CHAP. XI. (3)

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Thoughts of Departure—Adieus to the Church—Critical Moment—Deliverance—Luther's Courage—Discontentment at Rome—Bull—Appeal to a Council.

Luther, thinking that he might soon be banished from Germany, employed himself in preparing the Acts of the Conference of Augsburg for publication. He wished these Acts to remain as evidence of the struggle which he had maintained with Rome. He saw the storm ready to burst, but feared it not. Day after day he expected the anathemas of Rome, and arranged and set every thing in order, that he might be ready when they arrived. "Having tucked up my coat, and girt my reins," said he, "I am ready to depart like Abraham; not knowing whither I shall go, or rather knowing well, since God is every where."[605] He intended to leave a farewell letter behind him. "Have the boldness, then," wrote he to Spalatin, "to read the letter of a man cursed and excommunicated."

His friends were in great fear and anxiety on his account, and begged him to enter himself prisoner in the hands of the Elector, in order that that prince might somewhere keep him in safe custody.[606]

His enemies could not understand what it was that gave him so much confidence. One day they were talking of him at the court of the Bishop of Brandenburg, and asking on what prop he could be leaning. "It must be in Erasmus," said they, "or Capito, or some other of the learned, that he confides." "No! no!" replied the bishop, "the pope would give himself very little trouble with such folks as these. His trust is in the university of Wittemberg and the Duke of Saxony." Thus both were ignorant of the fortress in which the Reformer had taken refuge.

Thoughts of departure flitted across Luther's mind. They arose not from fear, but from the foresight of continually recurring obstacles which the free profession of the truth must encounter in Germany. "If I remain here," said he, "the liberty of speaking and writing will, as to many things, be wrested from me. If I depart, I will freely unbosom the thoughts of my heart, and offer my life to Jesus Christ."[607]

France was the country in which Luther hoped he would be able, untramelled, to announce the truth. The liberty which the doctors and university of Paris enjoyed seemed to him worthy of envy. He was, besides, agreed with them on many points. What would have happened had he been transported from Wittemberg to France? Would the Reformation have taken place there as it did in Germany? Would the power of Rome have been dethroned; and would France, which was destined to see the hierarchical principles of Rome, and the destructive principles of an infidel philosophy, long warring in its bosom, have become one great focus of gospel light? It is useless to indulge in vain conjectures on this subject; but perhaps Luther at Paris might have somewhat changed the destinies of Europe and France.

Luther's soul was powerfully agitated. As he often preached at the town church in place of Simon Heyens Pontanus, pastor of Wittemberg, who was almost always sick, he thought it his duty, at all events, to take leave of a people to whom he had so often preached salvation. "I am," said he one day in the pulpit, "I am a precarious and uncertain preacher. How often already have I set out suddenly without bidding you farewell.... In case the same thing should happen again, and I not return, here receive my adieus." After adding a few words more, he thus meekly and modestly ended:—"I warn you, in fine, not to be alarmed though the papal censures let loose all their fury on me. Impute it not to the pope, and wish no ill either to him or any other mortal whatsoever, but commit the whole matter to God."[608]

The moment seemed to have at length arrived. The prince gave Luther to understand he was desirous of his removal to a distance from Wittemberg; and the wishes of the Elector were too sacred for him not to hasten to comply with them. He accordingly made preparations for his departure, without well knowing whither he should direct his steps. He wished, however, to have a last meeting with his friends, and for this purpose invited them to a farewell repast. Seated at table with them, he was still enjoying their delightful conversation, their tender and anxious friendship. A letter is brought to him.... It comes from the court. He opens and reads, and his heart sinks; it is a new order to depart. The prince asks why he is so long of setting out. His soul was filled with sadness. Still, however, he took courage, and raising his head and looking around on his guests, said firmly and joyfully, "Father and mother forsake me, but the Lord will take me up."[609] There was nothing for it but to depart. His friends were deeply moved. What is to become of him? If Luther's protector rejects him, who will receive him? And the gospel, and the truth, and this admirable work ... ; all doubtless must fall with their illustrious witness. The Reformation apparently is hanging by a thread; and at the moment when Luther quits the walls of Wittemberg, will not the thread break? Luther and his friends spoke little. Stunned with the blow which was directed against their brother, they melt into tears. But some moments after a second message arrives, and Luther opens the letter, not doubting he is to find a renewal of the summons to depart. But, O powerful hand of the Lord! for this time he is saved. The whole aspect is changed. "As the new envoy of the pope hopes that every thing may be arranged by means of a conference, remain still."[610] So says the letter. How important an hour this was; and who can say what might have happened if Luther, who was always in haste to obey the will of his prince, had quitted Wittemberg immediately after the first message? Never were Luther and the work of the Reformation at a lower ebb than at this moment. Their destinies seemed to be decided; but an instant sufficed to change them. Arrived at the lowest point in his career, the doctor of Wittemberg rapidly reascended; and thenceforward his influence ceased not to increase. In the language of a prophet, "The Eternal commands, and his servants descend into the depths; again they mount up to heaven."

Spalatin having, by order of Frederick, invited Luther to Lichtenberg to have an interview with him, they had a long conversation on the situation of affairs. "If the censures of Rome arrive," said Luther, "I certainly will not remain at Wittemberg." "Beware," "of being too precipitate with your journey to France," replied Spalatin,[611] who, left telling him to wait till he heard from him. "Only recommend my soul to Christ," said Luther to his friends. "I see that my adversaries are strong in their resolution to destroy me, but at the same time Christ strengthens me in my resolution not to yield to them."[612] Luther at this time published the "Acts of the Conference at Augsburg." Spalatin, on the part of the Elector, had written him not to do it; but it was too late. After the publication had taken place the prince approved of it; "Great God!" said Luther in the preface, "what new, what astonishing crime, to seek light and truth! And more especially to seek them in the Church, in other words, in the kingdom of truth." In a letter to Link he says, "I send you my Acts. They are more cutting, doubtless, than the legate expected; but my pen is ready to give birth to far greater things. I know not myself whence those thoughts come. In my opinion the affair is not even commenced;[613] so far are the grandees of Rome from being entitled to hope it is ended. I will send you what I have written, in order that you may see whether I have divined well in thinking that the Antichrist of which the Apostle Paul speaks is now reigning in the court of Rome. I believe I am able to demonstrate that it is at this day worse than the very Turks."

Ominous rumours reached Luther from all quarters. One of his friends wrote to him, that the new envoy of Rome had received orders to seize him, and deliver him up to the pope. Another told him, that in travelling he had fallen in with a courtier, and the conversation having turned on the affairs of Germany, the courtier declared that he had come under an obligation to deliver Luther into the hands of the sovereign pontiff. "But," wrote the Reformer, "the more their fury and violence increase, the less I tremble."[614]

At Rome there was great dissatisfaction with Cajetan. The chagrin which they felt at the failure of the affair at first turned upon him. The Roman courtiers thought themselves entitled to reproach him with a want of that prudence and finesse which, if they are to be believed, constitute the first quality of a legate, and with having failed on so important an occasion, to give pliancy to his scholastic theology. He is wholly to blame, said they. His lumbering pedantry has spoiled all. Of what use was it to irritate Luther by insults and menaces, instead of gaining him over by the promise of a good bishopric, or even of a Cardinal's hat.[615] These hirelings judged the Reformer by themselves. However, it was necessary to repair this blunder. On the one hand, Rome must give her decision, and, on the other, due court must be paid to the Elector, who might be of great use in the election of an emperor, an event which must shortly take place. As it was impossible for Roman ecclesiastics to suspect what constituted the strength and courage of Luther, they imagined that the Elector was much more implicated in the affair than he really was. The pope, therefore, resolved to follow another line of conduct. He caused his legate in Germany to publish a bull, confirming the doctrine of indulgences in the very points in which they were attacked, but without mentioning either the Elector or Luther. As the Reformer had always expressed his readiness to submit to the decision of the Roman Church, the pope thought that he must now either keep his word, or stand openly convicted as a disturber of the peace of the Church, and a contemner of the holy Apostolic See. In either case it seemed that the pope must gain. But nothing is gained by obstinately opposing the truth. In vain had the pope threatened to excommunicate every man who should teach otherwise than he ordered; the light was not arrested by such orders. The wise plan would have been to curb the pretensions of the venders of indulgences. This decree of Rome was therefore a new blunder. By legalising clamant errors, it irritated all the wise, and made it impossible for Luther to return. "It was thought," says a Roman Catholic historian, a great enemy of the Reformation,[616] "that this bull had been made solely for the interest of the pope and the mendicants, who began to find that nobody would give anything for their indulgences."

The Cardinal de Vio published the bull at Lintz, in Austria, on the 13th December, 1518, but Luther had already placed himself beyond its reach. On the 28th November, in the chapel of Corpus Christi at Wittemberg, he had appealed from the pope to a general council of the Church. He foresaw the storm which was gathering around him, and he knew that God alone could avert it. Still he did as duty called him. He must, no doubt, quit Wittemberg (were it only for the sake of the Elector) as soon as the Roman anathema should arrive; but he was unwilling to quit Saxony and Germany without a strong protestation. This he accordingly drew up; and, in order that it might be ready for circulation the moment the furies of Rome, as he expresses it, should reach him, he caused it to be printed, under the express condition that the bookseller Should deposit all the copies in his custody. But the bookseller, in his eagerness for gain, sold almost the whole, while Luther was quietly waiting to receive them. He felt annoyed, but the thing was done. This bold protestation spread every where. In it Luther declared anew that he had no intention to say any thing against the Holy Church, or the authority of the Apostolic See, or the pope well advised. "But," continues he, "considering that the pope, who is the vicar of God upon earth, may, like any other vicar, err, sin, or lie, and that the appeal to a general council is the only safeguard against unjust proceedings which it is impossible to resist, I feel myself obliged to have recourse to it."[617]

Here, then, we see the Reformation launched on a new course. It is no longer made to depend on the pope and his decisions, but on an universal council. Luther addresses the whole Church, and the voice which proceeds from the chapel of Corpus Christi, must reach the whole members of Christ's flock. There is no want of courage in the Reformer, and here he gives a new proof of it. Will God fail him? The answer will be found in the different phases of the Reformation which are still to be exhibited to our view.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.
William Collins, and Co., Printers, Glasgow.

[1] From ?a?, I live.

[2] Letter to Charles Bonnet.

[3] Discours sur l'Etude de l'Histoire du Christianisme, et son utilitÉ pour l'Époque actuelle. Paris, 1832, chez J. J. Risler.

[4] ??a t?? ????? ???. (Hist. Eccl., ii, 3.)

[5] "Suburbicaria loca," suburban places. See the Sixth Canon of the Council of Nice, which Rufinus (Hist. Eccl., x, 6) quotes thus: "Et ut apud Alexandriam et in urbe Roma, vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Egypti, vel hic suburbicariarum ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat," etc. And as at Alexandria, and in the city of Rome, an ancient custom is observed; viz., That the bishop of the former has charge of the churches in Egypt, and the latter of those in the suburbs.

[6] Julian., Or. 1.

[7] Claud. in Paneg. Stilic., lib. 3.

[8] Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 1. v, c. 24. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. c. 21. Cyprian, Ep. 59, 72, 75.

[9] 1 Cor. xv, 9. 1 Tim. iii, 15.

[10] 1 Cor. xvi, i. 2 Cor. viii, 1. Gal. i, 22. 1 Cor. xiv, 33.

[11] "Ubi ecclesia, ibi et Spiritus Dei. Ubi Spiritus Dei, illic ecclesia." (IrenÆus.) Where the Church, there too the Spirit of God. Where the Spirit of God, there the Church.

[12] See Canon, Sardic. VI; and also the Council of Chalcedon, Canons 8 and 18, ?e?a???? t?? d?????se???e?a???? t?? d?????se??, the exarch of the diocese.

[13] Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, says of St. Stephen, Bishop of Rome:—"Magis ac magis ejus errorem denotabis, qui hÆreticorum causam contra Christianos et contra Ecclesiam Dei asserere conatur ... qui unitatem et veritatem de divina lege venientem non tenens.... Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est." (Epist. 74.) "You will more and more observe the error of him who is trying to maintain the cause of heretics against Christians and against the Church of God ... who not holding the unity and truth which come by the Divine law.... Custom without truth is the antiquity of error."... Firmilian, Bishop of CÆsarea, in Cappadocia, also says after the middle of the third century: "Eos autem qui RomÆ sunt, non ea in omnibus observare quÆ sunt ab origine tradita, et frustra auctoritatem apostolorum prÆtendere.... CÆterum nos veritati et consuetudinem jungimus, et consuetudini Romanorum, consuetudinem sed veritatis opponimus; ab initio hoc tenentes quod a Christo et ab apostolo traditum est." (Cypr. Ep. 75.) "But they do not in all things observe what was originally delivered, and in vain pretend the authority of the apostles.... But we (the Bishops of the Churches of Asia, more ancient than those of Rome) to truth join custom also, and to the custom of the Romans oppose custom, but the custom of truth, holding from the beginning what was delivered by Christ and an apostle." These testimonies are of great weight.

[14] Rector totius EcclesiÆ.

[15] "Fremens ut leo, asserens omnes uno gladio jugulari." (Anastasius, Bibl. Vit. Pontif, p. 83.) Roaring like a lion, declaring that he would slaughter all with one sword.

[16] "Visum est et ipsi Apostolico Leoni, ... Ut ipsum Carolum imperatorem nominare debuisset, qui ipsam Romam tenebat, ubi semper CÆsares sedere soliti erant et reliquas sedes."... (Annalista Lambecianus; ad an. 801.) It seemed to Apostolic Leo that he ought to give Charles the name of Emperor, inasmuch as he was in possession of Rome herself, where the CÆsars were always wont to sit, and of their other possessions.

[17] See Ep. ad univer. Episc. Gall. (Mansi xv.)

[18] "Cujus quidem post adeptum sacerdotium, vita quam turpis, quam foeda, quamque execranda extiterit, horresco referre." (Desiderius, Abbot of Cassino, afterwards Victor III. De Miraculis a S. Benedicto, etc., lib. 3, init.) How base, how foul, and how execrable his life was, after he attained the priesthood, I shudder to relate.

[19] "Theophylactus, cum post multa adulteria et homicidia manibus suis perpetrata," etc. (Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, afterwards of Plaisance. Liber ad amicum.) Theophylact, (Benedict,) after many adulteries, and many murders perpetrated by his own hand.

[20] "Hi quocumque prodeunt, clamores insultantium, digitos ostendentium, colaphos pulsantium, perferunt. Alii membris mutilati, alii per longos cruciatus superbe necati," etc. (Martene et Durand, Thesaurus Nov. Anecd. i, 23.) These, wherever they appear, are subjected to insulting cries, to pointed fingers, and to blows. Some are mutilated, others by long tortures cruelly slain.

[21] "Dilexi justitiam, et odivi iniquitatem, propterea morior in exilio."

[22] "Velle et esse ad hominem referenda sunt, quia de arbitrii fonte descendunt."—(Pelagius in Aug. de Gratia Dei, cap. 4.) To will and to be are properties of man, because they spring from the fountain of free will.

[23] Libri Duo de Ecclesiasticis Disciplinis.

[24] Myconius' History of the Reformation, and Seckendorf's History of Lutheranism.

[25] Muller's Reliquien, vol. iii, p. 22.

[26] Œcolampad. De Risu Paschali.

[27] Nicol de Clemangis, De PrÆsulibus Simoniacis.

[28] Words of Seb. Stor., Pastor of Leichstall in 1524.

[29] FÜsslin BeytrÆge, ii, 224.

[30] Metern. Nederl. Hist. viii.

[31] Hottinger, Hist. Eccles. ix, 305.

[32] Order of 3rd March, 1517, by Hugo, Bishop of Constance.

[33] MÜller's Reliq. iii, 251.

[34] Steubing. Gesch. der Nass. Oran Lande.

[35] "Uno anno ad se delata undecim millia sacerdotum palam concubinariorum." (Erasm. Op. tom. ix, p. 401.) In one year eleven thousand priests were reported to him as living in open concubinage.

[36] Schmidt, Gesch. der Deutschen. tom. iv.

[37] Infessura.

[38] "AmazzÒ il fratello Ducha di Gandia et lo fa butar nel Tevere." He assassinated his brother, the Duke of Gandia, and made him be thrown into the Tiber. (MS. of Capello, ambassador at Rome in 1500, extracted by Ranke.)

[39] Intro in camera ... fe ussir la moglie e sorella ... estrangolÒ dito zovene.—(Ibid.)

[40] Adeo il sangue il saltÒ in la faza del papa.—(Ibid.)

[41] E messe la scutola venenata avante il papa.—(Sanato.)

[42] Gordon, Tomasi Infessura, Guicciardini, etc.

[43] Da man an alle WÄnde, auf allerley zedel, zuletzt auf den Kartenspielen, Pfaffen, und Munche malete.—(L. Ep. ii, 674.)

[44] Apologia pro Rep. Christ.

[45] MÜller's Reliq. tom. iii, p. 253.

[46] Felleri, Mon. ined., p. 400.

[47] Adrien Baillet. Hist. des DemÊlÉs de Boniface VIII avec Philippe le Bel.—(Paris, 1708.)

[48] Guicciardini. History of Italy.

[49] I will destroy the name of Babylon.

[50] Scultet. Annal. ad. an. 1520.

[51] "Qui proe multis pollebat princibus aliis auctoritate, opibus, potentia, liberalitate, et magnificentia.—(Cochloens. Acta 1. p. 3.) He surpassed many other princes in authority, wealth, power, liberality, and magnificence.

[52] "Odium Romani nominis, penitus infixum esse multarum gentium animis opinor, ob ea, quÆ vulgo de moribus ejus urbis jactantur." (Erasm. Ep., lib. xii, p. 634.) The hatred of the Roman name, which rankles in the minds of many nations, is owing, I suspect, to the prevailing rumours respecting the morals of that city.

[53] Luther to Brentius.

[54] Nobla LeyÇon.

[55] Treatise of Antichrist, of the same age as the Nobla LeyÇon.

[56] In Bohemian, Huss means "goose."

[57] Epist. J. Huss, Tempore Anathematis ScriptÆ.

[58] Huss. Ep. sub. Temp. Concuii ScriptÆ.

[59] Cur Deus homo?

[60] "Et sane mihi tutior donato quam innata." (De Erroribus Abelardi, cap. 6.) And it is certainly safer to me given than innate.

[61] "Credo quod tu, mi Domine Jesu Christe, solus es mea justitia et redemptio."... (Leibnitz, Script. Brunsw. iii, 396.)

[62] "Spes mea crux Christi; gratiam, non opera quÆro."

[63] "Sciens posse me aliter non salvari, et tibi satisfacere nisi per meritum," etc. (For these and similar quotations, see Flacius, Catal. Test. Veritatis; Wolfii. Lect. Memorabiles; Miller's Reliquien, etc.)

[64] Bertrand d'ArgentrÉ, Histoire de Bretaigne, Paris, 1618, p. 788.

[65] "Ille summo vivit Olympo." (Baptista Mantuanus, de Beata Vita, in fin.) He lives in the highest heaven.

[66] "A sorbente gurgite damnationis, subtrahi." (J. H. Hottingeri, Hist. Eccl. SÆcul. xv, p. 347.)

[67] "Alium modum Altissimus procurabit, nobis quidem pro nunc incognitum, licet heu prÆ foribus existat, ut ad pristinum statum Ecclesia redeat." (J. H. Hottingeri, Hist. Eccl. SÆcul. xv, p. 413.)

[68] "Bonus es tu, et in bonitate tua doce me justificationes tuas." (Batesius, VitÆ Selectorum Virorum. Lond. 1681, p. 112.)

[69] Meditationes in Psalmos; Prediche sopra il Salmo. Quam bonus Israel, etc. Sermones supra Archam Noe, etc.

[70] "Inter omnes vero persecutores, potissimum EcclesiÆ prÆsides." But among all persecutors, chiefly the prelates of the Church. (Batesius, p. 118.)

[71] D'ArgentrÉ, Collectio Judiciorum de Novis Erroribus, II, p. 340.

[72] Ibidem.

[73] "Et quem Deus vult damnare, Si omnes vellent hunc salvare, Adhuc iste damnaretur."

Who is condemned by God's decree, Assuredly condemned shall be, Whoe'er they be would save him.

(Paradoxa Damnata, etc., 1749, MoguntiÆ.)

[74] "Antiquorum Patrum scripta tantum habent auctoritatis quantum canonicÆ veritati sunt conformia." (Epist. Apologet. Anvers, 1521.)

[75] "Adeo spiritus utriusque concordat." (Farrago Wesseli, in PrÆf.)

[76] "Extentus totus, et propensus in eum quem amat, a quo credit, cupit, sperat, confidit, justificatur, nihil sibi ipsi tribuit, qui scit nihil habere ex se." (De Magnit. Passionis, cap. xlvi, Op. p. 553.)

[77] "Nemo magis Ecclesiam destruit, quam corruptus clerus. Destruentibus Ecclesiam omnes Christiani tenentur resistre." (De Potestate Eccles. Op. p. 769.)

[78] Wolfii Lect. Memorab. ii, p. 27.

[79] "Excitabit Dominus heroem Ætate viribus...." (Flacii, Catal. Test. Verit., p. 843.)

[80] "Alius quidem veniet...." (Apologia Conf. Aug. xiii. De Votis Monasticis.)

[81] "Qui ne viventes quidem vivebant." (Politiani, Ep. ix, 3.)

[82] Parad., xxiv, 44.

[83]

Orribil furon li peccati miei;
Ma la bontÀ infinita ha si gran braccia
Che prende ciÒ che si revolve a lei.


(Purgator. iii, 121-124.)

[84]

Per lor maladizion si non si perde.
Che non possa tornar l'eterno amore,
Mentre che la speranza ha fior del verde?


(Ibid., 134-136.)

[85] De ementita Constantini donatione declamatio ad Papam." (Op. Basil., 1543.)

[86] De Immortalitate AnimÆ, de Predestinatione et Providentia, etc.

[87] Qui nullum Deum credens." (J. F. Pici de Fide, Op. ii, p. 820.) Who believing in God.

[88] "Ea de Christo fabula." (MornÆi, Hist. Papatus, p. 820.)

[89] Hamelmann, Relatio Hist. This first impulse has been erroneously attributed to Thomas À Kempis. (Delprat over G. Groote, p. 280.)

[90] "Fide justos esse." (Melancth. Decl., i, 602.)

[91] De Verbo Mirifico.

[92] De Arte Cabalistica.

[93] Mai Vita J. Reuchlin, (Francf. 1687,) Maynhoff, J. Reuchlin and Seine Zeit, (Berlin, 1830.)

[94] His proper name was Gerard, the same as that of his father. This Dutch name he translated into Latin, Desiderius (Desired,) and into Greek, ??as??, (Erasmus.)

[95] ??????? ?s?a?. Seven editions of this work were disposed of in a few months.

[96] "A principibus facile mihi contingeret fortuna, nisi mihi nimium dulcis esset libertas." (Ep. ad Prich.) I might easily make my fortune by princes, were not liberty too dear to me.

[97] "PrÆcipue Deipara Virgo, cui vulgus hominum plus prope tribuit quam Filio." (Encomium MoriÆ, Op. iv, p. 444.)

[98] "Non mali peribis si bene vixeris." (Encomium MoriÆ, Op. iv, p. 444.)

[99] "Sic sculptus est hominis animus ut longe magis fucis quam veris capiatur." (Ibid., p. 450.)

[100] "Aut ipsum Christum." (Ibid.)

[101] "Quasi sint ulli hostes EcclesiÆ perniciosiores quam impii pontifices, qui et silentio Christum sinunt abolescere et quÆstuariis legibus alligant et coactis interpretationibus adulterant et pestilente vita jugulent." (Ibid.)

[102] Ratio VerÆ TheologiÆ.

[103] Seu de Ratione Concionandi.

[104] Ad Servatium.

[105] Ad Joh. Slechtam,1519. "HÆc sunt animis hominum inculcanda, sic, ut velut in naturam transeant." (Er. Ep. i, p. 680.) These things are to be impressed on the minds of men, so that they may become as it were natural.

[106] "In templis vix vacat Evangelium interpretari." (Annot. ad Matth., xi, 30, "Jugum meum suave.") There is scarcely leisure in churches to interpret the gospel.

[107] "Malo hunc qualisqualis est rerum humanarum statum quam novos excitari tumultus," (Erasm. Ep. i, p. 953.) I had rather have the world as it is than have new tumults excited.

[108] "Semel admissum, non ea fertur qua destinaret admissor." (Erasm. Ep. i, p. 953.) Once admitted, it goes not where the admitter intended.

[109] "PrÆstat ferre principes impios, quam novatis rebus gravius malum accersere." (Ad Matth. xi, 30.) It is better to bear wicked princes, than invite a worse calamity by innovation.

[110] "Ingens aliquod et prÆsens remedium, certe meum non est." (Er. Ep. i, 653.) Some vast and present remedy assuredly is not for me.

[111] "Ego me non arbitror hoc honore dignum." (Er. Ep. i, p. 653.)

[112] Erasm. Ep. 274.

[113] "... VigiliÆ molestÆ, somnus, irrequietus, cibus insipidus omnis, ipsum quoque musarum studium ... ipsa frontis me moestitia, vultus pallor, oculorum subtristis dejectio." (Erasm, Ep. i, p. 1380.)

[114] The works of Erasmus were published by John Le Clerc at Liege, in 1703, in ten volumes folio. For his life, see Burigny, Vie D'Erasme, Paris, 1757; A MÜller Leben des Erasmus, Hamb., 1828; and the Life inserted by Le Clerc in his BibliothÈque Choisie; see also the fine and faithful work of M. Nisard, (Revue des deux Mondes.) who, however, seems to me mistaken in his estimate of Erasmus and Luther.

[115] "Animus ingens et ferox, viribus pollens.... Nam si consilia et conatus HÜtteni non defecissent quasi nervi copiarum, atque potentiÆ, jam mutatio omnium rerum extitisset, et quasi orbis status publici fuisset conversus." (Camer. Vita Melancthonis.) Of a powerful, bold, and vigorous intellect.... For had not HÜtten's plans and efforts (these being, as it were, the sinews of power) been defective, a general alteration had taken place, and the condition of the world been in a manner changed.

[116] "Exercitus Reuchlinistarum," at the head of a collection of letters addressed to Reuchlin on the subject.

[117] L. Ep. i. p. 37.

[118] Luth. Ep. i, p. 38.

[119] The works of HÜtten have been published at Berlin by Manchen, 1822-1825, in five vols. 8vo.

[120] See ChÂteaubriand, Etudes Historiques.

[121] "Vetus familia est et late propagata mediocrium hominum." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) It is an old and wide spread family, consisting of individuals in humble circumstances.

[122] "Ego natus sum in Eisleben, baptizatusque apud Sanctum Petrum ibidem. Parentes mei de prope Isenaco illuc migrarunt." (Luth., Ep. i, p. 390.) I was born at Eisleben, and baptized in St. Peter's there. My parents came thither from near Isenach.

[123] "Intuebantur in eam cÆterÆ honestÆ mulieres ut in exemplar virtutum." (Melancth. Vita Lutheri.) Other honest wives looked to her as a model of virtue.

[124] Ibid.

[125] "Drumb musste diese geistliche Schmelzer...." (Mathesius, Historien, 1565, p. 3.)

[126] "Ad agnitionem et timorem Dei, ... domestica institutione diligenter assuefecerunt." (Melancth. Vit. Luth.) By domestic instruction, they carefully trained him into the knowledge and fear of God.

[127] "Sed non poterant discernere ingenia secundum quÆ essent temperandÆ correctiones." (Luth. Op. W. xxii, p. 1785.) But they could not discriminate between minds, though these ought to regulate chastisement.

[128] "Was gross sol werden, muss klein angeben." (Mathesius, Hist. p. 3.)

[129] Luth. Op. Walch. ii, 2347.

[130] "Isenachum enim pene totam parentelam habet." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 390.) For almost all my relations live in Isenach.

[131] Lingk's Reisegesch, Luth.

[132] "Dieweil sic umb seines singen und herzlichen Gebets willen."... (Mathesius. p. 3.)

[133] "Cumque et vis ingenii acerrima esset, et imprimis ad eloquentiam idonea, celeriter Æqualibus suis prÆcurrit," (Melancth. Vit. Luth.) As he was of a very powerful mind, and had a particular turn for eloquence, he soon got before his companions.

[134] "Degustata igitur literarum dulcedine natura, flagrans cupiditate discendi appetit academiam." (Mel. Vit. Luth). Having thus tasted the sweets of literature, and having naturally an ardent desire of knowledge, he longs for a university.

[135] "Et fortassis ad leniendam vehementiam naturÆ mitiora studia verÆ philosophiÆ." (Ibid.) Perhaps the milder studies of true philosophy might have served to soften the vehemence of his natural temper.

[136] "Et quidem inter primos, ut ingenio studioque multos coÆqualium antecellebat." (Cochloeus, Acta Lutheri, p. 1.) And he was indeed among the first, excelling many of his fellow-students, both in genius and study.

[137] "Sic igitur in juventute eminebat, ut toti academiÆ Lutheri ingenium admirationi esset." (Vita Luth.) So brilliant was he in youth, that the whole university were in admiration at his talents.

[138] "Fleissig gebet, ist uber die helft studirt." (Mathes. 3.)

[139] "Auff ein Zeit, wie er die BÜcher fein nacheinander besieht.... kombt er uberdie lateinische Biblia."... (Mathes 3.)

[140] "Avide percurrit, coepitque optare ut olim talem librum et ipse nancisci posset." (M. Adami, Vita Luth. p. 103.) He eagerly runs it over, and begins to wish that he himself might one day possess such a book.

[141] "Deus te virum faciet qui alios multos iterum consolabitur."

[142] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 2229.

[143] "Interitu sodalis sui contristatus." (Cochloeus, p. 1.)

[144] "Mit Erschrecken und Angst Ides Todes umgeben." (Luth., Ep. ii, 101.)

[145] "Cum esset in campo, fulminis ictu territus." (Cochloe. i.) Being terrified by a thunderbolt when he was in the field.

[146] "Occasio autem fuit ingrediendi illud vitÆ genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinÆ de Deo, existimavit esse convenientius." (Mel. Vita Luth.) He adopted this mode of life, because he thought it better adapted to piety and the study of divine truth.

[147] Some biographers say that Alexis was killed by the thunder-clap which terrified Luther; but two of his contemporaries, Mathesius, (p. 4,) and Selneccer, (in Orat. de Luth.) distinguish between the two events, and we might even corroborate their testimony by that of Melancthon, who says, "Sodalem nescio quo casu interfectum." (Vita Luth.) His companion being killed by an accident, I know not what.

[148] "Hujus mundi contemptu, ingressus est repente, multes admirantibus, monasterium." (Cochloeus, i.) From contempt of this world, he, to the wonder of many, suddenly entered a monastery.

[149] "In vita semi-mortua." (Melch. Adami. V. L. p. 102.) A half-dead life.

[150] "Gott geb das es nicht ein Betrug und teuflisch Gespenst sey." (Luth. Ep. ii, p. 101.)

[151] "Loca immunda purgare coactus fuit." (M. Adami, Vita Luth. p. 103.) He was obliged to clear away filth.

[152] Selnecceri Orat. de Luth. Mathesius, p. 5.

[153] "In disputationibus publicis, labyrinthos aliis inextricabiles, diserte, multis admirantibus explicabat." (Melanc. Vit. Luth.) In public disputations, he, to the admiration of many, clearly unravelled labyrinths which others found inextricable.

[154] "In eo vitÆ, genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quÆrebat." In that course of life he sought not a reputation for genius, but the food of piety.

[155] "Et firmis testimoniis aleret timorem et fidem." (Melancth. Vit. Luth.) And by its sure testimonies nourish his fear and his faith.

[156] Gesch. d. deutsch, BibelÜbersetzung.

[157] "Summa disciplinÆ severitate se ipse regit, et omnibus exercitiis, lectionum, disputationum, jejuniorum, precum, omnes longe superat." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) He observes the utmost rigour of discipline, and in all the exercises of reading, discussion, fastings, and prayers, far surpasses all.

[158] "Erat enim natura, valde modici cibi et potus; vidi continuis quatuor diebus, cum quidem recte valeret, prorsus nihil edentem aut bibentem." (Ibid.) For he was naturally moderate in the use of meat and drink; I have seen him, no doubt, when in perfect health, neither eating nor drinking for four successive days.

[159] "Strenue in studiis et exercitiis spiritualibus militavit ibi Deo, annis quatuor." (Cochloeus, i.) There, in studies and spiritual exercises, he was a strenuous servant of God for four years.

[160] Luth. Op. (W.) xix, 2299.

[161] "Visus est fratribus non nihil singularitatis habere." (Cochloeus, i.) The friars thought him not a little eccentric.

[162] "Cum, ... repente ceciderit vociferans: 'Non sum! non sum!'" (Ibid.) When he suddenly fell down, crying out, "Not I! not I."

[163] "Ex occulto aliquo cum dÆmone commercio." (Cochloeus, i.) From some hidden intercourse with a demon.

[164] "SÆpe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis poenarum exemplis, subito tanti terrores concutiebant ut pene exanimaretur." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) Often when meditating more attentively on the wrath of God, or striking examples of punishment, he was suddenly shaken with such terror that he became like one dead.

[165] Seckend., p. 53.

[166] "Hoc studium ut magis expeteret, illis suis doloribus et pavoribus movebatur." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) His griefs and fears urged him to prosecute this study with greater eagerness.

[167] "A teneris unguiculis, generoso animi impetu, ad virtutem et eruditam doctrinam contendit." (Melanct. Adam. Vita Staupitzii.) From his earliest years, with generous intellectual impulse, he tended to virtue and learning.

[168] (Ibid.)

[169] "Corporis forma atque statura conspicuus." (Cochloe., iii.) He was remarkably tall and handsome.

[170] Luth. Op. (W.) v, 2819.

[171] Mosellani Epist.

[172] Proverbs, xxvii, 19.

[173] Luth. Op. (W.) viii, 2725.

[174] Luth. Op. ii, 264.

[175] "Te velut e coelo sonantem accepimus." (Luth. Ep. i, 115, ad Staupitzium, 30th May, 1518.) We have heard thee, as it were, speaking from heaven.

[176] "Poenitentia vero non est, nisi quÆ ab amore justitiÆ et Dei incipit," etc. (Ibid.) There is no repentance save that which begins with the love of God and of righteousness.

[177] "Memini inter jucundissimas et salutares fabulas tuas, quibus me solet Dominus Jesus mirifice consolari." (Ibid.) I recollect during your most pleasing and salutary conversation, with which the Lord is wont wondrously to console me.

[178] "HÆsit hoc verbum tuum in me, sicut sagitta potentis acuta." (Ibid.) Your word stuck fast in me, like the sharp arrow of a mighty man.

[179] "Ecce jucundissimum ludum, verba undique mihi colludebant, planeque huic sententiÆ arridebant et assultabant." (Luth. Ep. i, 115.) When, behold, a most pleasing sport! the words coming from all sides, sported with me, obviously smiling and leaping at the sentiment.

[180] "Nunc nihil dulcius aut gratius mihi sonet quam poenitentia," etc. (Ibid.) Now nothing sounds sweeter or more agreeable to me than repentance.

[181] "Ita enim dulcescunt prÆcepta Dei, quando non in libris tantum, sed in vulneribus dulcissimi Salvatoris legenda intelligimus." (Ibid.) For thus do the divine precepts become sweet, when we understand that they are to be read not in books merely, but in the wounds of a most gracious Saviour.

[182] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii., p. 489.

[183] Seckendorf, p. 52.

[184] "Davidi aut Petro ... Sed mandatum Dei esse ut singuli homines, nobis remitti peccata credamus." (Melancth. Vit. Luth.) Not to David or Peter, but the command of God is, that every one of us believe that our sins are forgiven.

[185] "O blessed fault, to merit such a Redeemer." (Mathesius, p. 5.)

[186] Luth. Op. xvi, (Walch.) 1144.

[187] "Ei, hast du nicht auch gehort das man Eltern soll gehorsam seyn." (Luth. Ep. ii, 101.)

[188] "Es ist nicht Christus denn Christus schreckt nicht, sondern trÖstet nur." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, pp. 513, 724.)

[189] Luth. Ep. i, p. 5, March 17, 1509.

[190] ... "Theologia quÆ nucleum nucis et medullam tritici et medullam ossium serutatur." (Luth. Ep. i, 6.)

[191] "In studiis literarum, corpore ac mente indefessus." (Pallavicini, Hist. Conc. Trid. i, 16.) In literary pursuits, he was indefatigable in mind and body.

[192] Seckend., p. 55.

[193] Melch. Adam. Vita Lutheri, p. 104.

[194] Fabricius, Centifol. Lutheri, p. 33. Mathesius, p. 6.

[195] Myconius.

[196] Florimond Raymond, Hist. HÆres. cap. v.

[197] Hist. des Variat. l. 1.

[198] "Quod septem conventus a vicario in quibusdam dissentirent." (Cochloeus, 7.)

[199] "Quod esset acer ingenio et ad contradicendum audax et vehemens." (Cochloeus, ii.) Because he was of a sharp wit, and bold and vehement in reply.

[200] Luth. Op. (W.) xx, p. 1468.

[201] Matth. Dresser. Hist. Lutheri.

[202] Op. (W.) xxii, pp. 2374, 2377.

[203] "Sancte Swizere! ora pro nobis." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, pp. 1314, 1332.)

[204] Luth. Op. (W.) Dedication of, 117 pages, vol. vi, L. G.

[205] (Ibid.)

[206] Luth. Op. (W.) xix, von der Winkelmesse, Mathesius, 6.

[207] "In quel tempo non pareva, fosse galantuomo, e buon cortegiano colui che de dogmi, della chiesa non aveva qualche opinion erronea ed heretica." (Carraciola, Vit. MS. Paul IV, quoted by Ranke.)

[208] Burigny, Vie d'Erasme, i, 139.

[209] "E medio RomanÆ curiÆ sectam juvenum ... qui asserebant, nostram fidem orthodoxam, potius quibusdam sanctorum astutiis subsistere." (Paul Canensius, Vita Pauli II.)

[210] Luth. Op. (W.) xix, von der Winkelmesse.

[211] "Das habe Ich zu Rom fÜr gewiss gehÖrt." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii., 1322.)

[212] "Es nimmt mich wunder, das die PÄbste solches Bild leiden kÖnnen." (Ibid., p. 1320.)

[213] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 2376.

[214] "Ist irgend eine Hoelle, so muss Rom darauf gebaut seyn." (Ibid. p. 2377.)

[215] Dissertations on the first Decade of Titus Livy.

[216] 100,000 Gulden. (Luth. Op. xxii, p. 2374.)

[217] Seckend., p. 56.

[218] "Qua vos Deus misericors justificat per fidem ..." (Luth. Op. (L.) in PrÆf.) By which a merciful God justifies you through faith.

[219] "Hic me prorsus renatum esse sensi, et apertis portis in ipsum paradisum intrasse." (Ibid.) Here I felt that I was completely born again, and entered by open doors into paradise itself.

[220] Gloss on the Imperial Edict. 1531. (Luth. Op. (L.) tom. xx.)

[221] "Vim ingenii, nervos orationis, ac rerum bonitatem expositarum in concionibus admiratus fuerat." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)

[222] "Unter einem Baum, den er mir und andern gezeigt." (Mathes. 6.)

[223] "Multa prÆcedunt mutationes prÆsagia." (Vita Luth.)

[224] "Ihr lebet nun oder sterbet, so darff euch Gott in seinem Rathe." (Mathes. 6.)

[225] "Neminem nisi Spiritum Sanctum creare posse doctorem theologiÆ." (Weismanni Hist. Eccl i, p. 1404.)

[226] Luth., Ep. i, p. 2.

[227] Weismanni Hist. Eccl., p. 1416.

[228] Ibid.

[229] "Jure me veritatem evangelicam viriliter defensurum." I swear that I will manfully defend evangelical truth."

[230] "Doctor Biblicus," and not "sententiarius." (Melancthon.)

[231] Luth., Op. (W.) xvi, p. 2061. Mathesius, p. 7.

[232] Luth. Op. (W.) xxi, 2061.

[233] "Aristotelem in philosophicis, sanctum Thomam in theologicis, evertendos susceperat." (Pallavicini, i, 16.) He had undertaken to overthrow Aristotle among the philosophers, and Thomas Aquinas among the theologians.

[234] "Perdita studia nostri sÆculi." Ep. i, 15. (8th Feb., 1516.)

[235] Ep. i, 57. (18th May, 1517.)

[236] "Secundum genium heri sui." (Weismanni Hist. Eccl., i, p. 1434.)

[237] "Fideliter et sine strepitu fungens." (Weismanni Hist. Eccl. i, p. 1434.)

[238] "Qui sum principe in rheda sive lectico solitus est ferri." (Corpus Reformatorum, i, 33.)

[239] Melch. Ad. Vita Spalat. p. 100.

[240] "Foris sapere et domi desipere." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 8.) To be wise abroad and fools at home.

[241] PrÆf. ad Gal.

[242] "Non per speculationem, sed per hanc viam practicam."

[243] "Omnes filii AdÆ sunt idololatrÆ." (Decem PrÆcepta Wittembergensi populo prÆdicata per R. P. D Martinum Lutherum, Aug. anno 1516.) These discourses were pronounced in German, but we quote from the Latin edition, i, p. 1.

[244] "Nisi ipse pro te mortuus esset, tequs servaret, nec tu, nec omnis creatura tibi posset prodesse." (Ibid.) Had he not died for thee, and did he not preserve thee, neither thyself nor any creature would be able to do thee good.

[245] "At Jesus est verus, unus, solus Deus, quem cum habes non habes alienum deum. (Ibid.) But Jesus is God, sole, only, and true; having him you have no strange god.

[246] "Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad Filium Dei." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)

[247] "Hujus doctrinÆ dulcedine pii omnes valde capiebantur, et eruditis gratum erat." (Ibid.)

[248] "Quasi ex tenebris, carcere squalore, educi Christum, prophetas, apostolos." (Ibid.)

[249] "Oratio non in labris nasci, sed in pectore." (Ibid.)

[250] "Eique propter auctoritatem, quam sanctitate morum antea pepererat, adsenserunt." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)

[251] "Puto et hodie theologos omnes probos favere Luthero." (Erasmi, Ep. i, 652.)

[252] "Illis prÆfero mysticos et Biblia." (Luth. Ep. i, 107.)

[253] Die Deutsche Theologie, Strasbourg, 1519; PrÆf.

[254] "Tu, domine Jesu, es justitia mea; ego autem sum peccatum tuum: tu assumpsisti meum, et dedisti mihi tuum." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 17.)

[255] "Non enim justa agendo justi efficimur: sed justi fiendo et essendo, operamur justa." (Luth. Ep. i. p. 22.)

[256] "Humana prÆvalent in eo plusquam divina." The human prevails in him more than the divine.

[257] "Dabit ei Dominus intellectum suo forte tempore." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 52.)

[258] ?? ???; d??at?? a?aa?t?t?? e??a? ?d?. What, is it possible then to be without sin? asks Epictetus, (iv, 12, 19.) ???a??? Impossible! he replies.

[259] ... "SanctissimÆ reliquiÆ ... deificÆ voluntatis suÆ charitate amplexÆ osculatÆ." (Luth. Ep. i, 18.)

[260] "Sed etiam ultro adorabam." (Luth. Op. (L.) p. 50.)

[261] Luth. Op. (L) xvii. p. 142; and in the Latin Works, tom. i, p. 51.

[262] "Cum Credenti omnia sint, auctore Christo, possibilia, superstitiosum est, humano arbitrio, aliis sanctis, alia deputari auxilia." (Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 142.)

[263] Hilscher's Luther's Anwesenheit in Alt Dresden, 1728.

[264] 1st May 1516, Ep. i, p. 20.

[265] (Luth. Ep. i, p. 36.) "Non enim asper asperum, id est, non diabolus diabolum, sed suavis asperum, id est, digitus Dei ejicit dÆmonia."

[266] "Tam cito enim crux cessat esse crux quam cito I tus dixeris: Crux benedicta! inter ligna nullum tale." (Ep. i, 27.)

[267] "Heiliglich, friedlich und zÜchtig." (Mathes. p. 10.)

[268] Ep. i, p. 41, to Lange, (26th Oct. 1516.)

[269] "Quo fugiam? Spero quod non corruet orbis, ruente fratre Martino." (Ibid.)

[270] "Multa placent principi tuo, quÆ Deo displicent." (Luth. Ep. i, 25.)

[271] "li mihi maxime prosunt, qui mei pessime meminerint." (Ibid. 45.)

[272] Quo sunt aliqua salubriora eo minus placent." (Luth. Ep. i, p.46)

[273] "Quam amarum est quicquid nos sumus." (Ibid. p. 46.)

[274] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1849.

[275] Ibid.

[276] "Has tres postea in aula principis a me notatas garrierunt." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.) It was afterwards prattled that I had alluded to three ladies of the court.

[277] Keith, Leb. Luth., p. 32.

[278] "Inter medias me insidias conjectum." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.) That I had fallen into a snare.

[279] "In me acriter et clamose invectus est." (Ibid.) He keenly and clamorously inveighed against me.

[280] "Super Aristotelis et ThomÆ nugis." (Ibid.) On the trifles of Aristotle and Thomas.

[281] "Ne prodiret et in faciem meam spueret." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.) From coming forward and spitting in my face.

[282] "Enixe se excusavit." (Ibid.) Earnestly excused himself.

[283] "Cujus vellem hostes cito quam plurimos fieri." (Luth. Ep. i, 59.) Whose enemies I could wish quickly to become as numerous as possible.

[284] "Optima et infallibilis ad gratiam prÆparatio et unice dispositio, est Æterna Dei electio et prÆdestinatio." (Luth. Op. (L.) i, 56.) The best and infallible preparation, and the only predisposition for grace, is the eternal election and predestination of God.

[285] "Breviter, nec rectum dictamen habet natura nec bonam voluntatem." (Ibid.) Briefly, nature has neither a right dictate nor a good will.

[286] "Nulla forma syllogistica tenet in terminis divinis." (Luth. Op. (L.) i, 56.) No syllogistic form holds in divine terms.

[287] "Lex et voluntas sunt adversarii duo, sine gratia Dei implacabiles." (Ibid. 57.) Law and will are two adversaries implacable without the grace of God.

[288] "Lex est exactor voluntatis, qui non superatur nisi per Parvulum qui natus est nobis." (Ibid.)

[289] Luth. Op. Lips. xvii, p. 143, et Op. Lat. i.

[290] "Nec ideo sequitur quod sit naturaliter mala, id est natura mali, secundum ManichÆos." (Ibid.) Nor does it therefore follow that it is naturally evil, i.e., of the nature of evil, according to the Manichees.

[291] "Imo cacodoxa videri suspicor." (Luth. Ep. 60.) Nay, I suspect they will be thought cacodox, (false doctrine.)

[292] "Eccio nestro, eruditissimo et ingeniosissimo viro exhibete, ut audiam et videam quid vocet illas." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 63.) Show them to our most learned and ingenious Eck, that I may hear and see what he calls them.

[293] Luth. Op. (W.) xviii, 1944.

[294] "Mit weissen StÆblein." (Instructions of the Archbishop of Mentz to the Sub-commissaries of Indulgence, etc. Art. 8.)

[295] "Ingenio ferox, et corpore robustus." (Cochl. 5.) In mind fierce, and in body robust.

[296] "Welchen ChurfÜrst Freiderich vom Sack, zu Inspruck erbeten hatte." (Mathes. 10.)

[297] Luth. Op. (W.) xv, 862.

[298] "Circumferuntur venales indulgentiÆ in his regionibus a Tecelio Dominicano impudentissimo sycophanta." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) Indulgences for sale are carried about by the Dominican Tezel, a most impudent sycophant.

[299] Hist. du LuthÉranisme par le P. Maimbourg, de la Compagnie du JÉsus, 1681, p. 21.

[300] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1393.

[301] Tezel defends and reiterates this assertion in his Anti-Theses published the same year. (Th. 99, 100, and 101.) "Sub-commissariis in super ac prÆdicatoribus veniarum imponere, ut si quis per impossibile Dei Genitricem semper Virginem violasset, quod eumdem indulgentiarum vigore absolvere possent, luce clarius est." (Positiones fratris J. Tezelii quibus defendit indulgentias contra Lutherum.) Moreover, to enjoin the sub-commissaries and preachers of pardon, that if any one should, by impossibility, have violated the Mother of God, always Virgin, they could absolve him in virtue of indulgences, is clearer than day.

[302] "Quot peccata mortalia committuntur in die...." (LÖscher's Reformations, Acten i, p. 418.) How many mortal sins are committed in a day?

[303] "Si contingat aliquem ire Romam, vel ad alias periculosas partes, mittit pecunias suas in banco, et ille pro quolibet centum dat quinque aut sex aut decem...." (Ibid.)

[304] Theses, 56. (Positiones fratris J. Tezelii quibus defendit indulgentias contra Lutherum.)

[305] Instruction of the Archbishop of Mentz, etc.

[306] Resolut. on Theses, 32.

[307] Tenztel, Reformationsgesch; Myconii, Ref. Hist.; Instruction of the Archbishop of Mentz, etc.; Luther's Theses.

[308] Instruction, etc., 5, 69.

[309] Ibid., 19.

[310] Ibid., 30.

[311] Ibid., 35.

[312] "Auch ist nicht nothig dass sie in dem Herzen zerknirscht sind, und mit dem Mund gebeichtet haben." (Ibid., 38.).

[313] "Nach den SÄtzen der gesunden vernunft, nach ihrer Magnificenz und Freigebigkeit." (Instruction, etc., 26.)

[314] MÜller's Reliq., iii, p. 264.

[315] Instr. 27. "Wieder, den Willen ihres Mannes."

[316] Ibid., 87, 90, et 91.

[317] Luth., Op. Leipz., xvii, 79.

[318] "Dreimal gelind auf den RÜcken." (Instruction.)

[319] Instr. 9.

[320] Ibid., 69.

[321] Ibid., 4.

[322] Sarpi, Conc. di Trent, p. 5.

[323] SchrÖck. K. G. v, d. R., i, 116.

[324] Scultet. Annal. Evangel., p. 4.

[325] Loscher's Ref. Acten, i, 404, Luth. Op. xv, 443, etc.

[326] Musculi Loci Communes, p. 362.

[327] Hoffman's Reformationsgesch, v, Leipz., p. 32.

[328] "Si tantum tres homines essent salvandi per sanguinem Christi, certo statueret unum se esse ex tribus illis." (Melch. Adam. Vita Mycon.)

[329] "Si nummis redimatur a pontifice Romano." (Melch. Adam.)

[330] Clausurum januam coeli." (Ibid.)

[331] "Stentor pontificius." (Ibid.)

[332] Letter of Myconius to Eberus in Hechtii Vita Tezelii. Wittemb., p. 114.

[333] Albinus Meissn. Chronick. L. W. (W.) xv, 446, etc., Hechtius in Vita Tezelii.

[334] Luth. Op. (Leips.) xvii, pp. 111 et 116.

[335] Luther's Theses on Indulgences, (Th. 82, 83, et 84.)

[336] Luth. Op. (Leips.) xvi, 79.

[337] "Fessi erant Germani omnes, ferendis explicationibus, nundinationibus, et infinitis imposturis Romanensium nebulonum." (Luth. Op. Lat. in PrÆf.) All the Germans were weary with the windings, traffickings, and endless impostures of Roman spendthrifts.

[338] Ranke, Roemische PÆbste, i, 71.

[339] Council of Trent, p. 4. Pallavicini, while pretending to refute Sarpi, confirms, and even heightens his testimony. "Suo plane officio defuit, (Leo) ... venationes, facetias, pompas adeo frequentes."... (Conc. Trid. Hist. i, pp. 8, 9.) Leo was plainly wanting to his duty, so frequent were his shows his amusements, and hunting parties.

[340] Seckendorf, 42.

[341] Lingke, Reisegesch. Luther's, p. 27.

[342] "Instillans ejus pectori frequentes indulgentiarum abusus." (Coch. 4.) Impressing him with the frequent abuse of indulgences.

[343] In German, to thrash like grain, dreschen. (Luth. Op. xvii.)

[344] In PrÆf. Op. (Witt. i.) "Monachum, et Papistam insanissimum, ita ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus papÆ," etc.

[345] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii.

[346] "Coepi dissuadere populis et eos dehortari ne indulgentiariorum clamoribus aurem prÆberent, ..." (Luth Op. Lat. in PrÆf.)

[347] "WÜtet, schilt und maledeit grÆulich auf dem Predigtstuhl." (Myconius, Reformationsgesch.)

[348] "HÆc initia fuerunt hujus controversiÆ in qua Lutherus nihil adhuc suspicans aut somnians de futura mutatione rituum." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) Such was the beginning of this controversy in which Luther was not yet thinking or dreaming of a future change of ritual.

[349] "Die verseurte Lehr durch den ofen gehen," (p. 10.)

[350] "Falsum est consuevisse hoc munus injungi Ermitanis S. Augustini."... (p. 14.) It is not true that this office was wont to be assigned to the Eremites of St. Augustine.

[351] SÄuberlich.

[352] "Sondern in ihren lÖcherichen, und zerrissenen opinien, viel nahe verwessen." (Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 119.)

[353] It occurs also in LÖscher, i, 46, etc.; Teuzel's Anfund Fortg. der Ref.; JÜnker's Ehrenged, p. 148; Lehmann's Beschr. d. Meissn. Erzgeb., etc., and in a manuscript of the Archives of Weimar, taken down from the statement of Spalatin. Our account of the dream is conformable to this manuscript, which was republished at the last jubilee of the Reformation, (1817).

[354] Leo X.

[355] John Huss. This circumstance may perhaps have been afterwards added in allusion to the saying of John Huss, which we have quoted. See the First Book.

[356] "Cujus impiis et nefariis concionibus incitatus Lutherus, studio pietatis ardens, edidit propositiones de indulgentiis." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) Luther, stimulated by his impious and nefarious harangues, and glowing with pious zeal, published his Theses on Indulgences.

[357] "Et in iis certus mihi videbar, me habiturum patronum papam, cujus fiducia tune fortiter nitebar." (Luth. Op. Lat. in PrÆf.) And in these I thought myself certain that I would have the patronage of the pope, in whom I had then great confidence.

[358] "... Quas magnifico apparatu publicÈ populis ostendi curavit." (Cochloeus, 4.)

[359] "Cum hujus disputationis nullu etiam intimorum amicorum fuerit conscius." (Luth., Ep. i, p. 186.)

[360] "Wenn man die Lehre angriefft, so wird die Gans am Kragen gegriffen." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1369.)

[361] Harms de Kiel.

[362] Luth. Op. Leips. vi, p. 518.

[363] "Casu enim, non voluntate nec studio, in has turbas incidi, Deum ipsum testor." (Luth. Op. Lat. in PrÆf.) For I got involved in these disturbances by accident, not by will or zeal. God is my witness.

[364] "Domino suo et pastori in Christo venerabiliter metuendo." To his reverently to be feared Lord and pastor in Christ. (Address of the letter, Ep. i, p. 68.)

[365] Fex hominum. (Ibid.)

[366] "Ut populus Evangelium discat atque charitatem Christi." (Ibid.)

[367] Vehementer prÆcipit." (Ibid.) Earnestly commands.

[368] "Er sollte still halten; es wÄre eine grosse Sache." (Matthes. 13.)

[369] Walthahr. v. Luther, p. 45.

[370] Myconius, Hist. of the Ref., p. 23.

[371] "Das Lied wollte meiner stimme zu hochwerden." (Luth. Op.)

[372] "In alle hohe Schullen und KlÖster." (Mathes. 13.)

[373] "Ad hoc prÆstandum mihi videbatur ille, et natura compositus et accensus studio." (Erasm. Ep. Campegio Cardinali, i, p. 650.) For accomplishing this, he seemed to me both fitted by nature, and inflamed by zeal.

[374] MÜller's Denkw, iv, 256.

[375] "Alle welt von diesem, Weissenberg, Weissheit holen und bekommen." (p. 13)

[376] "Dass er uns den Munch Luther fleisig beware." (Mathes. 15.)

[377] Schmidt Brand Reformationsgesch, p. 124.

[378] "Che frate Martino Luthero haveva un bellissimo ingegnoe che coteste erano invidie fratesche." (Brandelli, contemporary of Leo, and a Dominican, Hist. Trag. Pars 3.)

[379] Melch. Adami Vita Myconii.

[380] "Legit tunc cum Joanne Voite, in angulum abdtius, libellos Lutheri." (Ibid.)

[381] "Qui potuit quod voluit."

[382] "Darvon Magister Johann. Huss, geweissaget." (Mathes. 13.)

[383] He adds, "Totque uxorum vir," The husband of so many wives, (Heumann Documenta lit. p. 167.)

[384] "Frater, abi in cellam, et dic: Miserere mei." (Lindner in Luther's Leben, p. 93.)

[385] "Bene sum contentus: mala obedire quam miracula facere, etiam si possem." (Ep. i, 71.)

[386] "Suumque dolorem sÆpe significavit, metuens discordias majores." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) And often expressed his sorrow, fearing worse dissension.

[387] Luth. Op. (L.) vi, p. 518.

[388] "Finge enim ipsam humilitatem nova conari, statim superbiÆ subjicietur ab iis qui aliter sapiunt." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 73.)

[389] "Solus primo eram." (Luth. Op. Lat. in PrÆf.) At first I was alone.

[390] "Consilium immanis audaciÆ plenum." (Pallavicini, i, 17.) A measure of infinite daring.

[391] "Miserrimus tunc fraterculus, cadaveri similior quam homini." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, p. 49.)

[392] "Et cum omnia argumenta superassem per Scripturas, hoc unum cum summa difficultate et angustia, tandem Christo favente, vix superavi, Ecclesiam scilicet esse audiendam." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, p. 49.)

[393] "Hi furores Tezelii et ejus satellitum imponunt necessitatem Luthero, de rebus iisdem copiosius, disserendi et tuendÆ veritatis." (Melancth. Vita Luth.) The fury of Tezel and his satellites compelled Luther to treat these subjects more copiously, and to defend the truth.

[394] "Dass er die Schrift, unsern Trost, nicht anders behandelt wie die Sau einen Habersack."

[395] Luth. Op. Leips. xvii, 132.

[396] "Tibi gratias ago; imo quid tibi non debeo?" (Luth. Ep. i, p. 74.)

[397] "Quanto magis conamur ex nobis ad sapientiam, tanto amplius appropinquamus insipientiÆ." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 74.)

[398] "Sed salvum est nunc etiam jurare, quod sine scitu Ducis Frederici exierint." (Ibid., p. 76.) But now it is safe even to swear, that they have gone forth without the knowledge of Duke Frederick.

[399] "Primum id certissimum est, sacras literas non posse vel studio, vel ingenio penetrari. Ideo primum officium est, ut ab oratione incipias."

[400] "Igitur de tuo studio desperes oportet omnino, simul et ingenio. Deo autem soli confidas, et influxui Spiritus. Experto crede ista." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 88, 18th Jan.)

[401] "Luther writes him:—"LiterÆ tuÆ animum tuum erga meam parvitatem candidum et longe ultra merita benevolentissimum probaverunt." (Ibid., p. 79.) Your letter proves your candid opinion of me, and your most kind affection for me, both to a degree far exceeding my deserts.

[402] "Non fuit consilium neque votum eas evulgari, sed cum paucis apud et circum nos habitantibus primum super ipsis conferri." (Ibid., p. 95.)

[403] "Ut me poeniteat hujus foeturÆ." (Ibid.)

[404] "QuÆ istis temporibus pro summa blasphemia et abominatione habeo et execror." (Luth. Op. Lat. Wit. in PrÆf.)

[405] "Accepi simul et donum insignis viri Alberti Durer." (Luth., Ep. i, 95.)

[406] "Mein Hofkleid verdienen." (Luth. Ep. Lat. i, pp. 77, 78.)

[407] Ibid., p. 283.

[408] "Suum senatum convocat; monachos aliquot et theologos sua sophistica utcunque tinctos."(Melancth. Vita Luth.) He assembles his own senate; some monks and theologians imbued with his own sophistry.

[409] "Quisquis ergo dicit, non citius posse animam volare, quam in fundo cistÆ denarius possit tinnire, errat." (Positiones Fratris Joh. Tezelii, Pos. 56, Luth. Op. i, p. 94.) Whosoever says that the soul cannot fly off sooner than the money can tinkle in the bottom of the chest, errs.

[410] "Pro infamibus sunt tenendi, qui etiam per juris capitula terribiliter multis plectentur poenis omnium hominum terrorem." (Positiones Fratris Joh. Tezelii, Pos. 56, Luth. Op. i, p. 98.)

[411] Spieker, Gesch. Dr. M. Luthers. Beckmani Notitia Univ. Francofurt, viii, etc.

[412] "Fulmina in Lutherum torquet; vociferatur ubique hunc hereticum igni perdendum esse; propositiones etiam Lutheri in concionem de indulgentiis publice conjicit in flammas." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)

[413] "Eo furunt usque, ut Universitatem Wittembergensem propter me infamem conantur facere et hÆreticam." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 92.)

[414] Luth. Ep. i, p. 92.

[415] "Nisi maledicerer, non crederem ex Deo esse quÆ tracto." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.)

[416] In language full of energy he continues:—"Mortem emptum est, mortibus vulgatum, mortibus servatum, mortibus quoque servandum aut referendum est." It was bought by death, published by deaths, preserved by deaths, by deaths also must be preserved or published.

[417] "Inter tantos principes dissidii origo esse valde horreo et timeo." (Luth. Ep. 1, p. 93.)

[418] "HÆc inscio principe, senatu, rectore, denique omnibus nobis" (Luth. Ep. i, p. 99.)

[419] "Fit ex ea re ingens undique fabula." (Ibid.)

[420] "Omnes omnibus omnia redunt de me." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 109.)

[421] (Luth Ep. i, 98.)

[422] "Quid vel Deus vel ipsi sumus." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 224.)

[423] "Ein voller trunkener Deutscher." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1337.)

[424] "An ferreum nasum aut caput Æneum gerat iste Lutherus, ut effringi non possit." (Sylv. Prieratis Dialogus.)

[425] See Joh. Gersonis Propositiones de Sensu Literali S. ScripturÆ. (Op. tom. i.)

[426] "A qua etiam Sacra Scriptura robur trahit et auctoritatem, hÆreticus est (Fundamentum tertium.")

[427] "Si mordere canum est proprium, vereor ne tibi pater canis fuerit." (Sylvestri Prieratis Dial.)

[428] "Seculari brachio potest eos compescere, nec tenetur rationibus certare ad vincendos protervientes." (Ibid.)

[429] "Convenit inter nos, esse personatum aliquem Sylvestrum ex obscuris viris, qui tantas ineptias in hominem luserit ad provocandum me adversus eum." (Ep., i, p. 87, 14th Jan.)

[430] T. i, Witt. Lat., p. 170.

[431] "Ego ecclesiam virtualiter non scio nisi in Christo, representative non nisi in concilo." (Luth. Op. Lat., p. 174.) I do not know the Church virtually, except in Christ, nor representatively, except in a Council.

[432] "Quando hanc pueri in omnibus plateis urbis cantant: Denique nunc facta est foedissima Roma." (Ibid., p. 183.)

[433] "Si occidor, vivit Christus. Dominus meus et omnium." (Ibid., p. 186.)

[434] De Juridica et Irrefragabili Veritate RomanÆ EcclesiÆ, lib. tertius, cap. 12.

[435] Luth., Op. Leip. xvii, p. 140.

[436] "Et quod magis urit, antea mihi magna recenterque contracta amicitia conjunctus." (Luth., Ep. i, p. 100.)

[437] "Quo furore ille amicitias recentissimas et jucundissimas solveret." (Ibid.)

[438] "Volui tamen hanc offam Cerbero dignam absorbere patientia." (Ibid.)

[439] "Omnia scholastissima, opiniosissima, meraque somnia." (Asterisci, Op. (L.) Lat. i, p. 145.) The whole most scholastic, most opinionative, mere dreams.

[440] "Indignor rei et misereor hominis." (Ibid., p. 150.) I am indignant at the thing, and I pity the man.

[441] "Homo est summus pontifex, falli potest, sed veritas est Deus, qui falli non potest. (Ibid., p. 155.)

[442] "Longe ergo impudentissima omnium temeritas est, aliquid in ecclesia asserere, et inter Christianos, quod non docuit Christus." (Ibid., p. 156.)

[443] "Cum privatim dederim Asteriscos meos non fit ei respondendi necessitas." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 126.) Since I have circulated my Asterisks privately, he is under no necessity of replying.

[444] "Diligimus hominis igenium et admiramur eruditionem." (Luth. Ep. ad Scheurlum, 15th June, 1518, i, p. 125.)

[445] "Quod ad me attinet, scripsi ad eum has, ut vides, amicissimas et plenas literas humanitate, erga eum." (Ibid.) As far as regards myself, I have, as you see, written him in the most kindly and friendly terms.

[446] "Nihil neque literarum, neque verborum ne participem fecit." (Ibid.) I have had no communication from him, either by word or writing.

[447] Luth. Op. Leips. vii, p. 1086.

[448] "Nicht die Werke treiben die SÜnde aus; sondern die Anstreibung der SÜnde thut gute Werke," (Luth. Op. (Lat.) xvii, p. 162.)

[449] "Christus dein Gott wird dir nicht lugen: noch wanken." (Ibid.)

[450] "Ob es schon ein Weib oder ein kind ware." (Ibid.)

[451] "Also siehst du dass die ganze Kirche voll von Vergebung der SÜden ist." (Ibid.)

[452] "Und Hauptmann im Felde bleibe." (Ibid.)

[453] Ibid., Ep. i, p. 98.

[454] "Pedester veniam." I will come on foot. (Luth., Ep. i, p. 98.)

[455] Ibid., p. 105.

[456] Ibid., p. 104.

[457] Ibid., p. 106.

[458] "Ihr habt bei Gott einen kÖstlichen Credenz." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 111.)

[459] "Justorum opera essent mortalia nisi pio Dei timore, ab ipsismet justis, ut mortalia timerentur." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, 55.)

[460] "Lex iram Dei operatur, occidit, maledicit reum facit, judicat, damnat, quicquid non est in Christo." (Ibid.)

[461] "Lex dicit: Fac hoc! et nunquam fit. Gratia dicit: Crede in hunc! et jam facta sunt omnia." (Ibid.)

[462] "Amor Dei non inventit sed creat suum diligibile; amor hominis fit a suo diligibili." (Ibid.)

[463] Bucer, in Seultetet, Annal. Evangel. Renovat." p. 22.

[464] "Si rustici hÆc audirent, certe lapidibus vos obruerent et interficerent." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 111.)

[465] "Prudentioribus monachis spem de se prÆclaram excitavit;" (Melch. Adam. Vita Buceri, p. 211.)

[466] "Cum doctrinam in eis traditam cum sacris litteris contullisset quÆdam in pontificia religione suspecta habere coepit." (Ibid.) When he had compared the doctrine delivered in them with the Sacred Scriptures, he began to have some suspicions of the pope's religion.

[467] "Primam lucem purioris sententiÆ de justificatione in suo pectore sensit." (Melch. Adam. Vita Buceri, p. 211.) He felt the first dawn of a purer opinion on justification rising in his breast.

[468] "Ingens Dei beneficium lÆtus Brentius agnovit, et grata mente amplexus est." (Ibid.) Brentius joyfully recognised the inestimable gift of God, and with grateful mind embraced it.

[469] "Crebris interpellationibus eum voti quod de nato ipso fecerat, admoneret; et a studio juris ad theologiam quasi conviciis avocaret." (Melch. Adami, Snepfii Vita.) She frequently interposed to remind him of the vow which she had made at his birth, and, as it were, by her reproaches drew him off from the study of law to theology.

[470] Gerdesius, Monument. Antiq., etc.

[471] Luth. Ep. i, p. 412.

[472] Luth. Ep. i, p. 112.

[473] "Veni autem curru qui ieram pedester." (Ibid., p. 110.) I went on foot, but returned in a chariot.

[474] "Omnibus placitis meis nigrum theta prÆfigit." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 111.) He puts a black theta before all my opinions.

[475] Ibid.

[476] "Nisi dictamine rationis naturalis, quod apud nos idem est, quod chaos tenebratum, qui non prÆdicamus aliam lucem, quam Christum Jesum lucem veram et solam." (Ibid.)

[477] "Ita ut nonnullis videar factus habitior et corpulentior!" (Ibid.) So that some think me fuller in habit, and more corpulent.

[478] Luth. Op., (Leips.) xvii, pp. 29-113.

[479] On the First Thesis.

[480] Thesis 26.

[481] Ibid. 80.

[482] Thesis 37.

[483] "Non ut disputabilia sed asserta acciperentur." (Luth., Ep. i. 214.)

[484] Ineptias.

[485] He adds: "Sed cogit necessitas me anserem strepere inter olores." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 121.) But necessity forces me, a goose, to hiss among the swans.

[486] "Quam pure simpliciterque ecclesiasticam potestatem et reverentiam clavium quÆsierim et coluerim." (Ibid.)

[487] "QuarÈ beatissime Pater, prostratum me pedibus tuÆ Beatitudinis offero, cum omnibus quÆ sum et habeo; vivifica, occide voca, revoca, approba, reproba, ut placuerit. Vocem tuam, vocem Christi in te prÆsidentis et loquentis agnoscam; si mortem merui, mori non recusabo." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 121.)

[488] His Solutions.

[489] "Qui pauper est nihil timet, nihil potest perdere." (Ibid., p. 118.)

[490] Luth. Op. (W.) xv, p. 339.

[491] "Nec profana judicia sequens quÆ tenera initia omnium mutationum celerrime opprimi jubent." (Melanc. Vita Luth.)

[492] "Deo cessit, et ea quÆ vera esse judicavit, deleri non voluit." (Ibid.)

[493] "Rarescebant manus largentium." (Cochloeus, 7.) The hands of contributors grew few.

[494] "Luthero autem contra augebatur auctoritas, favor, fides existimatio, fama; quod tam liber acerque videbatur veritatis assertor." (Ibid.) On the contrary, Luther's authority, influence, credit, reputation, and fame, increased, because he seemed so free and bold an assertor of the truth.

[495] SchrÖck, K. Gesch. n. d. R. i, p. 156.

[496] "Defensores et patrones etiam potentes quos dictus frater consecutus est." (Raynald, ad an. 1518.)

[497] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 169.

[498] "Uterus Rebecca est; parvulos in eo collidi necesse est, etiam usque ad periculum matris." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 138.)

[499] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 173.

[500] Ibid. i, 183, 184; xvii, 171, 172.

[501] "Dictum Lutherum hÆreticum per prÆdictum auditorem jÀm declaratum." (Breve Leonis X ad Thomam.)

[502] "Brachio cogas atque compellas, et eo in potestate tua redacto cum sub fideli custodia retineas, ut coram nobis sistatur." (Ibid.)

[503] "InfamiÆ et inhabilitatis ad omnes actus legitimos ecclesiasticÆ sepulturÆ, privationis quoque feudorum." (Breve Leonis X ad Thomam.)

[504] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 176.

[505] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 173.

[506] "Almosen geben armt nicht, etc. Wer mehr will verzehren, etc. (MÜller's Reliquien.)

[507] "Dilixit me ut filium, et ego eum ut patrem; et conveniemus, spero, in vita Æterna." (Melancth. Explicat. Evang.)

[508] "Quiescere non poterat, sed quÆrebat ubique aliquem cum quo de auditis disputaret." (Camerarius, Vita Melancth. p. 7.)

[509] Camerar. Vita Philip Melancth. p. 16.

[510] "Ille prorsus obscurabit Erasmum." (Er. Ep. i, p. 405.)

[511] "Cohorresco quando cogito quomodo ipse accesserim ad statuas in papatu." (Explicat Evangel.)

[512] "Meum opus et meum solatium." (Corp. Ref., i, 33.)

[513] "Des Wegs un der Orte unbekannt." (Corp. Ref., i, 30.)

[514] Camer. Vita Melancth., 26.

[515] "Puer et adolescentulus, si Ætatem consideres." (Luth. Ep. i, 141.) A boy, and mere youth, if you consider his age.

[516] Luth. Ep. i, 135.

[517] "Ut Wittembergam literatis ac bonis omnibus conciliem." (Corp. Ref., i, 51.)

[518] "Summos cum mediis et infimis, studiosos facit GrÆcitatis." (Luth., Ep. i, 140.)

[519] "Martinum, si omnino in rebus humanis quidquam vehementissime diligio et animo integerrimo complector." (Melancth. Ep. i, 411.)

[520] Calvin wrote to Sleidan: "Dominus cum fortiore spiritu instruat, ne gravem ex ejus timiditate jacturam sentiat posteritas." May the Lord supply him with a more resolute spirit, that posterity may not, through his timidity, sustain some grievous loss.

[521] Plank.

[522] Luth. Ep. i, p. 139.

[523] Jen. Aug. i, p. 384.

[524] "Contra omnium amicorum consilium comparui." I appeared contrary to the advice of all my friends.

[525] Ep. i, 61.

[526] "Ult vel stanguler, vel baptizer ad mortem." (Ibid. 129.) That I am either to be strangled or ducked to death.

[527] "Uxor mea et liberi mei provisi sunt." (Luth. Ep. i, 129.)

[528] "Sic enim sponsus noster, sponsus sanguinum nobis est." (Ibid.) See Exodus, iv, 25.

[529] "Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam." (Luth. Op. Lat, in PrÆf.)

[530] "Ibi Myconius primum vidit Lutherum: Sed ab accessu et colloquio ejus tunc est prohibitus." (M. Adami, Vita Mycon. p. 176.)

[531] "Profecto in ignem te conjicient et flammis exurent." (Melch. Adam. Vita Mycon. p. 176; Mycon. Hist. Ref. p. 30.)

[532] "Vivat Christus, moriatur Martinus.... "(Weismanni, Hist. Secr. Nov. Test. p. 165.) Weismann had seen this letter in MS., but it is not in M. de Wette's Collection.

[533] Luth. Ep. i, p. 144.

[534] Divi ThomÆ Summa cum Commentariis ThomÆ de Vio. Lugduni, 1587.

[535] Bull of the pope. (Luth Op. (L.) xvii, p. 174.)

[536] "Et nutu solo omnia abrogare, etiam ea quÆ fidei essent." (Luth. Ep. i, 144.)

[537] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 179.

[538] "Hunc Sinonem parÙm cousulte instructum arte pelasga." (Luth. Ep. i, 144.) See Virgil's Æneid, Book II.

[539] "Mediator ineptus." (Ibid.)

[540] "Sciunt enim eum in me exacerbatissimum intus, quicquid simulet foris.... (Ibid., p. 143.)

[541] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 201.

[542] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 203.

[543] Seckend., p. 144.

[544] Ibid., p. 130.

[545] Luth. Op. (L.) 179.

[546] 9th October.

[547] "Omnes cupiunt videre hominem, tanti incendii Erostratum." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 146.)

[548] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 205.

[549] "Et ubi manebis?... Respondi: Sub coelo." (Luth. Op. in PrÆf.) And where will you remain?... I answered, under heaven.

[550] "Ego pro illis et vobis vado immolari."... (Luth. Ep. i, 148.)

[551] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 183.

[552] Tuesday, 11th October.

[553] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 180.

[554] The name given to certain papal constitutions, collected and added to the body of the canon law.

[555] "Salva Scriptura."

[556] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 180.

[557] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, pp. 180, 183, 206, etc.

[558] Luth. Op. (L.) p. 209.

[559] Luth. Ep. i, p. 173.

[560] "Darinn ihn Dr. Staupitz von dem Kloster-Gehorsam absolvitr." (Math. 15.)

[561] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, 201.

[562] Wednesday 12th October.

[563] Seckend., p. 137.

[564] LÖscher, ii, 463; Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 181, 209.

[565] "Digladiatum," battled. (Luth. Ep. i, p. 181.)

[566] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii. pp. 181, 209. "Decies fere coepi ut loquerer, toties rursus tonabat et solus regnabat." I began almost ten times to speak, but he again as often thundered and reigned alone.

[567] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p.186.

[568] Ibid. p.185.

[569] Luth Op. (L.) xvii, p. 187.

[570] "Ostendit in materia fidei, non modo generale concilium esse super papam, sed etiam quemlibet fidelium, si melioribus nitatur auctoritate et ratione quam papa." (Luth. Op. Lat. p. 209.) He shows that, in matter of faith, not only a general council is above the pope, but also any one of the faithful whatever, if he leans on better authority and reason than the pope.

[571] Psalm cxliii, 2.

[572] Confes. ix.

[573] "Justitia justi et vita ejus, est fides ejus." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, p. 211.)

[574] "Legit fervens et anhelans." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 145.)

[575] "Acquisivit," (Ibid.)

[576] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 197.

[577] Ibid. (W.) xxii, p. 1331.

[578] "Revoca, aut non revertere." Ibid. p. 202.

[579] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 210.

[580] Ibid., p. 204.

[581] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 185.

[582] "Ego nolo amplius cum hac bestia disputare. Habet enim profundos oculos et mirabiles speculationes in capite suo" (Myconius, p. 33.)

[583] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 210.

[584] Luth. Ep. i. 149.

[585] Luth. Ep. i. p. 159.

[586] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 178.

[587] Saturday, 15th

[588] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 182.

[589] The letter is dated 17th October.

[590] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 198.

[591] Bosuet, Hist. des Variations. (Livre i, pp. 25, etc.)

[592] "Ut follis ille ventosa elatione distentus." (P. 40.)

[593] "Melius informandum." (Luth. Op. Lat. I, p. 219.)

[594] Weissmann, Hist. Eccl., i, p. 1237.

[595] Psalm cxxiv. 7, 8.

[596] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 202.

[597] Luth. Ep. i, p. 166.

[598] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 183.

[599] Ibid. p. 203.

[600] "Ego enim ubicunque ero gentium, illustrissimÆ Dominationis tuÆ nusqum non ero memor...." (Luth. Ep. i. p. 187.)

[601] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 244.

[602] Luth. Ep. i, p. 198.

[603] Scultet. Annal. i, p. 17.

[604] "Studium nostrum more formicarum fervet." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 193.)

[605] "Quia Deus ubique." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 188.)

[606] "Ut principi me in captivatem darem." (Ibid. p. 189.)

[607] "Si icro totum effundam et vitam offeram Christo." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 190.)

[608] "Deo rem committerent." (Ibid., p. 191.)

[609] "Vater und Mutter verlassen mich, aber der Herr nimmt mich auf."

[610] Luth. Op. xv, 824.

[611] "Ne tam cito in Galliam irem." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 195.)

[612] "Firma Christus propositum non cendi in me." (Ibid.)

[613] "Res ista necdum habet initium suum meo judicio." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 19.)

[614] "Quo illi magis furunt, et vi affectant viam, eo minus ego terreor." (Ibid., p. 191.)

[615] Sarpi, Council of Trent, p. 8.

[616] Maimbourg, p. 38.

[617] LÖscher. Ref. Act.

Archaic words, variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.

The following footnotes had no anchors and hence were added by the transcriber:

Footnote 11: "Ego me non arbitror hoc honore dignum." (Er. Ep. i, p. 653.)

Footnote 112: Erasm. Ep. 274.

Footnote 128: "Was gross sol werden, muss klein angeben." (Mathesius, Hist. p. 3.)

Footnote 563: There was no anchor for the footnote "Seckend. p. 137." The transcriber has supplied it.

On page 47 there is a footnote anchor with no matching footnote at "Promise me that you will always think so." The transcriber has placed an asterisk at the location.

Table of Contents incorrectly lists Book II Chapter IX as beginning on page 94. The transcriber has changed the number to 93. Likewise the page number for Chapter X has been changed from 168 to 167. For Book III Chapter V, the page number has been changed from 204 to 203.





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