XXIII.

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The position of the army in front of Chattanooga was not as strong as we supposed, and the enemy succeeded in reopening their communications and obtaining supplies. There was no longer any expectation that we should be able to starve them out, and it was determined to make a diversion in another direction. The plan was to detach Longstreet, who should pass down the Sweet Water Valley and capture Burnside’s forces which were in the neighborhood of Knoxville. Before going away, I was exceedingly anxious to complete the equipment of our corps, but Bragg’s Chief of Ordnance, Colonel Oladowski, was inordinately fond of red tape, and I should have been in bad plight but for a quantity of Enfield rifles I had prudently brought from Virginia with me. Oladowski could outcurse any man in the army I ever met, except Jubal Early and M. W. Gary. It was one of his boasts that he had “evacuate Murphreysboro with zee whole army and lose only one grindstone.” It disgusted him, too, that Colonel Manning should have been wounded. He said to me: “My friend! what for Colonel Manning he go into zee fight?” I told him it was the custom of our Ordnance officers to do so. “I tell you sar,” said Oladowski, “he not go into zee fight for love zee country. I know! I know! he go into zee fight to get promotion and zee little furlough. Vell! vell! vell! I wish I was in h—ll ten year before dis war begin!”

I learned afterwards that Oladowski was the Ordnance Sergeant at the Baton Rouge Arsenal at the time the war began, and, of course, not a man of education or position. He was a good-hearted fellow, but I fear that after the disastrous defeat of Bragg’s army at the battle of Missionary Ridge, after Longstreet’s departure, he could not well have congratulated himself on having lost “only one grindstone.”

Early in November we left Chattanooga, and marched by the Sweet Water Valley and Loudon to Knoxville. One of General Longstreet’s most serious faults as a military commander was shown at this time. To his knowledge we were to cut loose from our communications, with no certainty that we should soon be able to re-establish them. It would indeed be easy enough to live upon the country, but we could not hope to find in the fields or the corn-cribs either small-arm or artillery ammunition. Nevertheless, he gave me no notice whatever that any extended movement was to be made, nor did he warn me that I must be prepared to supply the army with ammunition for the campaign. Not one word was said to me by him on the subject. I had an inkling, however, of what was going on, and obtained ample supplies. Had I not done so, we should have been in an awkward predicament by the time that we reached Knoxville. Had anything been lacking, it is certain that the blame would have been placed on me. It is evident that it was Longstreet’s duty, as a prudent commander, to confer with the chiefs of the several staff departments, ascertain from them what was the condition of their supplies, and inform them what was likely to be required. If he had not such confidence in them as would permit him to give them the necessary information, he should have removed them and put in their places officers whom he could trust. It is certain that he could have given the requisite instructions without divulging the details of the movement.

At Loudon we found that the enemy had destroyed the bridge across the Tennessee River and had smashed some locomotives and cars which had been left there. The process was very simple. The trains were made up, and when there was a full head of steam the throttles of the locomotives were opened, and they were allowed to whirl along the track until they reached the parapet of the bridge, whence they bounded into the river below.

Crossing the river on an unstable pontoon bridge, we found ourselves within striking distance of Burnside’s Corps at Lenoir Station. For two days there was sharp fighting with the enemy’s rear guard. Then our opportunity came. McLaws was ordered to press on to Campbell’s Station, while Hood’s Division, under Jenkins, took the road which follows the line of the railroad to Lenoir Station. Jenkins made a vigorous advance, and Burnside found it impracticable to move all his artillery and wagons. Some hundred of the latter, loaded with subsistence stores, ammunition and implements, were disabled and abandoned. The cannon powder lay on the ground four or five inches deep. It was a pleasant place where to smoke a quiet pipe, and several of my men indulged themselves in that way to my great discomfort. The expectation was that McLaws would reach the intersecting road in time to cut off Burnside, but McLaws was behind time, as usual, and we did not bag our game. General Sam Jones has just published an account of the Knoxville campaign, and I give here what he says about the failure to intercept Burnside:

The march on the 16th was a race for position, but a slow one, because of the condition of the roads. McLaws was ordered to march as rapidly as possible to the intersection of the road on which he was marching with that which Jenkins was following, in the hope of reaching it before the Federals. General Longstreet was eager to force his adversary to accept battle, and General Burnside just as eager to avoid it until he could reach Knoxville.

The distance from Lenoir to Campbell’s Station is about eleven miles. Jenkins’ instructions were to press the enemy vigorously and do his utmost to bring him to bay. The advance and rear guards were several times hotly engaged, the latter halting only long enough to cover the retreat and then following. About 11 o’clock Jenkins’ division reached the junction of the two roads about a mile from Campbell’s Station. McLaws’ Division had not arrived, and the Federals had passed it.

General McLaws’ orders were to move rapidly to Campbell’s Station and endeavor to reach that point before the Federals. His march during this day, the 16th, was as rapid as the condition of the roads would permit, and not materially retarded by the troops that General Hartranft had sent forward for the purpose, a small body of Colonel Hart’s cavalry keeping back the enemy’s skirmisher’s with but slight loss. By the time McLaws reached the vicinity of Campbell’s Station the Federals had been so closely pressed by Hood’s Division as to be obliged to face about and form line of battle, which they did about a mile from the station. When McLaws arrived he was ordered to deploy three of his brigades in front of the enemy and to put his other brigade (Humphrey’s) upon a ridge on his left, to threaten the enemy’s right, but not to show his division beyond the woods skirting the plain towards Campbell’s Station. Colonel Alexander placed his artillery in position and General Jenkins ordered three of his brigades, McLaws’ and Anderson’s, supported by Benning’s, around the enemy’s left flank, the movement being concealed by a wooded ridge, with instructions to attack vigorously. McLaws was to attack in front when he should hear Jenkins’ guns.

This flank movement, which did not escape the vigilance of the Federals, caused them to fall back, a rather difficult and hazardous move to make in the face or an enemy. McLaws’ Division advanced promptly and brought them to a stand in their second and stronger position, about a mile further towards Knoxville. The ground over which McLaws’ and Anderson’s Brigades had to move to strike the enemy’s left and rear was very rough; over steep hills covered with a thick growth of scrub oak, which necessarily delayed them, while they were exposed to the fire of the enemy’s artillery. Before McLaws’, Benning’s and Anderson’s Brigades reached the left of the enemy’s position that position had been abandoned for the second and stronger one.

General Longstreet earnestly desired a general engagement and did his utmost to compel his adversary to accept it before reaching Knoxville, rightly judging, it would seem, that to do so offered the best prospect for the success of his expedition. The opportunity was offered at Campbell’s Station. General Burnside was forced to halt there and form line of battle to cover his trains, which obstructed the road by which he was retreating. He held his position there six or seven hours, but before the Confederates could be placed in position night came on so dark and rainy that the attack could not be made. Ably seconded by his officers and the steadiness of his troops he skilfully extricated his command from a perilous position.

“If,” says General Longstreet, “General Jenkins could have made his attack during this movement (the withdrawal from the first to the second position) or if he could have made it after the enemy had taken his second position, we must have destroyed this force, recovered East Tennessee, and in all probability captured the greater part of the enemy’s forces.” When such an opportunity is lost in a campaign blame is generally attached to some one or more commanders; and this was not an exception to the general rule. But when the weather and the condition of the roads is considered it is not surprising that their movements were not as rapid as could have been wished. The weather was most unfavorable; frequent rains, especially on the 13th and 14th, had rendered the steep and rugged roads almost impassable for artillery and wagons.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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