship labours for with so much diligence will yet come seasonably for the relief of Chester, notwithstanding the rumours raised here of the taking of it; but of this and the rest of the 10,000 men I can say no more than I lately have done, in a letter commended to Mr. Browne’s conveyance.”

And in a letter of the 26th of March, he observes:—

“By intercepted letters of the 16th (Feb.) of this month out of the North, I find it confirmed that Chester held out, and was not delivered on the second, as was confidently written hither out of North Wales by some that desired it should not be relieved; but it will infallibly be lost if the succours be not speedily sent.”

And also writes desiring to be informed when the shipping and men will be in readiness.

Again the Earl addressed the Lord Lieutenant on the 24th:—[J]

“May it please your Excellency,

“I am now setting foot in stirrup for Waterford, having made an embargo of all the shipping there, at Wexford, and all other places of that coast, towards the exportation of six thousand men, and have likewise sent an express to St. Ives and Falmouth for shipping, either to convoy or to help to transport these men. And if your Excellency please to inform yourself what may be done to forward this business out of Dublin, I shall not fail to see performed any agreement your Excellency shall make, whose zeal to the service I know to be such as that it were vanity in me to recommend it unto you. I will, therefore, only desire to know your Excellency’s pleasure as soon as may be, and as it is my part, so it is my affection always to obey you, and ever to remain,

“Your Excellency’s, &c.

“Glamorgan.

“Kilkenny, the 24th Feb. 1645.”

These letters seem at variance with the statement made by Dr. Birch and others, that “the Earl left Oxford, in March, 1644–5, in company with Sir Brian O’Neile and some Romish Priests, and went to Wales;” [K] [22] unless we suppose he went to Ireland in December or January, and returned to England sometime in February or March, which, although not impossible, yet was a matter not so easily accomplished in those times and under existing circumstances.

It is possible, however, that his own private, and the urgency of public affairs, might induce his setting out early to arrange the one, and to settle preliminaries in the other; for this latter purpose he would certainly require his commissions of the 6th and 12th of January, 1644–5.

Then in March, 1644–5, being returned from Ireland, he waits on his Majesty at Oxford, and receives from him his Warrant of the 12th of March, and on the 1st of April his extraordinary and ever-memorable patent; than which nothing could possibly show more convincingly his Majesty’s surpassing confidence in the newly-created Earl, and his determination to “answer for his judgment.”

But this last favour had to be sent to him, as we find from his instructions to Edward Bosdon, accompanied by a letter to his Majesty, dated the 21st of March, 1644.

We are here enabled to clear up a mystery which has hitherto hung over this portion of his personal history, through a very humble source, fortunately preserved in the Letter Book of Sir William Brereton, now in the British Museum, wherein is the copy of a letter from John Bythell, apparently the commander of the “Peter,” bound for Dublin. The circumstance is too interesting to epitomise, and might suffer in graphic description by any attempt to curtail its minute particulars intended to interest his father and family.

From this document we learn that the party left Carnarvon for Dublin on the 25th of March, 1645:—

[L] “John Bythell his letter to his father Rich: Bythell, in Wyre hall. Wherein the much admired Providence of God is to be observed in commanding the seas, &c.

“Loving Father and Mother,—

“My duty remembered unto you, and my love to my brother Peter and my sister. These are to certify you that I am in health, but am very sorry that I have such an occasion as this to write to you of. But I pray you be not dismayed nor discouraged, for I trust that that God that hath preserved me from my child-hood, and brought me into these troubles, will in his good time deliver me from them again. For when I went into a place into Wales, called Carnarvon, with a small barque laden with corn, intending to go for Dublin, which [where] it was my fortune to stay some six weeks for a wind; in the interim there came some great men from Oxford, and pressed the barque for the King’s service to carry them to Dublin, and said if I did deny they would throw my corn overboard; and they being of that power forced the barque to go out with them. There was the Lord Herbert, and the Lord John Somerset, the Lord Herbert’s brother, and many knights and colonels and captains, all being strangers to me. But as it seemed, and so it fell out, God was not pleased to grant them a passage, for we left Carnarvon upon the 25th day of March, being our Ladyday, with a very fair wind, although north-east, and as fair a day as possibly could be. But when we came over the bar of Carnarvon the wind began to calm, and to come to the south and south-east. And when we had not sailed past three or four leagues, but the wind came to the south-west, and began to blow very hard about two or three of the clock in the next morning, so that we could not possibly get the Holyhead; and it increased more and more still, insomuch that when we came to the Skerries the storm grew to that [remorselessness?] that the barque had much ado to recover for being swallowed up in those great waves. But when we had passed the Skerries the wind grew greater and greater, and with much ado we recovered the shore with the [ship], but could not possibly gain any harbour, but were driven to the main sea. And seeing the danger we were now in, the passengers threw over some of my corn and cheese, so we lay on the sea Tuesday and Wednesday; and on Thursday we could not gain any land but in the North of England, at a place called Pillen; there we came to anchor on Thursday about five of the clock in the afternoon. But Lord Herbert would not go on shore, nor suffer any that was in the barque to land before him. But on the Friday the storm increased more and more, insomuch that no man did expect life, but every man prepared himself for death. But God (out of his great mercy) was pleased to spare our lives for that time most miraculously; for about ten of the clock in the morning, about one hour before full sea, the barque not being able to ride, we were forced to cast our main-mast overboard, and presently after cut both her cables, and committed ourselves to God’s mercy. But it pleased God we run on a part of the sand called Cockram Sand, near to Pillen, but she struck many times before she came near any shore; but at the last we recovered shore, but had neither anchor nor cable to hold her, so she did [lie] all a-dry, and as soon as she did ebb a-dry all the great men went away that were papists, and are got to some garrison under the king’s command. But one Mr. Nutterfield and his wife, and one Mr. Argent and his daughter, and one Mr. Collour and his wife, and myself, went to Pillen with some few men more, to comfort ourselves with the fire and to refresh ourselves. And the next morning being Saturday, Mr. Collour and one Mr. Hambleton and myself hired horses from Pillen to go to the governor of that place to make him acquainted with our landing. His name is Colonel George Doddinge, and when we came to him and told him our cause, he said he could not do any less than commit us to Lancaster, where now I am, at a very good place, one Capt. Rippendshoupe’s. The Colonel was pleased to remove me out of the Castle to his house, a very good place, where I am well used; but it has pleased the Colonel to seize on all my corn, and to take it from me, so that I cannot tell what course to take; for all our names are sent up to the Parliament, and the Colonel cannot release any till he receives an answer, how we must be disposed of. The best course that you can take to have me released will be to make some friends to Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More, and to procure their answer to Colonel Doddinge, and to inform him where I lived, and that I never took up any arms on either side, but have lived in Ireland this ten years. And so I hope that will be answer to procure my enlargement, for here I am a stranger, and am not known by anybody, so I desire this truly may be certified, and by the hands of Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More; and I hope that will give satisfaction. I desire my brother Peter to use his best endeavour herein for my liberty, and to come to see me. The Colonel hath granted Mr. Collour and me the favour [and me sic] to send to his friends, being at Namptwich, and the same messing [messenger?] to come down from thence to you with my letter for fear [if] ours were sent before [they] should miscarry, so we sent letters by the Colonel’s directions to Namptwich from hence on Wednesday, being the first of April; my letters were inclosed in Mr. Collour’s letters, and he desired his father-in-law, Lieut.-Col. Jones, Sir Wm. Brereton, Lieut. Coa, that as soon as his letters came to his hands, to send my letters down to you. But for fear these should miscarry, we have sent the bearer to you with this letter. I had all my money taken from me, therefore I pray you to make shift to procure me four or five pounds, for I have not a penny but what I do borrow. I pray you to send a shirt and two or three bands, for I have none left me. I hope my brother Peter will not fail to come and to bring these things along with him, that I have written for; so desiring you to remember my love to all our friends, especially to Mr. Glegg and Mrs. Gregg, to Capt. Edw. and Capt. John Glegg, and to Capt. Robert, and to Mr. Wm. and Mrs. Elizabeth and Miss Jones, and all the rest; so desiring a happy meeting, I rest,

“Your loving and obedient son, till death,

“Jo. Bythell.

“Lancaster, 6 April, 1645.

“I pray you give the bearer hereof, Mary Goadfine, 2s and 6d, and make much of her. But let her make what haste she can back again to me.”

We have next:—[M]

“A list of their names that were aboard the ‘Peter,’ bound for Dublin and distressed by storms, and cast upon the coast of Lancashire, and [who] afterwards escaped to Skipton Castle.”

(The name of the Prisoners taken at Lancaster, 1st April, 1645.)

The Earl of Glamorgan, the Lord Herbert.

The Lord John his brother.

Sir Brian, uncle of Sir Francis Edmonds.

Sir Charles Hayward, the Duke of Norfolk’s grandchild.

Lieut. Vivian Mouelex, a man who was very decrepid.

Col. Cave, Col. Mitchell (Irish).

Mr. F. Flemmia, a Lancashire man.

Captain Mulbrian, Captain Bacon.

Mr. Peters, the Lord Peters’ brother, Mr. Poynes.

Mr. Hutton, Col. Pristoe, Captain Butler.

“Some two or three more whose names are not known to any passenger, but they were men of ordinary quality.

“The Protestants that are now prisoners at Lancaster, and went of their own voluntary will, and not taken by force, and hired horses.

“Mr. Collham, Mr. Jones, James Hambleton, Jo. Bythell, Mr. Rob. Noterfield, his wife and children and three servants; not siding with the papists, Mr. Argent a gentleman, his daughter, and Boyes, and his maid; Mr. Barker, Mr. Floyde, a minister.

“Two of the Lord Herbert’s men who were taken in their escape after their Lordship; two poor sailors.”

Mr. Carte, in his Life of the Duke of Ormond,[22] and Dr. Birch,[19] following the same authority, assert that—“The Earl of Glamorgan, having embarked on board a small vessel, was near being taken by a Parliament ship, which pursued him till he took refuge in a port of Cumberland.” This, however, must refer to his second, and not to his first, attempt to set sail from Wales.

We can now understand the occasion of delay previously unaccounted for; thus, Dr. Birch, after informing us through Mr. Trevor’s letter of the 9th of April, 1645,[N] that the Earl has actually “gone into Ireland,” proceeds in the next page to quote a passage from Lord Digby’s letter, dated Dublin, 8th of May, 1645:—“Though I have no full knowledge of what Lord Herbert was to bring with him; yet by his letter to me out of Wales, I guess his missing this place (Dublin) was a great misfortune to the King’s service, even in relation to the credit I found the Irish were apt to give to his services and undertakings; and therefore if he be where he can get once more to the water’s edge, and will venture over, I am very confident the little frigate I now send to stay the return of the bearer, will land him in some safe port of Ireland.”

In consequence of this arrangement he at length arrived at Dublin about the end of July or beginning of August,[22] 1645, being a space of about six months from the time of his leaving Oxford.

An incident with which the Earl of Glamorgan was connected occurred during his stay in Wales, affords an amusing episode illustrating the prevailing superstition of the age, against which his Lordship was by no means proof. Dr. Bayly states that: “The Earl, accompanied by officers, knights, and gentlemen of high rank, all of the red letter, as they were in their journey for Ireland, quartered in the town of Carnarvon, a sea-port in North Wales, where they were entertained with discourse at their table by some of the gentlemen of the country, who informed them of the fulfilling of an old Welsh prophecy, at that very time and place.” The legend related to the building of nests in the crown on the head of King Edward I., over the gate of Carnarvon Castle, and was interpreted as significant of the times. “Dinner being ended, they all went to the castle gate.” Thereon the Earl of Glamorgan “commanded the nest to be pulled down, which was done accordingly; and being thrown down, they found the materials of the nest to be such, as wherewith never any bird did build her nest, viz. with white thorn, which, for a memorandum or rarity, every one of them stuck a thorn in his hat-band, and wore it.”[7]

But we must now, however, revert to Raglan Castle, to keep in view what had been passing there in the interim.