  HENRY, EARL OF WORCESTER.—CREATED MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.—RAGLAN CASTLE. The general aspect of public affairs in 1641, foreshadowed the coming storm. Charles the First had departed from Whitehall; civil war raged through the length and breadth of the land, terminating in fearful consequences to the monarch and all his wealthiest loyal supporters. On the 2nd of November, 1642,[88] Henry was created Marquis of Worcester, being the first of his family raised to that dignity. He would then be 65 years of age, but does not appear to have enjoyed uniform good health; he was corpulent in body, possessed a vigorous intellect, and was remarkable for his flow of humour. It is recorded of him, but without reference to any authority for the statement,[4] that he was singular for the custom of wearing a coat of frieze, a coarse narrow cloth much in use; the term being applied to garments having long wool, then said to be friezed. Sanderson speaks of him as a plain man, especially in his apparel. His great wealth enabled him to afford Charles the First early important pecuniary assistance, which, together with his great loyalty, although a papist, secured him all that esteem and favour, which the peculiar mental constitution of his royal master, alone best knew The Parliament took early notice of the proceedings of both the Earl of Worcester and his son Lord Herbert. The Journals of the House of Commons[A] inform us that on the 29th of January, 1640–41:— “Die Veneris, 29 Jan., 1640. “Mr. Treasurer acquaints this House, that his Majesty’s pleasure is, that this House do attend his Majesty this afternoon, at two of [the] clock, in the Banqueting House, and that he had intimated his pleasure likewise to the Lords to attend him at the same time. “Ordered, That the consideration of the commission granted to the Earl of Worcester, and his eldest son the Lord Herbert, and the sub-commissions by them granted to others, for the levying of forces in several Counties of England and Wales, and all the circumstances depending thereupon, be referred to the Committee appointed to draw up the charge against the Earl of Stratford, &c.” And on the 11th of February following, that:— “Die Jovis, 11º Feb 1640. “Mr. Reignolds reports from the Committee of the Earl of Worcester, the substance of that business. * * * * * * (thus printed in Journal.) “And then it was resolved, upon the question, That the particulars reported by Sir W. Erle, Sir Jo. Clotworthy, and Mr. Reignolds, shall be the heads of the Conference to be desired with the Lords, concerning the disbanding of the new-levied Irish Army, and disarming of the Popish Recusants here in England.” Later we find a guard set on his residence in London.[B] “Die Martis, 16º Nov. 1641. “Mr. Wittacre, Sir John Francklin, Sir John Hippisley, Mr. Wheler, Mr. G. Long, are appointed to go immediately, and take order to set a good guard upon the house of the Earl of Worcester; and to search for persons suspected of high treason. “They are to take like care for setting a guard upon, and searching * * *; and likewise upon such other houses, as they shall be informed; and that they have power to search all such houses at such times as they shall think fit. “... To acquaint their Lordships, what this House has done for the searching, and setting a guard upon, the Earl of Worcester’s house, and upon what grounds.” On the 5th of January, 1642, his Majesty addressed the following letter to the Marquis, in which he says— “The large expressions which you and your son have made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall never be forgotten.” “Charles R. “Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, We greet you well. Your son, the Lord Herbert, hath excused your not writing unto us; but where we find so much royalty, there needs not ceremony, and your last performance of our desires hath crowned the rest. And we would have you confident that the mentioning of leaving few forces at Raglan, was not out of any diminution of our care of you, or meant to lessen any provision fitting thereto: For we well understand that there were never any of the forces raised in the county, applied thereunto more than a private company under servants of your own. But the Ward of Raglan was given as a general ward attributive to the country, as that time we understood it. The large expressions which you and your said son have made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall never be forgotten. He now commands in chief in the absence of the Lord Marquis [of] Hertford, and besides his dutifulness unto you, our command is, that his power and yours shall [be] the same, as your hearts are to our service. The acceptance whereof we shall not fail to make appear on all occasions, whereof you may rest assured. Given under and signed at our Court at Oxford, the 5th day of January, in the eighteenth year of our reign, 1642.[C] “To Our Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin, Henry, Marquis of Worcester.” The earliest direct intimation we have of money passing from the Marquis to the King occurs in two “My Lord, “The King is so oppressed with [a] multitude of business that he has commanded me to write unto your Lordship this inclosed letter, not having leisure himself to write more than a short postscript to give credit to what I have written. I had thought to have sent some of my own servants to convey the money hither, but Mr. Griffin tells me your Lordship would rather send it by him and some other, whom you should think fit to trust, and then it may be brought so privately to Newstead, where I shall be ready to receive it, that none but such as your Lordship trusteth need to know of it. I humbly desire your Lordship it may be sent with all possible speed, because his Majesty hath allotted it for a service that must immediately be gone in hand with all [speed]. I shall not need to trouble your Lordship any farther, and therefore humbly kissing your hands, rest ever, “Your Lordship’s most humble Servant, “John Byron. [D] “York, July 8, 1642. On the 24th of the same month Sir John Byron[E] wrote a second letter as follows:— “My most honoured Lord, “Your Lordship hath honoured me with a title which I value above any other that can be given me, and of which I shall ever endeavour to make myself worthy by all real expressions of faithful and humble service. It was my misfortune to be from home when “This is the cause of the delay in returning your Lordship an answer, for which I hope your Lordship will pardon me; and now, since Sir John Somerset is come hither, having left the £5000 your Lordship sent at Newstead, my house, his Majesty hath commanded me to make use of it for the levying of 500 horse, and withal, in his name, to return your Lordship all possible thanks for your seasonable assistance both now and heretofore, and that he hopes he shall not die in your debt. These are his own words, and desires to be excused for not writing himself, by reason of the little leisure he hath; for my own particular, I humbly beseech your Lordship to believe that, as there lives not any body more deeply engaged for real and noble favours to your Lordship than myself, so no man can be more sensible of them, or more ready upon all occasions to express myself, my Lord, “Your Lordship’s most humble “and faithful servant, “John Byron. “Leicester Abbey, this Sunday, being the 24th of July, 1642.” “Die Sabbati, 20 Augusti, 1642. Post meridiem. “Message from the Lords by Sir Robt. Riche and Mr. Page; “That the Lords had sent them with Three Orders: 1. For the disarming of the Earl of Worcester, and all Papists; wherein they desire the concurrence of this House, &c. &c. “Answer returned by the same messenger (as to two of the Orders); And as to that of disarming the Earl of Worcester, will send an answer by messengers of their own.” And again on the following month:— “Die Martis, 3º Septembris, 1642. “That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, to appear here, and attend the House. “Mr. Glyn to prepare this letter. “That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of Worcester, to attend the Parliament.” In August, 1642, had commenced that series of national disasters, which divided shires and even families into either Cavaliers or Roundheads—Royalists or Parliamentarians—Protestants or Puritans, in short, Tories or Whigs. It was then, or perhaps somewhat earlier, previous to his elevation, that the Earl of Worcester garrisoned Raglan Castle, strengthening his position by the raising of extensive earthworks on its most approachable In September, 1642, Lord Herbert was in personal communication with his Majesty at Nottingham. He was then, although 41 years of age, a man singularly inexperienced in the ways either of commerce or of courts. His studies, pursuits, domestic habits, were not calculated to foster that spirit of intrigue which a deep designing mind alone knows best how to conjure up and apply with consummate art, and the exercise of which base quality his position would seem to have frequently demanded. We have now to peruse a minute report, drawn up by Lord Herbert, of what passed between himself and the King in regard to a further loan.[H] The cunning and artfulness of the royal negotiator is mirrored forth in this affair in most unmistakeable characters. But the whole document is a striking example of the arts by which Charles the First could practise on his unsuspecting victims. It is an engrossed copy—not signed—but has been endorsed on the back, “Lord Herbert’s Message from the King to be delivered to his father from Nottingham, Sept. 9th, 1642,” and runs as follows:— “The effect of the message your Majesty desireth I should deliver to my father for your Majesty at Nottingham, the 9th of September, 1642. “That your Majesty with many thanks expresseth yourself most sensible of the great expense and charge his Lordship hath been at for your service, far more than any man else, considering what I have had as well as Sir John Byron’s [expenses], that it is most true at this time, much lieth at stake both of your Majesty’s We have here a summary of the interview between Charles the First and Lord Herbert at Nottingham. The King was no doubt very gloomy, and the discourse between them most serious. There was on all occasions an imperturbable dignity of manner about his Majesty, although his personal appearance operated against him, his visage being long, with a narrow forehead, large nose, grey eyes, thick lips, and peaked beard. He stammered, too, in his speech, being also somewhat impetuous and hurried amidst all the apparent coolness and calmness of his conduct and conversation. Lord Herbert, on the contrary, in the very prime of life, was a man of cheerful aspect, with small dark full eyes, and smooth, oval, delicately formed features. Both wore the flowing locks in fashion, the one in ample curls, the other in plain long wavy hair. The Marquis fastidiously observed all courtly etiquette; without the accomplishment of fluency in speech, his conversation would be deferential, simple, without any show of boldness other than what conscious integrity of purpose might naturally inspire; unaffected, direct, and straightforward; displaying much suavity without any taint of selfishness, and profound zeal without the slightest hypocrisy. We almost see and hear again the wily financier, (such is the freshness of the reported conversation) while the meek, unsophisticated Lord Herbert is scrupulously It will be requisite, as we progress, to notice many particulars which might at first appear irrelevant, as relating more considerably to the father than to the son; but it is important to bear in mind, that Lord Herbert Raglan Castle was then in its glory; it was often gay with numerous noble visitors. Lord Herbert resided there with his lady, particularly at that disturbed period; his father too had a numerous family and household. Although rather isolated in position, it must have been a place possessing considerable internal comfort. The good old Marquis was constituted to make all around him as happy as circumstances would permit; with strong religious and moral principles he combined the strictest possible sense of honour, of a gentlemanly and military bearing, with a joyous temperament that refused no source of accidental innocent amusement, turning the very ills of life to sources either of merriment or moral reflection as the case might be: which, with his princely means and liberal spirit, must have largely contributed to the promoting of good feeling and hilarity within the fortress of Raglan. The Castle crowns one of the many broad low verdant hills occupying a valley of immense extent in Monmouthshire. It is at present so embowered in a forest of ancient lofty trees, as to be all but hid from view within the circuit of a mile radius. There is just one point from which may be seen at the same time towering above the foliage the Tower of Gwent or Citadel on the right, and the Closet Tower on the left. The Citadel, which in reality stands outside the Castle, as being the loftiest object, is visible from the village, the Warrage, and other points of view. In its palmy days there were attached to the Castle an extensive, well-wooded and highly picturesque home-park, with Distant view of Raglan Castle DISTANT VIEW OF RAGLAN CASTLE, MONMOUTHSHIRE. The most ancient portions of the Castle itself, were probably raised in the reign of Henry V., others are of more recent construction, but not much, if any of it, dates later than that of Elizabeth. Its mixed styles of architecture are very obvious. Among its later improvements were, no doubt, those large windows, which were better suited for an elegant domestic mansion, than for a fortress. The grand entrance was secured by its double portcullis, as likewise by a gate, leading to the paved or pitched court; a portcullis also protected the south-eastern entrance, leading from the fountain court to the pleasaunce or bowling-green, supposed by some to have originally been the tilt-yard; both of which entrances were further guarded by draw-bridges. The tower of Gwent, citadel, or keep, stands before, and a little removed from the castle, surrounded with a broad moat, which it would appear could be crossed by two bridges; one permanent, connected with, and for the special use of the castle, reaching to the walls of the bastions, whence communication was kept up by a draw-bridge with the keep itself; the other a draw-bridge only, in an opposite direction, whereby to pass over the moat to the sunk walk, for ordinary use. The tower is of extraordinary strength, its form hexagonal, its walls ten and a half feet thick, and its summit reached by a stone staircase. The Castle may be described as presenting two portions, distinguished by two courts and two fortified The vaults and cellars are numerous, but not so large as is generally supposed, although sufficiently capacious. Some were undoubtedly used as cells for prisoners, others for various stores, while certain vaults are even reputed to have served the purpose of underground stables. The Fountain Court, derives its name from formerly Such then was Raglan Castle in the days of its magnificence, during the life-time of its last munificent lordly resident. But the time had arrived to protect it against the worst consequences of civil war. Its paved court afforded ample scope for the drilling of recruits, and the reviews of the regular soldiery, when the open ground could not be safely taken. A mill was also erected for the home manufacture of gunpowder, in which we imagine the combined skill of Lord Herbert and Caspar Kaltoff was actively exercised. The clang of arms, the beat of drum, the constant firing of artillery, with all the noise, the show, and circumstance of war, soon transformed the once quiet homestead into a most mortifying scene of discomfort, alarm, watchfulness, care, anxiety and activity. Charles, Lord Somerset, the Marquis’s sixth son, officiated as governor of the castle. The garrison, originally amounting to 300 foot,[93] was considerably augmented to meet the threatening aspect of public affairs.[90] Warfare, as at that time conducted, bore but a slight analogy to modern practice. The bow and cross-bow, it is true, were entirely superseded by the use of gunpowder, but that material was comparatively indifferent, and the ordnance and arms employed of the clumsiest possible description. Great guns weighing from 3½ tons to half and less that weight were denominated cannon, demi-cannon, culvering, demi-culvering, saker, minion, drake, &c. Then for small arms, they had the musket, carbine, arquebuse, blunderbuss, In respect to the Marquis’s wealth, a contemporary authority informs us in reference to that period, that,—“His whole estate ubique was esteemed 24 thousand pounds per annum.”[93] Indeed he was almost an universal landlord in the county.[29] He had then altogether raised 1500 foot and near 500 horse, the command of which he gave to his son, Lord Herbert; thus raising the first horse levied by the King. The writer of a contemporary pamphlet published at Oxford, entitled—“A short view of the late troubles,” states: “Moreover, within few days following, one John Davis discovered [12th Nov.] to the House that the Earl of Worcester had large stables under ground, at Raglan Castle, and a number of light horse in them; likewise arms for a hundred and forty horse, and two thousand men, whereof seven hundred were then in pay, and ammunition proportionate.”[90] We learn little more personally affecting the Marquis of Worcester for about two years, during which his time must have been both fully and painfully absorbed in superintending the warlike preparations which environed his domicile. Footnotes [88] Sandford. [4] Annual Register, 1769. [A] 1640. 16 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 75. [B] Journals of House of Commons, 1641. 17 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 317. [C] From MSS. Badminton. [D] From MSS. Badminton. [E] Ibid. [F] Sir Arthur Hazilrigge, Bart. [G] Journal, House of Commons, 1642. 17 Car. I. vol. ii. [H] From MSS. at Badminton. [93] Symonds. [93] Symonds. [90] Somers. [93] Symonds. [29] Corbet. [90] Somers. |
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