[1] Bancroft, Hist. U. S., vol. iii., p. 232. Com. Boutwell, Slave Trade. Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 414.[2] Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 415.[3] Ibid., vol. iii., pp. 411, 412.[4] Speeches of Pitt and Fox, in Clarkson's Hist., pp. 315, 339.[5] Herring, Stat. at Large, vol. ii., p. 516.[6] Campbell's Virginia, p. 304.[7] Winthrop's Journal, i., 254. Moore's Slavery in Mass., pp. 5, 6.[8] Moore's Slavery in Mass., p. 32.[9] Ibid., p. 38.[10] Ibid., p. 47.[11] On the whole of above, see Moore, pp. 33-46.[12] Moore, p. 45.[13] Ibid., pp. 33, 34.[14] The following passage, from a late valuable letter of Thomas P. Devereux, Esq., of Halifax County, North Carolina, to the Governor of that State, gives us one item of evidence as to the extent of this abominable usage of the "Pilgrim Fathers." See Raleigh Daily Sentinel, Dec. 12th, 1866: "It is worthy of note that, amongst my slaves, there was a large intermixture of Indian blood from the Pequots, brought from Massachusetts and sold in North Carolina, in the early part of the 18th century, and, up to the act of emancipation, I could, with tolerable certainty, detect the mixed race by their addiction to liquor and its effects upon them."[15] Herring, Stat. at Large, vol. i., pp. 395, 415, 456.[16] Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 231.[17] Moore's Hist. of Slavery in Mass., p. 6.[18] Moore, p. 68.[19] Idem, pp. 59, 60.[20] Moore, pp. 50, 51.[21] Bancroft, vol. iii., ch. 24, does justice to the crimes of England against the Africans, and against her own colonies; but is absolutely silent touching the complicity of New England! And, as though this suppressio veri were not enough, he proceeds to a studious suggestio falsi. Page 405th he says: "Of a direct voyage from Guinea to the coast of the United States, no journal is known to exist, though slave ships from Africa entered nearly every considerable harbour south of Newport." And, p. 410: "The English continental colonies, in the aggregate, were always opposed to the African slave trade." We have seen evidence, that Bancroft must have known that every American slaver which ever entered a port of the United States, was either from this same Newport, or other ports north of it. We shall see hereafter, that he must have known also, that Massachusetts was certainly not among that "aggregate" of the colonies which opposed the African slave trade. Yet, in this chapter, he endeavours expressly to produce that impression. See p. 408.[22] St. Paul's description of Abolitionists, 1 Tim., vi., 1-5.[23] Felt's Salem, ii., 289, 290.[24] Code of Virginia, p. 36.[25] Madison Papers, iii., 1390.[26] Rev. P. Fontaine, Huguenot Family, pp. 348, 351.[27] Hening, Stat. at Large, vol. iii., p. 193.[28] Idem, pp. 212, 233.[29] Idem, pp. 346, 492.[30] Hening, vol. iv., p. 319.[31] Hening, iv., 394, and v., 29, 92, 160, 318.[32] Hening, viii., 336.[33] Idem, 531.[34] House Journal.[35] Hening, v. ix., p. 471.[36] Moore, Hist. of Slavery in Mass., p. 227.[37] Jefferson's Correspondence, vol i., p. 15.[38] Madison Papers, v. i., pp. 422-425.[39] Ibid., v. ii., p. 1234.[40] Madison Papers, v. iii., pp. 1398 et seq.[41] De Bow, Compend. of Census, 1850, pp. 83, 84.[42] Com. Boutwell.[43] De Bow, p. 84.[44] Journal do Commercio, (Rio,) May 26, 1856.[45] Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 414.[46] Moore's Hist. of Slavery in Mass., p. 162.[47] Justice Campbell, in Howard, 19th, Dred Scott Case.[48] Idem.[49] See, on all the following statements from Lord Mansfield, Lofft's Reports, 12th Geo. 3d, pp. 1, 8, 17, 18, etc.[50] What the villein in gross was, may be learned from the following, of Bracton, Lib. iv., 208:
"Purum villenagium est, a quo prÆstatur servilium incertum et indeterminatum; ubi scire non potest vespere, quale servitium fieri debet mane, viz., ubi quis facere tenetur quicquid ei prÆceptum fuit." See also Blackstone, Lib. ii., 93.[51] Justice Campbell, on Dred Scott case, 19th Howard, 109.[52] Parliament, 15th Geo. 3d.[53] Hening, Stat. at Large, vol. ii., p. 283.[54] Hurd, Law of Freedom and Bondage, § 216, i., 225.[55] Moore, Slavery in Mass., pp. 12, 15.[56] 2d Haggard, p. 94.[57] Letter to Lord Stowell.[58] Justice Catron, 19th Howard, p. 131.[59] Letter to Robert Walsh, Nov. 27, 1819.[60] 19th Howard, pp. 12, 33.[61] 19th Howard, p. 57.[62] Ibid., p. 38, 58.[63] 19th Howard, p. 58.[64] Law of Massachusetts, 1786, reËnacted 1836. Rhode Island, Laws of, 1822 and 1844.[65] Code of New Hampshire, 1815. Acts of Congress, 1792.[66] Federalist, No. 38. Letter to Walsh, 1819.[67] 19th Howard, pp. 40, 41.[68] 19th Howard, pp. 44, 45.[69] Moore, Slavery in Mass., p. 242.[70] Moore, Hist. of Slavery in Mass., p. 212.[71] Ibid., p. 216, etc.[72] Chief Justice Parsons, Mass. Rep., 4, Winchedon v. Hatfield.[73] Rep. of C. J. Hoadly, State Librarian of Connecticut.[74] Chancellor Kent.[75] Idem.[76] Moore, Hist. of Slavery in Mass., p. 229.[77] The negroes freed by Virginians, with their increase in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Liberia, etc., are 100,000 at least. The maximum number of slaves freed by the above States was, New Hampshire 629, Massachusetts 6,000, Rhode Island 4,370, Connecticut 6,000, New York 20,000, New Jersey 12,422, Pennsylvania 10,000. Total, 59,421. Such was the largest number of original freedmen made by those States of their own slaves. When we remember that the census has proved that in the Northern States their natural increase has almost ceased for several decades, and in some there has been an actual diminution, it appears very plain that they and their progeny do not now number 100,000. Meantime, the votes of the New England States assisted to add more than 600,000 to the number of slaves in Carolina![78] From April 31st, 1860, to May 31st, 1862, two years and one month, there were two criminal convictions of negroes by Prince Edward Court. From April 31st, 1865, to April 31st, 1867, a less period by one month, there were, in the same court, thirty-five criminal indictments of negroes, and fifteen convictions, leaving thirteen cases over to be tried at subsequent terms. And this aggregate of crime has already accumulated in our once peaceful little community, notwithstanding that the jurisdiction of our courts over negroes was totally suspended by our conquerors for a number of months after April 31st, 1865.[79] Names and places are suppressed in this publick statement, for obvious reasons of regard for meritorious survivors. But the official records are at hand, and will be furnished any gainsayer.[80] Code of 1849, Ch. 191, § 9. Edit. 1860, p. 784.[81] Code of 1849, Ch. 208, § 30.[82] Chapple's case, I. Virginia cases, 184. Carver's case, 5th Randolph's Rep., 660.[83] 7th Grattan, 673, etc.[84] Code of Va., 1849, Chap. 191, § 17. The same may be found at its appropriate place in the Code of 1860, which is little more than a reprint of the Code of 1849.[85] Code of Va., 1849, Chap. 106.[86] Code, 1819, p. 585, Ch. 158.[87] Code, 1849, p. 725, Ch. 191, § 15.[88] Burnett's case, 2 Va. cases, 235. And this was an indictment for rape.[89] Moral Philosophy, Bk. 3, p. 2, Ch. 3: "The inordinate authority which the plantation laws confer upon the slaveholder, is exercised by the English slaveholder, especially, with rigour and brutality."[90] Notwithstanding Locke's amiable and pious spirit, the history of philosophic opinion has shown that he is but a disguised follower of the philosopher of Malmesbury. His psychology is but a system of sensationalism, and his ethics lead to the denial of original moral distinctions. Locke is chargeable with the germs of all the mischievous and atheistical doctrines developed by Hume in Great Britain, and Cordillac in France.[91] See Code of Va., 1849, Chap. 10 § 6.