 
1. See Russia, by D. M. Wallace. 2. NarÒdnaia VÒlya: literally, “the People’s Will,” the name of the chief revolutionary party in Russia at the time with which the narrative is now dealing, and also of its secretly printed newspaper.—Trans. 3. This treaty was only concluded in the autumn of 1885. 4. Organised by the revolutionists for teaching the principles of Socialism, and awakening the desire for liberty; for which purpose was instituted the policy of “going among the people,” i.e. living among the peasants like one of themselves,—Trans. 5. The reader who is interested in this period of the Russian revolution will find much information in the work of Professor Thun, Geschichte der revolutionÄren Bewegung in Russland, and in Stepniak’s Underground Russia. 6. Bunt means both “uprising” and “revolt”; the name of the society might be translated “Agitators of KiËv.” Its object was to stir up and organise risings among the peasantry.—Trans. 7. In the language of the Russian revolutionaries those are called “illegals” who have for any reason already become suspected by the authorities, and who therefore must conceal their identity under fictitious names. 8. At the time of the emancipation of the serfs the peasants in the TchigirÌn district of the province of KiËv did not wish to divide into private property the land allotted to them, but to hold it in common, as was done in the north of Russia. In 1875 the Government took the harshest measures against them: arrests, executions, and persecutions of every kind; but the peasants held firm. The revolutionists, among others StefanÒvitch, BohanÒvsky, and myself, resolved accordingly to organise a rising among the TchigirÌn peasantry. Our plans failed, we ourselves were arrested, and the TchigirÌn trial instituted. See also Thun’s Geschichte der revolutionÄren Bewegung in Russland, and Stepniak’s Underground Russia. 10. “White” terrorism was that practised by the Government for the intimidation of the revolutionists—wholesale arrests, banishment, imprisonment, death penalties, etc. “Red” terrorism was the answer of the revolutionists,—war waged against the Government and its representatives with pistol, knife, and bomb, also with the object of intimidation.—Trans. 12. These particulars were necessary, because they applied to BulÌgin, the friend from whom I had borrowed a passport for this journey, and whose name I always used when travelling. He really did live at Zurich with his wife and child, and attended the University there. 13. This corresponded pretty nearly with fact. About a year previously, in 1883, PlehÀnov, Vera ZassoÙlitch, Axelrod, and I had founded the Social-Democratic organisation—“The League for the Emancipation of Labour”; the object of which was to spread the doctrines of Marx in Russia, by means of translations and original writings. Some of the papers in my box were of this description, the first fruits of our literary activity, which had just been printed by our private press established for the purpose. 14. During my stay in Siberia, later, this fear of fire in the German prison was often brought to my mind. Thousands of prisoners, condemned to exile or to penal servitude, are there confined in wooden barracks, serving alike as prisons and as halting-places for convoys of exiles on the march. These buildings are always lighted, and the prisoners smoke quite calmly, without anyone thinking of danger from fire. 15. “Kassiber,” Russian prison-slang. 16. This term is the nearest English equivalent to the German Staatsanwalt, a functionary attached to every court of law. A corresponding official exists in Russia, with a colleague, the Public Advocate, who undertakes the defence of any prisoner unable or unwilling to employ a counsel of his own.—Trans. 17. This was true. The passport was forged, and my comrade who travelled with it bore another name in Russia. 19. RozÒvsky was executed early in the year 1880. 20. The object of the treaty was to ensure the trial of the case in the ordinary criminal courts. The Russian Government’s practice, in dealing with “politicals,” was to subject them to martial law, and so obtain heavier sentences; e.g. capital punishment, which is not inflicted at all under the Russian civil code.—Trans. 21. DegÀiev, a captain of artillery, was a prominent member of the “NarÒdnaia VÒlya.” Arrested and imprisoned in the beginning of 1880, he soon turned informer, and betrayed many of his former comrades. By this he not only gained his liberty, but also won the confidence of the notorious persecutor of revolutionists, Colonel SoudyÈhkin, commander of the Petersburg Ochrana (a body of secret police). Pangs 23. The letters of the alphabet being arranged in certain groups, e.g.:— a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p r s t u v w x y z, words are made up by knocking so many times on the wall for each letter. First the horizontal line in which the letter stands is counted, and then its number in the line. For example, to make the word “you” one would knock as follows: four taps, a short pause, five taps, a longer pause; three taps, a short pause, two taps, longer pause; four taps, short pause, one tap. The taps are not only heard in the neighbouring cell, but sometimes in far-distant ones if they have a common wall. 24. The present Minister of Justice (1902). 26. The present Minister of the Interior.—Trans. 27. I learned the following particulars later. In May, 1882, some of the political prisoners at Kara escaped. They were soon recaptured, and horribly severe measures were then set on foot in their prison. It was resolved to send away the “most dangerous element.” Thirteen men were chosen, on any kind of pretext, only four of them having been concerned in the escape, and they were all despatched to the Fortress of Peter and Paul, and afterwards to SchlÜsselburg, the special prison for politicals. There the harshest rÉgime prevails, and no one who enters is ever set free again. KobiliÀnsky shared this fate, although he had not been one of those who had broken loose from prison. Nearly all these unhappy men met their death in SchlÜsselburg: among them ButzÌnsky, GÈhlis, I. IvÀnov, KobiliÀnsky, ShturkÒvsky, and Shtchedrin. Only one survives (1902)—Michael Popov. 28. Nearly £5 10s.—Trans. 29. About £2 5s.—Trans. 30. KÙritzin was arrested in consequence of the attempt upon GorinÒvitch, and turned traitor unknown to his former comrades. He was shut up in a cell with the other prisoners, so that he might spy upon them; and through his information some of them were sent to the mines in Siberia, and many others delivered into the clutches of the law. I believe that he himself is now practising somewhere as a veterinary surgeon. 31. A noted Cossack chieftain of the seventeenth century, who has become a hero of Russian popular romance.—Trans. 32. While these pages are in the press comes the news (May, 1903) 33. Not long before this some political prisoners had got up a “hunger-strike” as a protest against unjust treatment; and the authorities becoming alarmed at their condition of weakness, the prison doctor, Dr. Rosen, had forcibly administered nourishment by means of the enema. 35. Vera Figner was arrested in KhÀrkov during February, 1883, the informer MerkÚlov having pointed her out in the street to the police. I shall have more to say about her later (see chap. xiii.). 38. One of the monster trials of revolutionists undertaken by the Russian Government at that period. More than 1,000 persons were implicated in it.—Trans. 39. Grave bodily injury without intent to kill was only punishable with four or five years’ hard labour, to be diminished by one-third in the case of minors. 40. Well known to English readers by his assumed name of Stepniak. See later, chap. xxv.—Trans. 41. Literally “a list of particulars.”—Trans. 42. The Russian Government has a twofold reason for making this careful distinction between ordinary and political prisoners after conviction. Firstly, in order that the supervision of the latter shall be stricter, and that they may be prevented from influencing the ordinary prisoners; and secondly, because the “politicals” were originally only recruited from the upper and privileged classes, and the tradition remains. 43. The story of this escape has been told by Professor Thun, in his history of the Russian revolutionary movement (Geschichte der revolutionÄren Bewegung in Russland), and also by Stepniak (Underground Russia: Two Escapes), who had it from BohanÒvsky; but the readers of the present volume may like to have it repeated with more detail than our author has thought fit to give. When StefanÒvitch, Deutsch, and BohanÒvsky were imprisoned at KiËv, FrolÈnko contrived to obtain work in the prison as a sort of odd man under the name of Michael. He gradually rose to be warder, first in the criminal and then in the “political” department, where, in spite of a feigned protest made by his three friends (who did not wish to appear on good terms with him), he was appointed to their corridor. They lost no time in fixing a night for their escape together; and having obtained two suits of private clothes and a warder’s dress for the prisoners to put on, he let them out of their cells at midnight. As they were creeping along the dark passages one of them stumbled against something, at which he grasped to save himself from falling. Instantly a deafening noise woke the echoes, he had clutched the rope of the alarm bell! “Michael” hastened off to explain to the staff that he had accidentally caught at the rope, and luckily this sufficed to satisfy everyone. As soon as all was quiet again he collected his companions from the corners where they had hidden, and all proceeded safely to the entrance, where the key was handed to “Michael” without a question. They stepped out of the prison almost into the arms of an officer; but he proved to be their comrade OssÌnsky, who had been organising the affair, and who now conducted them to the river, where a boat with provisions was ready for them. They travelled up the Dnieper for a week, concealing themselves in the long rushes of the bank if a steamer came in sight; and they finally reached Kremutshy, where OssÌnsky furnished them with passports and money. “Michael” was for long supposed by the KiËv prison officials to have been made away with by the escaping prisoners.—Trans. 44. Surnames in Russian take the feminine termination when used for a woman. It will be noticed below that the husbands of these two ladies are called ShebalÌn and RechnyÈvsky.—Trans. 46. It should be remembered that in private intercourse Russians do not use their family names, but the Christian name combined with the Christian name of the father, e.g. Vladimir KÀrpovitch—Vladimir, son of KÀrpo, the same man’s family name being DebagÒrio-MakriyÈvitch. 47. AntÒnov and Brantner, besides OssÌnsky and some of the others whose names I have mentioned above. 48. This sentence was renewed later, and in 1892 he died in hospital at Tomsk. 49. The following were condemned to death, but the sentence was afterwards changed to penal servitude for life: Captains Aschenbrenner and PohitÒnov, Second Lieutenant Alex. TihonÒvitch, Ensign Ivan Yuvatchov. And besides these, Vera Figner and Ludmilla Wolkenstein. 52. KibÀltchitch was executed for participation in the attempt against Alexander II. in March, 1881. The others mentioned here were all condemned to penal servitude for life and imprisoned in SchlÜsselburg, where KolotkÈvitch and ZlatopÒlsky died. FrolÈnko is still alive (1902). 54. In Russia it is the custom at Easter in every house to spread a large table with cold dishes of all descriptions, and the master of the house invites every visitor to partake of the feast, which they are bound to do, eating and drinking standing. This “Easter table” is kept going throughout the festival time.—Trans. 55. Value one farthing.—Trans. 56. By this name the common people throughout Russia and Siberia designate all prisoners. 57. Carriages with three horses harnessed abreast in a peculiar manner, the two outside facing somewhat outwards. The middle horse is trained to trot very fast, and the two outside ones to canter.—Trans. 58. Head of the district police.—Trans. 59. A “swop” is carried out in the following way. A convict under heavy sentence—of so many years’ penal servitude, e.g.—takes an opportunity of exchanging personalities, so to speak, with one of the ordinary criminals who is simply being deported. A member of this class will undertake the business for a ridiculously small compensation. Then at the first station whence the exiles are to be despatched to their separate destination the supposed exile escapes, to wander about in Siberia, and, if lucky, find his way back to European Russia. The other who has taken his place reveals after a time his true character, and confesses that he exchanged with So-and-so at such and such a place. The matter is investigated, and the culprit receives a hundred lashes and a year’s hard labour. It is generally the very lowest class of criminals who offer themselves as merchandise in these cases—wretched outcasts, who only receive a trifle—a few roubles, perhaps—as their share of the reward. The organisers of the traffic, the leaders of their artÈl (union), see to it that when once a prisoner undertakes a “swop” he sticks to his part. If he dare attempt to betray them he is simply murdered. 60. A kopeck is equal to a farthing.—Trans. 61. This celebrated scholar and political writer, though not an active member of the revolutionary party, was arrested in 1866 and condemned to penal servitude. During his imprisonment in the Fortress of Peter and Paul he wrote his famous novel, What Should We Do? which had such a great influence on the youth of his time.—Trans. 62. AgÀpov was sentenced in the case of fifty Propagandists, in 1887, to three years and eight months’ penal servitude. In 1880 he was released from prison and interned as a “colonist” in Eastern Siberia. 63. Head of the district police. 65. In this trial, of February, 1879, when the defendants were convicted of resisting arrest with arms in their hands, two men—AntÒnov and Brantner—were executed, the other ten condemned to long terms of penal servitude. 66. In February, 1880, eight “politicals” condemned to penal servitude escaped from Irkutsk prison by breaking through the walls: BerezniÀk (known also by the name of Tishtchenko), VolÒshenko, IvÀntchenko, Alexander KalyÙshny, Nicholas Posen, Popko, FomitchÒv, and YatsÈvitch. They were all recaptured and their sentences increased, BerezniÀk and FomitchÒv being chained to the wheelbarrow. Another escape was that of two women, Sophia BogomÒletz and Elizabeth KovÀlskaya, and they also were both recaptured after four weeks, but E. KovÀlskaya again escaped and was again recaptured. There were executed in this prison: LyÒchky, for unintentionally killing a warder, and NyÈÜstroyev, a teacher in a gymnasium, for striking the Governor-General AnÙtchin when the latter was visiting the prison. Shtchedrin, sentenced to life-long penal servitude, was condemned to death for striking the governor’s adjutant, but his sentence was reduced, and he was chained to the wheelbarrow. Later Shtchedrin was sent to SchlÜsselburg, still chained to the barrow, and there he went mad and died. 70. This revolutionist was very rich; but lived in extreme poverty, that he might devote all his fortune to the cause. He was condemned to death in 1879 solely for that reason, as he had carefully abstained—contrary to his own most ardent inclinations—from giving any active help in the movement for fear of compromising himself and thus forfeiting the wealth which was practically supporting the party. See Stepniak’s Underground Russia.—Trans. 71. i.e. penal servitude.—Trans. 72. In 1879 he had been condemned, at the same time as Maria KovalÈvskaya, to ten years’ “katorga,” for armed resistance to the police. He afterwards committed suicide in Irkutsk. 73. He was sentenced to ten years’ “katorga” in 1881 for taking part in the South Russian Workmen’s Union, and in consequence of the Coronation manifesto a third of this sentence was remitted. 74. The participators in the revolt of December, 1825, on the occasion of Nicholas I.’s accession, were so called. 75. He had been sentenced in 1879 to ten years’ “katorga,” on account of the assault on GorinÒvitch (see page 11). 76. Siberia and the Exile System, by George Kennan. 77. Everyone will see the dramatic element in this situation if it is remembered that this friend had been tried and condemned on account of that attempt to kill the spy GorinÒvitch, in which Deutsch had been the chief actor; and that now the one had just finished his term of imprisonment, while the other was commencing his.—Trans. 78. See portrait, p. 112. StefanÒvitch was one of the most prominent of the Terrorists, who, helped chiefly by Deutsch and BohanÒvsky, succeeded in instructing and organising several thousands of peasants, and was on the point of heading their insurrection when he was arrested in 1877. StefanÒvitch, Deutsch, and BohanÒvsky were imprisoned at KiËv, and their escape thence has been related (note, p. 98). Stepniak describes StefanÒvitch (see Underground Russia, Jacob Stefanovic, and Two Escapes) as of very strong and original character, extremely reserved, speaking rarely, and, though a man of action, very cautious and practical. He was the son of a village priest, and kept up constant intercourse with his old father, even when it was most dangerous for him to do so, at a time when whole cities would be thrown into a ferment if his presence in them were suspected. His personal appearance Stepniak describes thus: “He was of middle height, and somewhat slender, hollow-chested, and with narrow shoulders. Physically, he must have been very weak. I never saw an uglier man. He had the face of a negro, or rather of a Tartar, prominent cheek-bones, a large mouth, and a flat nose. But it was an attractive ugliness. Intelligence shone forth from his grey eyes. His smile had something of the malign and of the subtly sportive, like the character of the Ukrainian race to which he belongs. When he mentioned some clever trick played off upon the police he laughed most heartily, and showed his teeth, which were very fine and white as ivory. His entire countenance, with his wrinkled forehead and his cold, firm look, expressed a resolution and at the same time a self-command which nothing could disturb. I observed that in speaking he did not use the slightest gesture.” StefanÒvitch has now (1903) been over twenty years in Siberia. It was expected that in May this year he would be liberated so far as to be permitted to reside in some outlying province of European Russia, but this hope has not been realised.—Trans. 81. The secret police, which was then under the chief of gendarmerie, though it has since been constituted a separate department, controlling vast sums of money. 83. Those who did not join the artÈl had, of course, no votes in any discussions or decisions of that body. 84. A kopeck is about equal to one farthing.—Trans. 85. A rouble is about equal to 2s. 1d.—Trans. 86. This simply meant a kopeck’s worth; the expression had originated in the wish to disguise from the gendarme who was always on guard in the corridor the extremely small amount of such an order, but naturally in the course of time the gendarmes had come to understand our argot thoroughly, so that there was no longer any real deception. 88. This penal settlement was at a short distance from the prison, in the village of Kara, and here—as will be explained more fully later—the convicts, both ordinary and political, were allowed to reside under strict rules and surveillance after their term of actual imprisonment was over.—Trans. 89. Sentenced in 1873 to ten years’ penal servitude, in the “Case of the 193,” for armed resistance in an attempted rescue of Tchernishevsky from Viluisk in Yakutsk. Myshkin also received a further fifteen years, because at the burial of a comrade, Dmohovsky, he delivered a funeral oration in the prison chapel. 90. Sentenced in the Popov trial in KiËv to fifteen years’ penal servitude. 91. Moses Dihovsky, fifteen years’ penal servitude; Levtchenko, fifteen; Andreas Balamutz, twenty; Kratzenovsky, Yurhovsky, and Minyukov, all for life. 93. This punishment consists in fastening a wheelbarrow by chains to the prisoner so that he is obliged to push it about with him wherever he goes; and even when he wishes to sleep he must contrive to hoist it into such a position as will render lying down possible.—Trans. 95. See portrait-group opposite. From a photograph taken on the arrival at Kara of these five “politicals.”—Trans. 97. Better known in England as Stepniak.—Trans. 98. For having ordered the flogging of a political prisoner.—Trans. 100. Gr?nevitsky himself was killed by the explosion.—Trans. 104. The Yakutsk massacre has lately (April, 1903) been recalled to public memory by the arrest of the Russian revolutionist, Michael Gotz, in Italy, and the attempt of the Russian Government—fortunately frustrated—to obtain his extradition. Gotz was one of the youthful exiles at Yakutsk, and was severely wounded, but survived to be court-martialled and condemned to penal servitude in the mines for life. He and his comrades were subsequently amnestied, chiefly in consequence of the notoriety given to the affair by an account of it published by the Times with indignant comments, which caused such feeling both at home and abroad that even the Russian Government was affected.—Trans. 105. English readers might suppose that, on the expiration of their sentences, political convicts would be set free unconditionally. But this is not the case. According to the Russian Penal Code, Art. 25, “The results of the sentence to hard labour are: the abolition of all family and property rights; and, at the expiration of the sentence, settlement in Siberia for life.” In practice, however, “politicals” (especially those having influential friends) are occasionally, after the lapse of years, allowed to return to European Russia. There they must live under police supervision; and though they may choose their place of abode, it must be a town; but not the capital nor any of the more important or manufacturing towns.—Trans. 106. Among the others to be released with me were Martinovsky, Prybylyev, Mirsky, StarinkiÈvitch, ZlatopÒlsky, MihaÏlov, Fomin, and Kohn; all of whom have figured already in my narrative. StefanÒvitch also was of the party, but was only destined to remain with us for two months, after which he was sent to be interned in Yakutsk. He has spent the thirteen years since we parted in various places of Siberian exile. 107. About 8½d. to 10½d. the English pound, a pood being equal to 36.1127 lbs. avoirdupois, and a rouble to about 2s. 1d.—Trans. 108. A familiar form of transliteration is employed here, but more correct would be TsesarÈvitch.—Trans. 109. A village constable appointed by the inhabitants of the commune.—Trans. 110. A kind of cloak with fur both inside and out. 111. The elder or chief of the commune, as the stÀrosta is of the village.—Trans. 112. The village priest.—Trans. 113. In every Siberian village a house is kept up by the inhabitants, at local expense, for the accommodation of any officials who may be passing through. ZÈmskaya kvÀrtira literally means “provincial quarters,” or “communal quarters.”—Trans. 115. The remainder of this chapter appeared, with a few further details, in Die Neue Zeit, February, 1902. Extracts from the article were quoted at the time in many Continental and some English journals.—Trans. 116. Not to be confused with the island of Saghalien.—Trans. PLYMOUTH WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON PRINTERS Transcriber’s Note Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. A three number reference refers to the line within a note on that page, or, if the page is prefixed with ‘i’, refers to the column and line in the index pages. The translator employed accented vowels on Russian words and names to assist with pronunciation, but occasionally omitted them. They have been made consistent here, erring on the side of including them, to aid in searches. Where names as given in the Index disagree with those in the text itself, the text is assumed to be correct. The use of a grave accent, to indicate emphasis, is imperfectly followed. The name ‘Kravtchinsky’ appears on pp. 263-264, as well as in the Index. But ‘KravtchÌnsky’ appears elsewhere and is assumed to be intended by the translator. Minor punctuation lapses in the Index, especially, have been corrected with no further notice.
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