NOTES.

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[3] Lundy’s Land, and other Poems, by Duncan Campbell Scott, Toronto.[5] I have an antiquarian interest in the penny whistle as being a poor relation of the “recorder” of our forefathers.[8] A Naturalist’s Calendar, by Leonard Blomefield (formerly Jenyns). Cambridge University Press, 1903.[9] Life and Letters, Vol. II., p. 114.[13] This, the first Galton Lecture, was delivered before the Eugenics Education Society, February 16th, 1914, and is, by permission, reprinted, with some changes, from the Eugenics Review, 1914.[15] The passage quoted is from Galton’s autobiographic Memories, page 165. I have necessarily drawn largely on this delightful book, and have not generally thought it necessary to give references.[21] Major L. Darwin had been President of the Royal Geographical Society.[23] In Memories, p. 310, he criticises the statistical methods of this work.[24] Macmillan’s Magazine, XII., p. 327.[25] Hereditary Genius, p. 2.[26a] He had already allowed Professor Seward and myself to publish them in More Letters of Charles Darwin.[26b] Memories, p. 290.[27a] Hereditary Genius p. 9[27b] Ibid., p. 31.[28] Memories, p. 305.[29] Macmillan’s Magazine, XII., p. 327.[30] Essays in Eugenics, p. 1.[31a] Essays in Eugenics, p. 1.[31b] Ibid., p. 35.[32a] Essays in Eugenics, p. 37.[32b] Ibid., p. 42.[34a] More Letters, II., pp. 43 and 50.[34b] One Volume Edit. 1894, p. 617.[35] Macmillan’s Magazine, XII., p. 326.[36] Evening lecture delivered at the Glasgow meeting of the British Association, September 16, 1901. Reprinted with alterations, from Nature, November 14, 1901.[40] See their papers in the Deutsch Bot. Ges., 1900, and my summary in a paper read before the British Association, 1905.,[41] The root must of course be in a glass of water, and therefore exposed to light.[45] Cohn’s BeitrÄge, 1894.[47] Pfeffer, in the Annals of Botany, September 1894. Further details in Czapek’s paper in Pringsheim’s Jahrb., 1895.[48] F. Darwin, Annals of Botany, December 1899.[51a] Life and Habit, 1878.[51b] Butler’s term.[53a] See James Ward, Naturalism and Agnosticism, i. 283[53b] Science and Culture, Collected Essays, i.[53c] Loc. cit. p. 288.[56] Strictly speaking—florets.[58a] C. Darwin. Climbing Plants.[58b] Galium aparine.[63a] Literary Studies, Vol. 1., p. 303.[63b] Memoir, p. 155.[64a] Memoir, p. 147.[64b] Ibid., p. 132.[66] Memoir, p. 148.[73] Memoir, p. 348.[74a] Not the Royal residence of that name.[74b] Mr. Austen Leigh, Memoir, p. 140, quotes from Sir Denis Le Marchant that Fanny Price was a “prime favourite” of Sydney Smith. Mr. F. Myers I remember speaking to me of his especial admiration for Mansfield Park and Fanny.[82] Times, Dec 6, 1910, Educational Supplement.[85] See, however, a footnote in No. IX. of this volume, p. 141.[94] Studies in Literature, 1891, p. 100.[98] The military drum and fife band is spoken of as “the drums”; there is no such person as a fifer, he is described as a drummer.[100a] The Elements of Musick Display’d, etc., by William Tans’ur, Senior Musico Theorico, London, 1772, p. 103.[100b] It is a pleasure to express my indebtedness to Mr. Cockerell, Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge, for his kindness in searching, in my interest, for old illustrations of the pipe and tabor. I have given some account of them in an appendix to this essay.[102a] Kemp’s Nine Daies Wonder: Performed in a Daunce from London to Norwich, by A. Dyce, Camden Society, 1840.[102b] See Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes, Edit. 2, 1810, Plate XIV., p. 124.[103a] Welch, Christopher. Six Lectures on the Recorder and other flutes in relation to Literature, 1911, p. 255.[103b] Recorders used to be known as flutes, while what we call flutes were described as German or transverse flutes. Purists desire to revive this nomenclature, and would call the taborer’s pipe a flute or fipple-flute.[104a] For details of the fingering see the appendix to this article.[104b] Praetorius, Organographia, being the second volume of his Systagma Musici, 1618, where a figure is given in Plate IX. See Breitkopf and HÄrtel’s reprint of Praetorius, also Galpin’s Old English Instruments of Music, 1910.[105a] See also Mahillon, Catalogue descriptif et analytique du Music instrumental du Conservatoire royal de Bruxelle, 1909, Vol 2, p. 282.[105b] Harmonie Universelle, contenant la theorie et la pratique ce la musique, by M. Mersenne, Fol. 1636–7, Vol II, p. 232.[105c] Stanford and Forsyth History of Music, 1916, p. 44.[106] Op. Cit. 1912, Vol 4, p. 214.[107] See p. 267.[108a] Mr. Galpin, however, uses another grip; he crooks the little finger and presses against the lower end of the pipe, of course without occluding the bore at all. In the early drawings reproduced by Strutt (see ante p. 102) the taborers show as a rule three fingers only. This is practically Luca della Robbia’s grip, since the little finger could hardly show in these small illustrations. In Welch’s book on the Recorder (p. 195) is a figure (reproduced from Mahillon) of a Basque holding his 3-holed pipe in a different way, viz., with the ring finger underneath and the little finger unemployed. I find it impossible to hold the pipe in this manner.[108b] Various editions appeared from 1661 to 1683. See Welch, loc. cit., p. 61.[109a] Mr. Galpin says that they are found on an ancient Egyptian drum.[109b] Mahillon’s Catalogue, iii., p. 377.[110a] A German writer has suggested that this position allows the musician to beat the drum with his head![110b] According to Mahillon, Catalogue iii., p. 377, to play the tabor and pipe is called in ProvenÇal “tutupomponeyer.”[115] Reprinted by permission of the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press from The Makers of British Botany.[116a] In 1699 Newton was made Master of the Mint and appointed Whiston his deputy in the Lucasian Professorship, an office he finally resigned in 1703 (Brewster’s Life of Newton, 1831, p. 249).[116b] “There, if anywhere, his dear shade must linger,” Trevelyan, Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay (1 volume edit. 1881, p. 55).[117] Black’s discovery of CO2, however, was published in 1754, seven years before Hales died, but Priestley’s, Cavendish’s and Lavoisier’s work on O and H was later.[118a] 1837, III. p. 389.[118b] Vegetable Staticks, p. 346.[119] Sachs, Geschichte, p. 502. Malpighi held similar views.[120] Sachs, Geschichte, p. 499.[121] Quoted by CarÖc, in his paper read before the Cambridge Archaeological Society on King’s Hostel, etc., and “Printed for the Master and Fellows of Trinity College,” in 1909.[122] He also held the living of Farringdon in Hampshire where he occasionally resided.[123a] Dict. Nat. Biog.[123b] With a certain idleness Pope reduces him to plain Parson Hale, for the sake of a rhyme in the Epistle to Martha Blount, 1, 198.[124] The original reads “deigned not,” an obvious slip.[125] This he does by means of a network of threads ¼ inch apart. Pfeffer, Pflanzenphysiologie, ed. 1, 1. p. 142, recommends the method and gives Hales as his authority.[126a] Pflanzenphysiologie, 1865 (Fr. Trans. 1868), p. 254.[126b] He gives it as 15.8 square inches, the only instance I have come across of his use of decimals.[126c] Arbeiten, II. p. 182.[126d] See Sachs’ Pflanzenphys. 1865 (Fr. Trans. 1868), p. 257, where the above correction is applied to Hales’ work.[127a] Vegetable Staticks, p. 5.[127b] Ibid., p. 14.[128a] Vegetable Staticks, p. 41.[128b] Janse in Pringsheim’s Jahrb. XVIII. p. 38. The later literature is given by Dixon in Progressus Rei Bot. III., 1909, p. 58.[129a] Compare F. von HÖhnel, Bot. Zeitung, 1879, p. 318.[129b] This is also shown by experiment xc, Vegetable Staticks, p. 123.[130a] The method by which Hales proposed to record the depth of the sea is a variant of this apparatus.[130b] Vegetable Staticks, p. 92.[130c] According to Sachs (Geschichte, p. 509) Ray employed this method.[130d] Other facts showed that the “gapped” branches did not behave quite normally.[131a] He refers (p. 141) to what is in principle the same experiment (see Fig. 27) as due to Mr. Brotherton, and published in the Abridgement of the Phil. Trans. II. p. 708.[131b] He notices that the swelling of the bark is connected with the presence of buds. The only ring of bark which had no bud showed no swelling.[133] It appears that Mayow made similar experiments. Dict. Nat. Biog. s.v. Mayow.[134a] History of Chemistry, 1909, I. p. 69.[134b] Hales made use of a rough pneumatic trough, the invention of which is usually ascribed to Priestley (Thorpe’s History of Chemistry, I. p. 79)[135a] He speaks here merely of the apples used in a certain experiment, but it is clear that he applies the conclusion to other plants.[135b] Vegetable Staticks, p. 313. It should be noted that Hales speaks of organic as well as inorganic substances.[137a] The above account of Hales’ connexion with the Royal Gardens at Kew is from the Kew Bulletin, 1891, p. 289.[137b] I am indebted to Sir E. Thorpe for a definition of statical “Statical (Med.) noting the physical phenomena presented by organised bodies in contradiction to the organic or vital.” (Worcester’s Dictionary. 1889.)[138a] Arbeiten, I.[138b] Borelli, De Motu Animalium, Pt. II. Ch. xiii. According to Sachs, Ges. d. Botanik, p. 582, Mariotte (1679) had suggested the same idea.[138c] NÄgeli, StÄrkekÖrner, p. 279.[139a] See his Philosophical Experiments, 1739.[139b] Geschichte d. Botanik, p. 515 (free translation).[140] An Address on the occasion of the opening of the Darwin Laboratories at Shrewsbury School, October 20, 1911.[141a] In the Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, Vol. I., are given my father’s autobiographical recollections. He wrote (pp. 31–32): “Nothing could have been worse for the development of my mind than Dr. Butler’s school, as it was strictly classical, nothing else being taught, except a little ancient geography and history.” This seems to be an exaggeration, as the following list shows. It is taken from Samuel Butler’s Life and Letters of Dr. Samuel Butler, 1896, Vol I., p. 196. The “weekly course of instruction for the fifth and sixth forms, under Dr. Butler,” is given, and the items which are not classical are as follows:—

Monday.—English History follows Grecian and Roman history. The rest of a very full day is classical.

Tuesday.—Half-holiday. All classical except that the Masters of accomplishments attend in the afternoon.

Wednesday.—All classical.

Thursday.—Half-holiday. All classical except a “Lecture in algebra” for the sixth and upper fifth forms.

Friday.—All classical.

Saturday.—All classical except “Lecture in Euclid to sixth and upper fifth.”[141b] Charles Darwin’s home at Shrewsbury.[152a] Reprinted, with corrections (by the kind permission of the Syndics of the University Press), from Vol. v. of Sir G. Darwin’s Scientific Papers. The biographical sketch of my brother is reproduced in a somewhat abbreviated version and does not contain Prof. E. W. Brown’s contribution.[152b] The third of those who survived childhood.[152c] At Maer, the Staffordshire home of his mother.[153] Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, Vol. 1., p. 319.[156] Guillim, John, A Display of Heraldry, 6th ed., folio 1724. Edmonson, J., A Complete Body of Heraldry, folio, 1780.[157] Afterwards Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford. Born 1808, died 1893.[158a] The late Mr. Routh was the most celebrated mathematical “Coach” of his day.[158b] Compare Charles Darwin’s words: “George has not slaved himself, which makes his success the more satisfactory” (More Letters of C. Darwin, Vol. II., p. 287).[159] Emma Darwin, A Century of Family Letters, 1915, Vol. II., p. 187.[161] He was called in 1874 but did not practise.[162] As a boy he had energetically collected Lepidoptera during the years 1858–61; the first vague indications of a leaning towards physical science may perhaps be found in his joining the Sicilian eclipse expedition, December, 1870—January, 1871. It appears from Nature, December 1, 1870, that George was told off to make sketches of the Corona.[163a] Macmillan’s Magazine, 1872, Vol. XXVI., pp. 410–416.[163b] Contemporary Review, 1873, Vol. XXII., pp. 412–426.[163c] Not published.[163d] Contemporary Review, 1874, Vol. XXIV., pp. 894–904.[164a] Journal of the Statistical Society, 1875, Vol. XXXVIII., pt. 2, pp. 153–182, also pp. 183–184, and pp. 344–348.[164b] Probably he heard informally at the end of October what was not formally determined till November.[165a] Emma Darwin, A Century of Family Letters, 1915, Vol. II., p. 233.[165b] Nature, December 12, 1912.[165c] It was in 1907 that the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press asked George to prepare a reprint of his scientific papers, which were published in five volumes. George was deeply gratified at an honour that placed him in the same class as Lord Kelvin, Stokes, Cayley, Adams, Clerk Maxwell, Lord Rayleigh, and other men of distinction.[166] Thus in 1872 he was in Homburg, 1873 in Cannes, 1874 in Holland, Belgium, Switzerland and Malta, 1876 in Italy and Sicily.[167] The voting at University elections is in theory strictly confidential, but in practice this is unfortunately not always the case. George records in his diary the names of the five who voted for him and of the four who supported another candidate. None of the electors are now living. The election occurred in January, and in June he had the great pleasure and honour of being re-elected to a Trinity Fellowship. His daughter, Madame Raverat, writes: “Once, when I was walking with my father on the road to Madingley village, he told me how he had walked there on the first Sunday he ever was at Cambridge with two or three other freshmen; and how, when they were about opposite the old chalk pit, one of them betted him £20 that he (my father) would never be a professor of Cambridge University: ‘and’ said my father, with great indignation, ‘he never paid me.’”[168] In the second part of the Preface to the fifth volume of Sir G. H. Darwin’s Scientific Papers, 1916.[171] Emma Darwin, A Century of Family Letters. Privately printed, 1904. Vol. II., p. 350.[172a] Emma Darwin, A Century of Family Letters, 1915, Vol. II., p. 266.[172b] At that time it was known simply as Newnham, but as this is the name of the College, and was also in use for a growing region of houses, the Darwins christened it Newnham Grange. The name Newnham is now officially applied to the region extending from Silver Street Bridge to the Barton Road.[173a] The following account of Newnham Grange is taken from C. H. Cooper’s Memorials of Cambridge, 1866, Vol. III., p. 262 (note): “The site of the hermitage was leased by the Corporation to Oliver Grene, 20 September, 31 Eliz. [1589]. It was in 1790 leased for a long term to Patrick Beales, from whom it came to his brother, S. P. Beales, Esq., who erected thereon a substantial mansion and mercantile premises now occupied by his son, Patrick Beales, Esq., alderman, who purchased the reversion from the Corporation in 1839.” Silver Street was formerly known as Little Bridges Street, and the bridges which gave it this name were in charge of a hermit, hence the above reference to the hermitage.[173b] This was to distinguish it from the “Big Island,” both being leased from the town. Later George acquired in the same way the small oblong kitchen garden on the river bank, and bought the freehold of the Lammas land on the opposite bank of the river.[177] The Archer’s Register for 1912–1913, by H. Walrond. London, The Field Office, 1913.[178] As here given they are abbreviated.[182a] See Prof Brown’s Memoir, p. xlix.[182b] Nature, 1912. See also Prof. Brown’s Memoir, p. I.[186] Nature, December 12, 1912.[187] Compare Mr. Chesterton’s Twelve Types, (1903), p. 190. He speaks of Scott’s critic in the Edinburgh Review: “The only thing to be said about that critic is that he had never been a little boy. He foolishly imagined that Scott valued the plume and dagger of Marmion for Marmion’s sake. Not being himself romantic, he could not understand that Scott valued the plume because it was a plume, and the dagger because it was a dagger.”[190] Emma Darwin, A Century of Family Letters, 1915, Vol., II., p. 146.[192a] Sir George’s medals are deposited in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge.[192b] Given by the Sovereign on the nomination of the Royal Society.[193] Re-elected in 1912.[194] The above list is principally taken from that compiled by Sir George for the Year-Book of the Royal Society, 1912, and may not be quite complete. It should be added that he especially valued the honour conferred on him in the publication of his collected papers by the Syndics of the University Press.[195] Dictionary of Music, ed. I., s.v., March.[198a] Dictionary of Music, s.v., March.[198b] Dictionary of Music, s.v. Sergeant Trumpeter. When the office was revived in 1858 it was given to a clarinet player and then to a bassoonist. Before this date it was not even necessary to be a musician to hold the office. The salary is £100 per annum.[199] The British Campaign in France and Flanders, 1914, pp. 117 and 118.[201] An Address given at Birkbeck College, London, on September 29th, 1913.[210] See p. 50.[212] A new method of estimating the aperture of stomata. B., Vol. 84, 1911.[215a] Phil. Trans., B. vol 190, 1898.[215b] See above, p. 136.[219] Quoted by Professor A. C. Bradley in his Oxford Lectures on Poetry, 1909, p. 341.[220a] Descent of Man, 1871, Vol. 1., p. 75.[220b] Charles Darwin’s Journal of Researches, etc., ed. 1860, p. 214.[223] Memories and Portraits.[226] Crainquebille, Riquet, etc., (n.d.)[227] Oxford Lectures on Poetry, 1909, pp. 340, 341.[229a] David Copperfield, Chap. xix.[229b] “Its board and lodging to me, is smoke.” Pickwick, Chap. xx.[229c] In Hard Times, Chap. viii. I have ventured to omit the elaborate lisp with which Mr. “Thleary” speaks in the original.[230a] See for instance the Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, Vol 1, p. 113.[230b] C. T. Forster’s Life and letters of Ogier de Busbecq, 1881.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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