The Police Force of the City of Chicago consisted on December 31st, 1897, of 3,594 men, of which number 2,298 were first-class patrolmen, the remainder being officers, sergeants, clerks, drivers and patrol-wagon men. The number of square miles of territory embraced within the city limits was, and is, 186.4.The force is composed largely of men of one nationality or of their descendants. A large majority affiliates with the same church. Prior to the passage of the civil service law in 1895, each bi-ennial administration made the force its own valuable mine in which veins of rich rewards for its friends and political workers were found. To this force the aldermanic supporters of the administration attached their henchmen and ward heelers, and these, in turn, as public officers, looked after the political welfare of their backers and of the administration these backers supported. Thus, the political complexion of the force was liable to change every two years. Notwithstanding the presence of a civil service law on the statute books under which the force is now supposed to have been re-organized and re-appointed, its political complexion remains the same. The organization is dominated by the political party which alone uses the distinctive title of “Tammany.” The civil service law has been attacked, in behalf of this public force, by officials who were sworn to sustain it, until through their repeated assaults upon it, its administration is looked upon as farcical, and its administrators as its most cunning and relentless foes.

The duties of the police force are clearly defined in the city charter. Generally, that instrument provides, “The police shall devote their time and attention to the discharge of the duties of their stations according to the laws and ordinances of the city and the rules and regulations of the department of police, and it shall be their duty, to the best of their ability, to preserve order, peace and quiet, and enforce the laws and ordinances throughout the city.”

According to the school census of 1898, the population of Chicago was then 1,851,588. This population is one of the most polyglot of any city in the world. Each modern language is spoken by some one class of its people.

The population born of American born parents exceeds that of any other nativity, being in round numbers 486,000, while the Germans, born of German born parents, and Germans born in Germany, number in round figures 468,000. Of the Irish 131,000 are American born of Irish parents; born in Ireland, 104,000, making a total of 235,000. These are the largest classes, by nativity, of its people, and with the proverbial ability of the latter nationality to govern and “get there” it supplies the police force with the largest quota of men, year after year.

During the years 1897 and 1898 this force, and every man seeking to become a member of it, was taught by city officials, and by none more energetically than by the chief law officer of the city administration, that the civil service law was an especial enemy of theirs, inasmuch as it abridged their privileges and immunities as citizens of the United States, and was, therefore, a menace to their rights, wholly unwarranted by the Constitution of the United States.

It was accordingly attacked upon that ground by the officers sworn to enforce it, and, since the establishment of its validity by the highest courts in the land, its provisions are constantly sought, by them, to be avoided and defeated.

The efforts of the commissioners to enforce it were commented on in an official message by the city’s Executive, as if such efforts were in fact being made, and were part and parcel of an administrative policy; while, in practice, no possible legal device or illegal invention was allowed to fail of application by municipal officials to destroy its commands, even by its commissioners, who announced themselves as its greatest devotees. No more demoralizing example could have been set before the police force than the acts of the higher authorities. Such acts have produced the inevitable result, that, as such higher authorities saw fit to openly throttle a law they were sworn to enforce, the rank and file of the police force itself inferred that they, too, could seek to evade, and refuse to execute, all laws and ordinances which in their judgment affected the suppression of crime.

Consequently, that force has become demoralized and corrupt, openly levying a tariff for revenue and official protection upon all classes of wrong-doers, below those who commit felonious crimes of the highest grade, and when the rates are not promptly paid by the protected classes, they are coerced by arrest into the payment of fines and fees for division between the justices and the officers. It is a well known fact that a schedule of prices prevails for police protection, which prices must be paid for that protection. Gambling houses pay from $50.00 per month upwards; panel and badger games, $35.00 to $50.00; music halls with saloon and private room attachments, $100.00; houses of ill fame, from $50.00 upwards, according to the number of inmates at so much per capita; cigar store and barber shop gambling games, $10.00; “blind pigs,” the unlicensed vendors of liquors, $10.00 to $30.00, and with permission to gamble, $30.00 to $50.00; crap games, $10.00 to $25.00; opium and Chinese joints, $10.00 to $25.00; drug store “blind pigs,” $10.00 to $30.00, and prize fights and cocking mains, a percentage of the gate receipts—usually one-fifth.

Whenever a gambling house refuses to pay it is immediately pulled. These rates of police blackmail and of protective tariff have been sworn to before public investigations, and inquiry trials, as imposed and collected. The press has repeatedly commented upon these frightfully cruel persecutions, reeking with the infamy of the participation by public servants in a division of the fetid proceeds of the procuress, of the landlady, of her unfortunate slave, the harlot; of the skin gambler, the clock swindlers and tape gamesters, and of the operators of massage parlors, both male and female.

In one case, tried before the Criminal Court of Cook County, a lieutenant of the police force was convicted of the crime of exacting money from the owner of a “blind pig” paid to him by the owner for protection in his unlawful occupation. Going back a few years, during the World’s Fair period, as high as $2,000, it is said in public print, was paid for similar protection in a single instance.

The officer in charge of a given precinct makes the collections, retains his percentage, passes the remainder on to his next superior, who withholds his rake-off, and so on until the net profit reaches the highest police official. A leading city newspaper, in a caustic editorial, declared that “in Chicago protection means the privilege to commit crime upon the payment of a sum of money to the police. It has ceased to mean that the citizen will be guarded against the acts of criminals.” So thoroughly recreant to duty have some of the ranking officers of this force become, that one of the oldest captains when asked why he did not close, in his district, certain notorious saloons where depraved women robbed strangers in wine rooms, replied that “some people would steal in the churches, and you might as well close churches as close the saloons for that reason.”

Patrolmen in uniform are found in dives playing cards; and in others sleeping during the hours of their supposed presence on their beats. They know the women of the town, the street walkers in the territory they patrol, the keepers of every vile joint, where the most depraved practices are indulged in, the houses of ill fame, high-priced and low-priced, the “Nigger,” Japanese, Chinese and mixed bagnios, the policy shops, fences and schools for thieves.

All these vice mills and their operators contribute to the policemen’s demand, and thus obtain permission to carry on, in daylight, and at night-time, their nefarious, lecherous and disgusting crimes and orgies.

One officer gambled in a saloon with a citizen, lost his money, overpowered the citizen, recovered his lost money and then robbed his victim.

In broad daylight an officer held up a citizen and robbed him of his money and valuables. When the Chief of Police had this case called to his attention before a legislative investigating committee, he answered, “I tried that man yesterday. He got on the police department ten years ago, and he always had a reputation of being a good officer, and the other morning he had been drinking some, and, like everything else, became a little indiscreet and started out to hold up a man and got hold of a few dollars in that way, and under the impression, very likely, that he would never be discovered, and, like everybody else, with his good record in the past, he was discharged and reinstated, because many people vouched for him, and all said he was an excellent officer, but he stepped by the wayside and fell, and we had him arrested and discharged.”Whether the many people who so generously interceded with the Chief of Police for the retention of a thief as a member of his force were that thief’s fellow pals and hold-up men, was not disclosed; but it may be said without hazard, that they were not reputable men—if they had any existence at all other than in the imagination, and as part of the bewildering policy of an incapable Chief.

Methods of levying blackmail upon other than the disreputable classes, but reaching through them, upwards and beyond them, are not only countenanced, but advised by superior officials and approved by the city’s highest executive.

On the 5th of November, 1897, a practical stranger in the city was given the following letter, signed by the Chief of Police, viz.:

This stranger had been denounced through the press as a fraud and a schemer, who had been arrested in other cities for obtaining money under false pretenses, which facts were known to the Chief of Police when his letter of recommendation was written. The stranger was to receive a commission of twenty-five per cent on all subscriptions obtained by him, and the treasurer of the fund, who was selected with the approval of the Chief, the Mayor, and his principal political satellite, ten per cent. Some $8,000 were collected under this scheme, one large railroad corporation subscribing $1,000 and a noted Board of Trade operator $500. Whence the remainder came rests in conjecture, with a well defined belief that noted gamblers, and keepers of houses of ill fame, were contributors to it.

A legislative committee’s inquiries prevented the consummation of the scheme, but, owing to the speedy departure from the city of the treasurer, the source of the remaining subscriptions could not be inquired into.

As a cover to the purposes of this scheme, it was proposed to place these collections to the credit of the Policemen’s Benevolent Association Fund of Chicago, which, by reason of the failure of a bank, whose officials are now under indictment for the misappropriation of public funds other than those of this association, had become badly impaired. This proposal followed the appointment of the legislative committee of investigation, by way of preparation to conceal the real purpose of the swindle. That association repudiated the plan.

The Chief of Police was asked by the committee of investigation whether he thought it was the proper thing for him, as Chief of Police of Chicago, “to give to a man to go out among business men, corporations and manufacturing establishments of the city a letter telling them that everything this man did and said you would be responsible for, if you knew he had been indicted and arrested in different cities of the United States for defrauding the people out of money on this same identical scheme?” He answered, “I don’t believe it.” Immediately he was asked, “Have you heard A. was arrested a number of times?” and in reply said, “I read in the newspapers that he was arrested and had trouble in Detroit.” Again he was asked whether A. had given him any information as to the number of times he had been arrested for getting money on false pretenses, and his answer was, “I can give you some information on that subject.”

These extracts from the sworn testimony of this official, speak in no commendatory manner of his sense of official responsibility. They point to a mind deadened to all sense of the duties of his position; they elevate him before his force as a conspicuous example for them to follow, in his disregard of the principles of official decency. In themselves they urge upon that force, by their silent influence, an emulation of such a blackmailing course, even though in its accomplishment the assistance of a swindler is required, and deliberately accepted.

A brother of the Chief, a member of the detective force, was frequently found in poolrooms, assisting in their management, and yet the Chief seems to have been unable to acquire the knowledge that poolrooms were running wide open throughout the city. He probably knew it as an individual. In response to a question as to his information on this subject he answered, that no particular complaints were made—“the newspaper boys often came around and said there was pool selling going on at different places,” and he presumed “if a desperate effort had been made to look that kind of thing up, we might have possibly been successful.” More open admissions of official incompetency it would, perhaps, be difficult to make, and no more flagrant instances could be cited of official degeneracy than are these extracts from the sworn testimony of a defiant and dangerous public servant.

In the attack on the Police Pension Fund, which was established under an act of the legislature for the benefit of an officer who shall have reached the age of fifty years, and who shall have served at reaching that age for twenty years on the force, then be retired with a yearly pension equal to one-half of the salary attached to the rank which he may have held for one year next preceding the expiration of his term of twenty years, or who shall have become physically disabled in the performance of his duty, there was manifested a degree of moral irresponsibility, if not of criminality, and a blind adherence to partisanship in defiance of the laws, seldom found in the history of any municipal corporation, and unmatched even by the developments of the Lexow committee of New York City, in matters of a kindred character, inquired into by that committee.

For the sake of creating vacancies in the ranks of the police force, to be filled by appointments to be made by the Chief in defiance of the civil service law, and while that law was running the gauntlet of every conceivable attack, both open and covert, which could be made upon it by every department of the city’s administration, and by none more virulently than by the Law Department, a plan was devised and put into execution whereby officers of all ranks, after years of police service and experience and in strong physical condition willing and anxious to remain in their positions, were retired from the force against their protest, merely to make way for the substitution of new appointees—the political friends of the Chief and his superior. Men with good records and physically able to perform their duties were thus forced upon the rolls as pensioners, to deplete a fund, sacred as a trust, not only for the benefit of the living and necessitous pensioners, but also for the widows of the men who had lost their lives in the service and the wives and children of those who had died after ten years of police duty. One effect, as to the standing of this fund, was to reduce the balance on hand January 1, 1897, from $16,837 to $4,543 December 31st, 1897. Thus over $10,000 was raided, seized and forced upon unwilling pensioners, “still able bodied and anxious to retain their positions at their full salaries.” A more contemptible exercise of political power and administrative robbery could not well be imagined.

The omissions of the police force in the enforcement of the laws, their acts of commission in evading, attacking and disregarding others, especially those relating to all night saloons, the source of most of the arrests for disorderly conduct, where wantonness is displayed, assignations are arranged, drunkenness aided and brawls engendered, are blamable, not so much upon the patrolmen, as upon their superior officers. The patrolmen do as they are told. They report infractions of the law, or not, according to their instructions. Their eyes are opened or closed, as the “wink is tipped” to them from above. The men are brave in moments of danger, fearless in rescuing the inmates of burning buildings, risking their lives in stopping runaway horses, tender in caring for lost children, or destitute persons, both men and women, and faithful in the performance of their duties as members of the ambulance corps.

During the year 1897 one hundred and eighty were injured while on duty, and of this number forty-seven were on service in the first precinct, embracing the business district, the thoroughfares of which are the most crowded and in which the heaviest fires happen, while only seven were injured in the second precinct along the “levee”—the tough precinct. Given proper management, strict discipline and law abiding example, it could be made, and ought to be made, one of the “finest” forces in the world. Thugs and thieves, within the past two years, through the manipulation of the civil service law, have been admitted to its ranks, to its everlasting disgrace and that of the usurped appointing power.

The number of arrests in 1897 for those offences from the perpetrators of which the police are charged with receiving protection money, was less than in any of the previous years since 1895, notwithstanding the increase in population, according to the school census, from 1,616,635 in 1896, to 1,851,588 in 1898, an increase in round numbers of 234,000.

The following is the number of arrests for the years 1894, 1895, 1896 and 1897 for offences as named, viz.:

In 1897, as compared with 1896, there was a decrease of 78 in the number of arrests of inmates of assignation houses, 24 of the inmates of disorderly houses, 1,810 of the inmates of gambling houses, 4,016 of the inmates of houses of ill fame, 275 of the inmates of opium dens, 155 of the keepers of gaming houses, and 800 for violation of saloon ordinances. That these offenses had not decreased in point of perpetration is a fact, patent to observation and well known to the people. On the other hand, the arrests for keeping disorderly houses increased 109, and for keeping houses of ill fame 407. In the year 1896, when some effort was made to keep the police out of politics, the total arrests were 13,167 more than in 1897, when the police force had passed into the hands of a political machine, which sought to erase the application of the civil law to its government. In 1896 the inmates suffered arrest, but in 1897 the policy of arresting fewer inmates and more keepers, except of gaming houses, seems to have been inaugurated. “The keepers” are more able to pay than the inmates. For every dollar collected from inmates, the keepers are able to pay ten, or fifty dollars if necessary. From these figures it is clear that the practice of assessments for police protection was maintained principally against keepers in 1897, and that few inmates, comparatively, refused to pay in that year, while a large number of keepers of immoral and gambling houses were tardy in their payments, consequently, the former were not arrested, while the latter were.

What the figures for the year 1898 will reveal is as yet unknown.

Not only is crime thus tolerated by the police, but its chief officials assume, also, to define the boundaries of the districts in which it may be freely and safely perpetrated.

The Chief of Police, testifying before a legislative investigating committee, said: “Now, any fellow who wants to bet on the races or anything of that sort cannot be allowed to do so this side of Jackson street, because we don’t want this section of the town polluted with this class of things. We want the boys who have an inclination to bet on horse races to go south.”Q. What have you got against the people south of Jackson street?

A. I like them.

Q. Is that the reason you wanted that stuff to go down there?

A. Things are very lively in the lower part of the town, everything has a thrifty appearance, and everything——

Q. You mean south of Jackson street?

A. North of Jackson—and things up south of Jackson are virtually dead—there is nothing going on at all, and the stores are all empty. There is nothing doing, and the property, is depreciating in value, and the object was to liven things up a little bit.

That part of the city south of Jackson boulevard to Sixteenth street, and from State street on the east to the river on the west, embraces the tough part of the second precinct of the second police district. In the year 1897 of the total number of arrests of women and girls in the city, 17,624 in number, 8,957, or over 50 per cent, were, as the police term it, “run in” from this police district. How often the same women were arrested and re-arrested it is impossible to say, or whether they were “pinched” oftener than once in the same night. Of this latter number 7,364 were discharged by the magistrates, but the larger number contributed one dollar each to the justice for signing a bail bond for their appearance for trial. In addition, 300 women, known as “women lodgers,” were also “run in” in this district in 1897. Of these unfortunates 1,746 were fined; 140 held to the criminal court; 193 released on peace bonds; 209 sent to the house of correction; 10 held as witnesses; 10 were insane; 7 destitute, and 23 were sick and sent to the hospital. Of this total number of arrests of women and women lodgers, 9,257 in number, in this police district in 1897, only 2,288, or about 39 per cent were convicted of offenses by police magistrates, while 61 per cent of them were discharged.

Of the total number of persons arrested throughout the city in 1897, 83,680 in number, 55,020 were discharged by the police courts, 18,017 were fined, 4,138 held on criminal charges, and 2,947 bound over to keep the peace. The remainder were sent to various homes, refuges, asylums and humane societies. Over 50 per cent of those arrested were discharged. The percentage of those who furnished bail for their appearance, it is difficult to ascertain. That the practice exists is too well known to be proven, that a division of these bail bond fees is made between the magistrate and the police; the police furnishing the victims, the straw bailor his signature to, and the justice his approval of, the bond. The latter collects his fee and divides with the officers, while the straw bailor exacts his compensation in proportion to the ability of the victim to pay, then hands over a share to the arresting officers.

That such persecution should exist in a civilized community is a disgrace to its civilization, that public officers should, for one moment, be permitted to engage in such hideous traffic in the liberties of their fellows, is a scandal upon the administration of justice, and that executive officers of the law, sworn to its enforcement, should be ignorant of the infamy of such arrests, or knowingly permit them to be made, is malfeasance in office, and subversion of civil rights.The portion of the fines (not by statute appropriated for other purposes) assessed upon, and collected from, this class of unfortunates by the justices, is required by the ordinances to be paid to the city at the close of each and every month, and is to be apportioned by the city authorities as the statutes and ordinances require. The salaries of the police magistrates are fixed by agreement with the city. These magistrates are chosen bi-ennially after the election of a Mayor, by that officer, from the appointed justices of the peace, and are generally of the same political faith as is the appointing authority. The system is a blot upon the impartial administration of justice. It has become a byword among the people as a malodorous cesspool.

From the evidence heard before a legislative committee, that committee reported “that the present system of justice, or police courts, as run, is a disgrace to the present civilization. It shows that justice courts will open in the night time, policemen will go out and drag in men and women, 100 and 200, and even more at a time; that they are refused a trial at night, required to give a bond for which the justice charges them one dollar; that professional bondsmen are in attendance who will collect another dollar, and oftentimes much more, from the poor unfortunate to go on his or her bond until morning, thus making several hundred dollars ofttimes in a night to the police justices and other officers connected with the court, and this is done, as your committee believe, from the evidence, for the purpose of making money for the police justice, the professional bondsman, and the police officer in charge of the arrest.”

These magistrates are required to report at the “close of each day’s business,” but their night arrests are construed by them as not following within the definition of “a day’s business.” The fees arising from them are not, therefore, reported.

Civic bodies have denounced in the bitterest terms the evils of this system, and in a recent mayoralty message to the Common Council, in itself the hotbed of boodleism, it is said, “The justice shop system with all its necessarily attendant scandals is about to be wiped out.”That desirable result awaits legislative action. The general assembly, if it has any respect for human rights, for commendable municipal government, for the performance of its sworn duty, will lay aside the struggle in legislative halls for political ascendancy, and hasten the day when this festering sore shall have applied to it an instrument of eradication which it alone can wield. It is proper to add that since the foregoing lines were written the night fees are better accounted for, under an agreement between the magistrates and the city by which the magistrates’ salaries are raised, as an inducement to them to be honest.

The appropriations for the year 1897, for the maintenance of the police force, amounted to $3,356,910. Other sources of income amounted to $17,635.03.

The salary warrants drawn against this fund amounted to $3,290,296.26; for other expenses, $167,369.63, making a total of warrants drawn of $3,457,665.89, leaving a deficit of $83,392.84.

The total income of the city for the year 1897 from saloon licenses was about $3,000,000. The saloons are, therefore, the policemen’s great financial friends in more ways than one, and largely defray the expenses of the department.