Owing to the fact that the smoky, flickering oil-lamp persisted throughout the centuries and until the magic touch of Argand in the latter part of the eighteenth century transformed it into a commendable light-source, the reader is prepared to suppose that gas-lighting is of recent origin. Apparently William Murdock in England was the first to install pipes for the conveyance of gas for lighting purposes. In an article in the "Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London" dated February 25, 1808, in which he gives an account of the first industrial gas-lighting, he states:
It is now nearly sixteen years, since, in a course of experiments I was making at Redruth in Cornwall, upon the quantities and qualities of the gases produced by distillation from different mineral and vegetable substances, I was induced by some observation I had previously made upon the burning of coal, to try the combustible property of the gases produced from it....
Inasmuch as he is credited with having lighted his home by means of piped gas, this experimental installation may be considered to have been made in 1792. In his first trial he burned the gas at the open ends of the pipes; but finding this wasteful, he closed the ends and in each bored three small holes from which the gas-flames diverged. It is said that he once used his wife's thimble in an emergency to close the end of the pipe; and, the thimble being much worn and consequently containing a number of small holes, tiny gas-jets emerged from the holes. This incident is said to have led to the use of small holes in his burners. He also lighted a street lamp and had bladders filled with gas "to carry at night, with which, and his little steam carriage running on the road, he used to astonish the people." Apparently unknown to Murdock, previous observations had been made as to the inflammability of gas from coal. Long before this Dr. Clayton described some observations on coal-gas, which he called "the spirit of coals." He filled bladders with this gas and kept them for some time. Upon his pricking one of them with a pin and applying a candle, the gas burned at the hole. Thus Clayton had a portable gas-light. He was led to experiment with distillation of coal from some experiences with gas from a natural coal bed, and he thus describes his initial laboratory experiment:
I got some coal, and distilled it in a retort in an open fire. At first there came over only phlegm, afterwards a black oil, and then likewise, a spirit arose which I could no ways condense; but it forced my lute and broke my glasses. Once when it had forced my lute, coming close thereto, in order to try to repair it, I observed that the spirit which issued out caught fire at the flame of the candle, and continued burning with violence as it issued out in a stream, which I blew out, and lighted again alternately several times.
He then turned his attention to saving some of the gas and hit upon the use of bladders. He was surprised at the amount of gas which was obtained from a small amount of coal; for, as he stated, "the spirit continued to rise for several hours, and filled the bladders almost as fast as a man could have blown them with his mouth; and yet the quantity of coals distilled was inconsiderable."
Although this account appeared in the Transactions of the Royal Society in 1739, there is strong evidence that Dr. Clayton had written it many years before, at least prior to 1691.
But before entering further into the early history of gas-lighting, it is interesting to inquire into the knowledge possessed in the seventeenth century pertaining to natural and artificial gas. Doubtless there are isolated instances throughout history of encounters with natural gas. Surely observant persons of bygone ages have noted a small flame emanating from the end of a stick whose other end was burning in a bonfire or in the fireplace. This is a gas-plant on a small scale; for the gas is formed at the burning end of the wooden stick and is conducted through its hollow center to the cold end, where it will burn if lighted. If a piece of paper be rolled into the form of a tube and inclined somewhat from a horizontal position, inflammable gas will emanate from the upper end if the lower end is burning. By applying a match near the upper end, we can ignite this jet of gas. However, it is certain that little was known of gas for illuminating purposes before the eighteenth century.
The literature of an ancient nation is often referred to as revealing the civilization of the period. Surely the scientific literature which deals with concrete facts is an exact indicator of the technical knowledge of a period! That little was known of natural gas and doubtless of artificial gas in the seventeenth century is shown by a brief report entitled "A Well and Earth in Lancashire taking Fire at a Candle," by Tho. Shirley in the Transactions of the Royal Society in 1667. Much of the quaint charm of the original is lost by inability to present the text in its original form, but it is reproduced as closely as practicable. The report was as follows:
About the latter End of Feb. 1659, returning from a Journey to my House in Wigan, I was entertained with the Relation of an odd Spring situated in one Mr. Hawkley's Ground (if I mistake not) about a Mile from the Town, in that Road which leads to Warrington and Chester: The People of this Town did confidently affirm, That the Water of this Spring did burn like Oil.
When we came to the said Spring (being 5 or 6 in Company together) and applied a lighted Candle to the Surface of the Water; there was 'tis true, a large Flame suddenly produced, which burnt the Foot of a Tree, growing on the Top of a neighbouring Bank, the Water of which Spring filled a Ditch that was there, and covered the Burning-place; I applied the lighted Candle to divers Parts of the Water contained in the said Ditch, and found, as I expected, that upon the Touch of the Candle and the Water the Flame was extinct.
Again, having taken up a Dish full of water at the flaming Place, and held the lighted Candle to it, it went out. Yet I observed that the Water, at the Burning-place, did boil, and heave, like Water in a Pot upon the Fire, tho' by putting my Hand into it, I could not perceive it so much as warm.
This Boiling I conceived to proceed from the Eruption of some bituminous or sulphureous Fumes; considering this Place was not above 30 or 40 Yards distant from the Mouth of a Coal-Pit there: And indeed Wigan, Ashton, and the whole Country, for many Miles compass, is underlaid with Coal. Then, applying my Hand to the Surface of the Burning-place of the Water, I found a strong Breath, as it were a Wind, to bear against my Hand.
When the Water was drained away, I applied the Candle to the Surface of the dry Earth, at the same Point where the Water burned before; the Fumes took fire, and burned very bright and vigorous. The Cone of the Flame ascended a Foot and a half from the Superficies of the Earth; and the Basis of it was of the Compass of a Man's Hat about the Brims. I then caused a Bucket full of Water to be pour'd on the Fire, by which it was presently quenched. I did not perceive the Flame to be discoloured like that of sulphurous Bodies, nor to have any manifest Scent with it. The Fumes, when they broke out of the Earth, and press'd against my Hand, were not, to my best Remembrance, at all hot.
Turning again to Dr. Clayton's experiments, we see that he pointed out striking and valuable properties of coal-gas but apparently gave no attention to its useful purposes. Furthermore, his account appears to have attracted no particular notice at the time of its publication in 1739. Dr. Richard Watson in 1767 described the results of experiments which he had been making with the products arising from the distillation of coal. In his process he permitted the gas to ascend through curved tubes, and he particularly noted "its great inflammability as well as elasticity." He also observed that "it retained the former property after it had passed through a great quantity of water." His published account dealt with a variety of facts and computations pertaining to the quantities of coke, tar, etc., produced from different kinds of coal and was a scientific work of value, but apparently the usefulness of the property of inflammability of coal-gas did not occur to him.
It is usually the habit of the scientific explorer of nature to return from excursions into her unfrequented recesses with new knowledge, to place it upon exhibition, and to return for more. The inventor passes by and sees applications for some of these scientific trophies which are productive of momentous consequences to mankind. Sir Humphrey Davy described his primitive arc-lamp three quarters of a century before Brush developed an arc-lamp for practical purposes. Maxwell and Hertz respectively predicted and produced electromagnetic waves long before Marconi applied this knowledge and developed "wireless" telegraphy. In a similar manner scientific accounts of the production and properties of coal-gas antedated by many years the initial applications made by Murdock to illuminating purposes.
Up to the beginning of the nineteenth century the civilized world had only a faint glimpse of the illuminating property of gas, but practicable gas-lighting was destined soon to be an epochal event in the progress of lighting. The dawn of modern science was coincident with the dawn of a luminous era.At Soho foundry in 1798 Murdock constructed an apparatus which enabled him to exhibit his lighting-plan on a larger scale and to experiment on purifying and burning the gas so as to eliminate odor and smoke. Soho was an unique institution described as a place
to which men of genius were invited and resorted from every civilized country, to exercise and to display their talents. The perfection of the manufacturing arts was the great and constant aim of its liberal and enlightened proprietors, Messrs. Boulton and Watt; and whoever resided there was surrounded by a circle of scientific, ingenious, and skilful men, at all times ready to carry into effect the inventions of each other.
The Treaty of Amiens, which gave to England the peace she was sorely in need of, afforded Murdock an opportunity in 1802 favorable for making a public display of gas-lighting. The illumination of the Soho works on this occasion is described as "one of extraordinary splendour." The fronts of the extensive range of buildings were ornamented with a large number of devices which displayed the variety of forms of gas-lights. At that time this was a luminous spectacle of great novelty and the populace came from far and wide "to gaze at, and to admire, this wonderful display of the combined effects of science and art."
Naturally, Murdock had many difficulties to overcome in these early days, but he possessed skill and perseverance. His first retorts for distilling coal were similar to the common glass retort of the chemist. Next he tried cast-iron cylinders placed perpendicularly in a common furnace, and in each were put about fifteen pounds of coal. In 1804 he constructed them with doors at each end, for feeding coal and extracting coke respectively, but these were found inconvenient. In his first lighting installation in the factory of Phillips and Lee in 1805 he used a large retort of the form of a bucket with a cover on it. Inside he installed a loose cage of grating to hold the coal. When carbonization was complete the coke could be removed as a whole by extracting this cage. This retort had a capacity of fifteen hundred pounds of coal. He labored with mechanical details, varied the size and shape of the retorts, and experimented with different temperatures, with the result that he laid a solid foundation for coal-gas lighting. For his achievements he is entitled to an honorable place among the torch-bearers of civilization.
The epochal feature of the development of gas-lighting is that here was a possibility for the first time of providing lighting as a public utility. In the early years of the nineteenth century the foundation was laid for the great public-utility organizations of the present time. Furthermore, gas-lighting was an improvement over candles and oil-lamps from the standpoints of convenience, safety, and cost. The latter points are emphasized by Murdock in his paper presented before the Royal Society in 1808, in which he describes the first industrial installation of gas-lighting. He used two types of burners, the Argand and the cockspur. The former resembled the Argand lamp in some respects and the latter was a three-flame burner suggesting a fleur-de-lis. In this installation there were 271 Argand burners and 636 cockspurs. Each of the former "gave a light equal to that of four candles; and each of the latter, a light equal to two and a quarter of the same candles; making therefore the total of the gas light a little more than 2500 candles." The candle to which he refers was a mold candle "of six in the pound" and its light was considered a standard of luminous intensity when it was consuming tallow at the rate of 0.4 oz. (175 grains) per hour. Thus the candle became very early a standard light-source and has persisted as such (with certain variations in the specifications) until the present time. However, during recent years other standard light-sources have been devised.
According to Murdock, the yearly cost of gas-lighting in this initial case was 600 pounds sterling after allowing generously for interest on capital invested and depreciation of the apparatus. The cost of furnishing the same amount of light by means of candles he computed to be 2000 pounds sterling. This comparison was on the basis of an average of two hours of artificial lighting per day. On the basis of three hours of artificial lighting per day, the relative cost of gas-and candle-lighting was about one to five. Murdock was characteristically modest in discussing his achievements and his following statement should be read with the conditions of the year 1808 in mind:
The peculiar softness and clearness of this light with its almost unvarying intensity, have brought it into great favour with the work people. And its being free from the inconvenience and danger, resulting from sparks and frequent snuffing of candles, is a circumstance of material importance, as tending to diminish the hazard of fire, to which cotton mills are known to be exposed.
Although this installation in the mill of Phillips and Lee is the first one described by Murdock, in reality it is not the first industrial gas-lighting installation. During the development of gas apparatus at the Soho works and after his luminous display in 1802, he gradually extended gas-lighting to all the principal shops. However, this in a sense was experimental work. Others were applying their knowledge and ingenuity to the problem of making gas-lighting practicable, but Murdock has been aptly termed "the father of gas-lighting." Among the pioneers was Le Bon in France, Becher in Munich, and Winzler or Winsor, a German who was attracted to the possibilities of gas-lighting by an exhibition which Le Bon gave in Paris in 1802. Winsor learned that Le Bon had been granted a patent in Paris in 1799 for making an illuminating gas from wood and tried to obtain the rights for Germany. Being unsuccessful in this, he set about to learn the secrets of Le Bon's process, which he did, perhaps largely owing to an accumulation of information directly from the inventor during the negotiations. Winsor then turned to England as a fertile field for the exploitation of gas-lighting and after conducting experiments in London for some time he made plans to organize the National Heat and Light Co.
Winsor was primarily a promoter, with little or no technical knowledge; for in his claims and advertisements he disregarded facts with a facility possessed only by the ignorant. He boasted of his inventions and discoveries in the most hyperbolical language, which was bound to provoke a controversy. Nevertheless, he was clever and in 1803 he publicly exhibited his plan of lighting by means of coal-gas at the Lyceum Theatre in London. He gave lectures accompanied by interesting and instructive experiments and in this manner attracted the public to his exhibition. All this time he was promoting his company, but his promoting instinct caused his representations to be extravagant and deceptive, which exposed him to the ridicule and suspicion of learned men. His attempt to obtain certain exclusive rights by Act of Parliament failed because of opposition of scientific men toward his claims and of the stand which Murdock justly made in self-protection. These years of controversy yield entertaining literature for those who choose to read it, but unfortunately space does not permit dwelling upon it. The investigations by committees of Parliament also afford amusing side-lights. Throughout all this Murdock appeared modest and conservative and had the support of reputable scientific men, but Winsor maintained extravagant claims.
During one of these investigations Sir Humphrey Davy was examined by a committee from the House of Commons in 1809. He refuted Winsor's claims for a superior coke as a by-product and stated that the production of gas by the distillation of coal had been well known for thirty or forty years and the production of tar as long. He stated that it was the opinion of the Council of the Royal Society that Murdock was the first person to apply coal-gas to lighting in actual practice. As secretary of the Society, Sir Humphrey Davy stated that at the last session it had bestowed the Count Rumford medal upon Murdock for "his economical application of the gas light."Winsor proceeded to float his company without awaiting the Act of Parliament and in 1807 lighted a street in Pall Mall. Through the opposition which he aroused, and owing to the just claims of priority on the part of Murdock, the bill to incorporate the National Heat and Light Co. with a capital of 200,000 pounds sterling was thrown out. However, he succeeded in 1812 in receiving a charter very much modified in form, for the Chartered Gas Light and Coke Co. which was the forerunner of the present London Gas Light and Coke Co.
The conditions imposed upon this company as presented in an early treatise on gas-lighting (by Accum in 1818) were as follows:
The power and authorities granted to this corporate body are very restricted and moderate. The individuals composing it have no exclusive privilege; their charter does not prevent other persons from entering into competition with them. Their operations are confined to the metropolis, where they are bound to furnish not only a stronger and better light to such streets and parishes as chuse to be lighted with gas, but also at a cheaper price than shall be paid for lighting the said streets with oil in the usual manner. The corporation is not permitted to traffic in machinery for manufacturing or conveying the gas into private houses, their capital or joint stock is limited to £200,000, and his Majesty has the power of declaring the gas-light charter void if the company fail to fulfil the terms of it.
The progress of this early company was slow at first, but with the appointment of Samuel Clegg as engineer in 1813 an era of technical developments began. New stations were built and many improvements were introduced. By improving the methods of purifying the gas a great advance was made. The utility of gas-lighting grew apace as the prejudices disappeared, but for a long time the stock of the company sold at a price far below par. About this time the first gas explosion took place and the members of the Royal Society set a precedent which has lived and thrived: they appointed a committee to make an inquiry. But apparently the inquiry was of some value, for it led "to some useful alterations and new modifications in its apparatus and machinery."
Many improvements were being introduced during these years and one of them in 1816 increased the gaseous product from coal by distilling the tar which was obtained during the first distillation. In 1816 Clegg obtained a patent for a horizontal rotating retort; for an apparatus for purifying coal-gas with "cream of lime"; and for a rotative gas-meter.
Before progressing too far, we must mention the early work of William Henry. In 1804 he described publicly a method of producing coal-gas. Besides making experiments on production and utilization of coal-gas for lighting, he devoted his knowledge of chemistry to the analysis of the gas. He also made analytical studies of the relative value of wood, peat, oil, wax, and different kinds of coal for the distillation of gas. His chemical analyses showed to a considerable extent the properties of carbureted hydrogen upon which illuminating value depended. The results of his work were published in various English journals between 1805 and 1825 and they contributed much to the advancement of gas-lighting.Although Clegg's original gas-meter was complicated and cumbersome, it proved to be a useful device. In fact, it appears to have been the most original and beneficial invention occasioned by early gas-lighting. Later Samuel Crosley greatly improved it, with the result that it was introduced to a considerable extent; but by no means was it universally adopted. Another improvement made by Clegg at this time was a device which maintained the pressure of gas approximately constant regardless of the pressure in the gasometer or tank. Clegg retired from the service of the gas company in 1817 after a record of accomplishments which glorifies his name in the annals of gas-lighting. Murdock is undoubtedly entitled to the distinction of having been the first person who applied gas-lighting to large private establishments, but Clegg overcame many difficulties and was the first to illuminate a whole town by this means.
In London in 1817 over 300,000 cubic feet of coal-gas was being manufactured daily, an amount sufficient to operate 76,500 Argand burners yielding 6 candle-power each. Gas-lighting was now exciting great interest and was firmly established. Westminster Bridge was lighted by gas in 1813, and the streets of Westminster during the following year. Gas-lighting became popular in London by 1816 and in the course of the next few years it was adopted by the chief cities and towns in the United Kingdom and on the Continent. It found its way into the houses rather slowly at first, owing to apprehension of the attendant dangers, to the lack of purification of the gas, and to the indifferent service. It was not until the latter half of the nineteenth century that it was generally used in residences.
The gas-burner first employed by Murdock received the name "cockspur" from the shape of the flame. This had an illuminating value equivalent to about one candle for each cubic foot of gas burned per hour. The next step was to flatten the welded end of the gas-pipe and to bore a series of holes in a line. From the shape of the flames this form of burner received the name "cockscomb." It was somewhat more efficient than the cockspur burner. The next obvious step was to slit the end of the pipe by means of a fine saw. From this slit the gas was burned as a sheet of flame called the "bats-wing." In 1820 Nielson made a burner which allowed two small jets to collide and thus form a flat flame. The efficiency of this "fish-tail" burner was somewhat higher than that of the earlier ones. Its flame was steadier because it was less influenced by drafts of air. In 1853 Frankland showed an Argand burner consisting of a metal ring containing a series of holes from which jets of gas issued. The glass chimney surrounded these, another chimney, extending somewhat lower, surrounded the whole, and a glass plate closed the bottom. The air to be fed to the gas-jets came downward between the two chimneys and was heated before it reached the burner. This increased the efficiency by reducing the amount of cooling at the burner by the air required for combustion. This improvement was in reality the forerunner of the regenerative lamps which were developed later.
In 1854 Bowditch brought out a regenerative lamp and, owing to the excessive publicity which this lamp obtained, he is generally credited with the inception of the regenerative burner. This principle was adopted in several lamps which came into use later. They were all based upon the principle of heating both the gas and the air required for combustion prior to their reaching the burner. The burner is something like an inverted Argand arranged to produce a circular flame projecting downward with a central cusp. The air- and gas-passages are directly above the flame and are heated by it. In 1879 Friedrich Siemens brought out a lamp of this type which was adapted from a device originally designed for heating purposes, owing to the superior light which was produced. This was the best gas-lamp up to that time. Later, Wenham, Cromartie, and others patented lamps operating on this same principle.
Murdock early modified the Argand burner to meet the requirements of burning gas and by using the chimney obtained better combustion and a steadier flame than from the open burners. He and others recognized that the temperature of the flame had a considerable effect upon the amount of light emitted and non-conducting material such as steatite was substituted for the metal, which cooled the flame by conducting heat from it. These were the early steps which led finally to the regenerative burner.
The increasing efficiency of the various gas-burners is indicated by the following, which are approximately the candle-power based upon equal rates of consumption, namely, one cubic foot of gas per hour:
It is seen that the possibilities of gas lighting were recognized in several countries, all of which contributed to its development. Some of the earlier accounts have been drawn chiefly from England, but these are intended merely to serve as examples of the difficulties encountered. Doubtless, similar controversies arose in other countries in which pioneers were also nursing gas-lighting to maturity. However, it is certain that much of the early progress of lighting of this character was fathered in England. Gas-lighting was destined to become a thriving industry, and is of such importance in lighting that another chapter is given its modern developments.
