The first recorded use of suffocating gases in warfare was about 431 B. C., sulphur fumes having been used in besieging the cities of Platea and Belium in the war between the Athenians and the Spartans. Similar uses of toxic substances are recorded during the Middle Ages. In August, 1855, the English Admiral Lord Dundonald, having observed the deadly character of the fumes of sulphur in Sicily, proposed to reduce Sebastopol by sulphur fumes, and worked out the details of the proposition. The English Government disapproved the proposition on the ground that "the effects were so horrible that no honorable combatant could use the means required to produce them." That the probable use of poison gases was still in the minds of military men is evidenced by the fact that at The Hague conference in 1899 several of the more prominent nations of Europe and Asia pledged themselves not to use any projectiles whose only object was to give out suffocating or poisonous gases. Many of the Powers did not sign this declaration until later. Germany signed and ratified it on September 4, 1900, but the United States never signed it. Further, this declaration was not to be binding in case of a war in which a non-signatory was or became a belligerent. Admiral Mahan, a United States delegate, stated his position in regard to the use of gas in shell, at that time an untried theory, as follows: The reproach of cruelty and perfidy addressed against these supposed shells was equally uttered previously against firearms and torpedoes, although both are now employed without scruple. It is illogical and not demonstrably humane to be tender about asphyxiating men with gas, when all are prepared to admit that it is allowable to blow the bottom out of an ironclad at midnight, throwing four or five hundred men into the sea to be choked by the water, with scarcely the remotest chance to escape. The Second Hague Peace Congress in 1907 adopted rules for land warfare, and among them was article 23 which read as follows: "It is expressly forbidden to employ poisons or poisonous weapons." The use of toxic gas in the great war dates back to April 22, 1915, on which day the Germans employed chlorine, a common and well-known gas, in an attack against the French and British lines in the northeastern part of the upper Ypres salient. The methods of manufacturing toxic gases, the use of such gases, and the tactics connected with their use were new developments of this war; yet during the year 1918 from 20 to 30 per cent of all American Since Germany had chosen to utilize toxic gas in warfare, the allied nations were compelled to adopt like tactics; accordingly England and France, faced with the desperate situation resulting from advantages secured by the Germans through the employment of these new weapons, immediately turned their attention not only to devising methods for protecting their own troops, but also to securing supplies and equipment necessary for the utilization of toxic gas as an agent of warfare against the German Army. Germany originated thereafter the use of most of the new forms of gas, but the allied nations and America were actually producing, at the time of the armistice, gases on a much greater scale than Germany was ever able to attain. In fact, America itself was producing gases at a rate several times as great as was possible in Germany. Prior to the entry of America in the war our overseas observers had been collecting information bearing upon gas warfare, referring the facts so obtained to the Ordnance Department in Washington, where the information was turned over to Lieut. Col. E. J. W. Ragsdale, who was then in charge of the Trench Warfare Section. In the early days of our belligerency it was seen that we should need a plant for filling artillery shell with toxic gases. The Government in the fall of 1917 bought a large tract of land near Aberdeen, Md., to be an artillery proving ground. Approximately 3,400 acres of this reservation, about one-tenth of it in area, was set aside as the site for the gas shell-filling plant. This reservation was known as Edgewood, and the plant erected on the site was called the Edgewood Arsenal. Work started on the construction of the arsenal on November 1, 1917. None of the toxic gases in use in Europe, except chlorine and small amounts of phosgene, had ever been commercially prepared in the United States. It was the original intention to interest existing chemical firms in the manufacture of these gases; but there were many difficulties in the way of such a project, not the least of which was the ruling of the Director General of Railways that such products as poison gas be transported only on special trains. Also we discovered that the private chemical companies were loath to undertake such manufacture. The exhaustive investigations necessary before quantity methods of manufacture could be devised would be uncertain and expensive. There would be great danger to the lives of those employed in such work. Many of the private concerns were already crowded with war work. Finally, the new plant equipment which must be set up would be worth nothing when the war ended, since the manufacture of such gases would be limited to the period of hostilities. These and other considerations explain the reluctance of the commercial chemical industry to undertake the production of war gases. Consequently the Government was forced to adopt the plan of building various chemical plants at the Edgewood Arsenal in connection with the filling plant. By December 1, 1917, it had been decided to build at Edgewood a chlorpicrin plant and a phosgene plant. The contracts were immediately let, and the work was pushed through the rigorous winter of 1917-18. In March, 1918, the Edgewood project was taken from the Trench Warfare Section of the Ordnance Department and made an independent division under the command of Col. Wm. H. Walker. In June, 1918, the Chemical Warfare Service was organized, and the Edgewood Arsenal was transferred to it. Gen. W. L. Sibert, Director of the Gas Service, took charge of the activities of the arsenal in May prior to the official transfer. Chlorine, the raw material for the manufacture of which is common salt, was one of the principal materials required in the gas-production program. Although chlorine was a standard product in the United States prior to the war, it was soon seen that we had an inadequate commercial supply to meet the requirements of our proposed gas offensive. Chlorine was used not only by itself, but it was also the active agent in the manufacture of nearly all the other toxic gases which we required. Consequently we decided to build a Government chlorine plant with two 50-ton units, giving a daily capacity of 100 tons of liquid chlorine. The ground for this plant at Edgewood was broken on May 11, 1918, and the actual production of chlorine begun on September 1. In July, 1917, the Germans introduced the so-called mustard gas. It was immediately realized that for certain purposes of fighting this chemical was the most effective product so far employed, and a large number of Government experts here at once concentrated their energies in developing methods for its manufacture on a large scale. Not only were the uniformed experimenters busy at the Gas Service's American University Camp, at Washington, D. C., but experimental units were established at the plant of the Dow Chemical Co., at Midland, Mich., at Eventually it was decided to erect a large plant at Edgewood for the manufacture of mustard gas. Not until April, 1918, however, did we feel that we possessed sufficient knowledge and information to justify the construction of a mustard-gas plant on a large scale. France and England also were long in working out satisfactory methods of mustard-gas production. We began to make mustard in June, and continued with rapidly increasing output until the signing of the armistice. It soon became evident that we could not depend upon civilian labor in the operation of the various chemical plants at Edgewood because of the danger involved. It was decided, therefore, to utilize enlisted men in the working crews. As the projects at Edgewood increased in size and number, the forces at the arsenal grew, until at one time there were 7,400 troops at this point. Meanwhile the Government had at last been able to persuade a number of private chemical firms to manufacture toxic gases. The Government agreed to finance all new construction, but the operation was to be in the hands of the contracting companies. At each plant the Government stationed one of its representatives with necessary assistants. In the spring of 1918, these scattered factories by official order were made part of the Edgewood Arsenal, each plant being designated by the name of the city or town where it was located. Thereafter in Army usage the term "Edgewood Arsenal" embraced not only the group of factories on the Edgewood reservation, but also included the following projects: Niagara Falls plant, operated by the Oldbury Electro-Chemical Co. Project—the manufacture of phosgene. Midland, Mich., plant, operated by the Dow Chemical Co. Project—the sinking of 17 brine wells for the purpose of securing adequate supplies of bromine. Charleston, W. Va., plant, operated by the Charleston Chemical Co. Project—the manufacture of sulphur chloride. Bound Brook, N. J., plant, operated by Frank Hemingway (Inc.). Project—the manufacture of phosgene. Buffalo plant, operated by the National Aniline & Chemical Co. Project—the manufacture of mustard gas. In addition to these, the Edgewood Arsenal built at points advantageous to supplies of raw materials four other plants, and operated them as well. These were as follows: Stamford, Conn., plant. Project—the manufacture of chlorpicrin. Hastings-on-Hudson, N. Y., plant. Project—the manufacture of mustard gas. Kingsport, Tenn., plant. Project—the manufacture of brombenzylcyanide. Croyland, Pa., plant. Project—the manufacture of diphenylchlorarsine. In constructing and equipping the Edgewood Arsenal we laid 21 miles of standard-gauge railway and 15 miles of narrow-gauge railway, built nearly 15 miles of improved roadway, and set up two water systems, one with a capacity of 1,500,000 gallons per day for the manufacturing purposes of the chemical plants, and the other providing a fresh-water supply pumped 4 miles with a daily capacity of 2,000,000 gallons. In all 558 buildings were put up on the grounds of the arsenal. There were 86 cantonment buildings, with a capacity of 8,400 men, as well as adequate quarters for officers and civilian employees. Three field hospitals, a complete base hospital, and separate buildings for Y. M. C. A. and K. of C. activities indicated the extent of the building equipment. Three power houses were provided, with a total capacity of 26,500 kilowatts. In the construction of buildings every precaution was taken to avoid accidents from the handling of toxic gas, the ventilating systems being as near perfection as human science could make them. It is notable that out of the thousands of men employed only four met their death by gas poisoning. Three of these casualties were due to phosgene and one to mustard gas. To show that all of the danger of the war was not confined to the front, the following table of casualties in 1918 at the Edgewood Arsenal proper is here given:
As has been noted, chlorine was the only war gas produced on a commercial scale in America prior to the war. At the ordinary temperatures chlorine is a greenish-yellow gas of strong, suffocating odor. Through the combined effects of cold and pressure it is readily condensed to a liquid and is ordinarily shipped in this form, stored in strong cylinders. Chlorine is prepared commercially by the electrolytic process. A current of electricity is passed through a solution of common salt. The greenish gas at once arises, leaving behind it a residue of caustic soda. The apparatus in which the salt is decomposed by the electric current is known as a cell. The Government plant used Nelson cells, each with a capacity of 60 pounds of chlorine and 65 pounds of caustic soda per 24 hours. The Government chlorine plant at Edgewood was ready for operation in August, 1918, but was not actually started until September 1. The plant consisted of (1) a cell house, which had a total capacity of 100 tons of chlorine per 24 hours; (2) an electric substation for supplying the current; (3) a brine building, where the salt was mixed with water and the resulting brine purified; (4) a boiler and evaporation building, for concentrating the caustic soda from the cells; (5) a caustic fusion building, for drying the caustic soda and fusing it into solid form for shipment; and (6) a liquefying plant to condense and liquefy 50 tons of chlorine per day. With the exception of chlorine, chlorpicrin was the first war gas to be manufactured on a large scale in this country. When pure, chlorpicrin is a colorless liquid which boils at a temperature approximately of 112° C. The compound has been known since 1848. While not so poisonous as some of the other products used in gas warfare, it is, nevertheless, an active poison, and has the additional advantage of being a fair lachrymator, or tear producer. Chlorpicrin is made by the reaction between picric acid and chlorine. The chlorine is best supplied in the form of so-called bleaching powder, which is ordinary chloride of lime. In the manufacturing process as originally carried out, free picric acid was mixed with bleaching powder held in suspension with water. Later it was found advantageous to use calcium picrate instead of picric acid. Accordingly, the final process was as follows: The bleaching powder was creamed with water and mixed with a solution of calcium picrate in large stills holding 5,000 gallons or more. A jet of live steam was then introduced at the bottom of the still, and the reaction began at once, the rapidity depending upon the amount of steam introduced. The resulting chlorpicrin, together with a certain quantity of steam, passed out of the still and was liquefied in the condenser. The resulting mixture of chlorpicrin and water was run into tanks, where the chlorpicrin, being insoluble in water, gradually settled to the bottom and was run off and used directly in gas shell. In developing this process the Government was assisted by the Dow Chemical Co., the Semet-Solvay Co., and the American Synthetic Color Co., of Stamford, Conn., the principal work being done by representatives of the Bureau of Mines at the Stamford plant. The contract with the American Synthetic Color Co. was dated December 13, 1917; and the company shipped over 111,853 pounds of the gas to Edgewood on March 11. This, when mixed with the necessary stannic chloride, supplies of which were already on the ground, was sufficient to fill approximately 100,000 75-millimeter shell. In the spring of 1918, due to certain internal troubles at the Stamford plant, it was agreed that the United States should lease this factory and operate it as a Government plant. Under Government operation the total production of chlorpicrin at the Stamford plant amounted to 3,226,000 pounds, of which 2,703,300 pounds were shipped overseas in 660-pound drums. The chlorpicrin plant at Edgewood went into entire operation on June 14, 1918. Up to the signing of the armistice this plant had produced 2,320,000 pounds of chlorpicrin. Phosgene was one of the deadliest gases employed in the war. Numerous other gases were used to annoy the enemy and force the wearing of masks, but phosgene was a killer employed to produce as many casualties as possible. The gas did not persist long in the air or on the ground after the shell had exploded, so that it was an ideal chemical for use in an attack. The gas would clear away by the time the troops following reached the place of gas concentration. Phosgene at ordinary temperatures is a colorless gas, but it condenses to a liquid at 8° C. It is formed by the combination of two gases, chlorine and carbon monoxide, in the presence of a catalyzer. The reaction is best conducted in iron boxes lined with lead and filled with charcoal of proper quality, into which boxes a stream of the reacting gases, mixed in proper proportions, is introduced. The reaction creates heat, and means must usually be taken to keep the reaction boxes cooled. The resulting phosgene is condensed to a liquid by passing the gas through a condenser which is surrounded by brine kept cold by refrigeration. The liquid is then stored in strong steel containers or run directly into Livens drums or artillery shell. Prior to 1917, the Oldbury Electro-Chemical Co., of Niagara Falls, N. Y., had set up a small experimental phosgene plant in the hope that the experiments might lead to the commercial utilization of carbon monoxide which was obtained by this company as a by-product in the manufacture of phosphorus. When we entered the war the company had developed its process to such efficiency as to warrant the construction of a large phosgene plant, and the Government entered into a contract with the company for the creation of facilities with a capacity of 10 tons of phosgene per day. The total output of the original small experimental plant at Niagara Falls, which was later leased by the United States, was 83,070 pounds of phosgene, of which 24,800 pounds were shipped overseas. The contract with the Oldbury Chemical Co. for its main phosgene plant was signed on January 15, 1918. Production here began on August 5 and by August 20 had reached a daily average of 5 tons. On November 1 the average daily production was 7 tons. The total quantity produced at this plant was 435 tons. The plant loaded 18,768 Livens drums with phosgene, each drum holding about 30 pounds. This plant was operated by enlisted men. The contract with Frank Hemingway (Inc.) called for a factory producing 5 tons of phosgene per day by a secret process controlled by the company. The construction of the plant was begun on February 2, 1918, and phosgene was first manufactured on May 17. This concern reached its maximum of 5 tons per day by August 1, and produced in all 205 tons of phosgene. Construction of the phosgene plant at Edgewood was begun on March 1, 1918. The plant consisted of four catalyzer buildings, each building having four units, each unit possessing a projected capacity of 5 tons of phosgene per day. The total capacity, therefore, was designed to be 80 tons per day. The carbon monoxide used in the process was produced by passing a mixture of oxygen and carbon dioxide over heated coke in a gas producer, the oxygen being supplied by a Claude machine with a capacity of 100,000 cubic feet of oxygen every 24 hours. The chlorine used came partly from the Edgewood chlorine plant and partly from outside sources. The actual production of phosgene at Edgewood began on July 5, 1918, and worked up to an output of 20 tons per day by the date of the armistice. The total production of phosgene at Edgewood was 935 tons. The total output of phosgene from all three plants, Edgewood and the Bound Brook and Niagara Falls operations, at the date of the armistice was 35 tons per day; and this was increasing to reach 95 tons per day by May 1, 1919. The total phosgene produced by all the plants before the armistice was 1,616 tons. The Germans, in spite of their attainments in chemistry, were never able to improve their clumsy and expensive methods of producing mustard gas. The best reports we have show that at the time the fighting ended, all of Germany's chemical warfare facilities could not produce more than 6 tons of mustard per day. The Mustard gas was by no means a child of the great war, having been prepared in experimental quantities since 1886. It is a colorless, slightly oily liquid, boiling at 220° C. with some decomposition. When perfectly pure it freezes at 14° C.; but, since it usually contains small percentages of impurities, it usually remains liquid at 0° C, or even below that. In chemistry the substance is known as dichlorethyl sulphide. The first commercial process proposed for the manufacture of mustard gas depended upon the use of ethylene chlorhydrin; and on April 13, 1918, a contract was made with the Commercial Research Co., Flushing, Long Island, for the manufacture of 10 tons per day by this process. In the spring and summer of 1918 a new process was developed both abroad and in the United States, one which used sulphur monochloride. Accordingly, the contract with the Commercial Research Co. was canceled, and efforts were concentrated on the later process. This process consisted in blowing gaseous ethylene into liquid sulphur monochloride in large iron reaction vessels. The reaction developed much heat. Sulphur is set free by this reaction, and the temperature must be controlled in order to prevent the formation of solid sulphur in the reaction machine. At the date of the armistice three mustard gas plants were either completed or nearing completion. The construction of the Edgewood plant was begun on May 18, 1918, and the first mustard was produced exactly a month later. The changing of processes, however, hampered production somewhat, but by September 20, the arsenal was producing 10 tons per day, and by November 11 had increased this to 30 tons per day. The total production of mustard gas at Edgewood during the war period was 711 tons, of which approximately 300 tons went into shell. On July 8, 1918, the Government began the construction of a mustard gas plant at Hastings, N. Y. This factory was to have a capacity of 25 tons per day, afterwards increased to 50 tons per day. The first unit of this plant was ready to operate when the armistice was signed. On July 6, 1918, the Government signed a contract with the National Aniline & Chemical Co., Buffalo, N. Y., calling for a mustard gas plant with a capacity of 50 tons daily. On November 11 this plant was 80 per cent complete. The cost of the plant was met by the Government, but the operation was to be in the hands of the Buffalo concern. The total daily capacity of all three plants when complete was estimated to be 200 tons. To insure an adequate supply of sulphur monochloride for its mustard gas production the Government built a special plant at Edgewood with a capacity of 300 tons of sulphur monochloride per day. As soon as toxic gas warfare had developed to a considerable extent, the perfection of gas-absorbing masks had given almost a complete protection against this new weapon, if the soldier put on his gas mask in time. But the mask, especially the earlier forms of it, was not easy upon the wearer, due to the difficulty of breathing through it and also because it restricted the soldier's vision. It was soon discovered that a force compelled to wear its gas masks for any considerable period lost in efficiency. The employment of gas by both sides for the purpose of forcing the opposite sides to wear masks continually was an important element in war at the close of hostilities. For this purpose the so-called tear gases were produced. Gassing the enemy with tear gas was much cheaper than with poison gas, yet it forced him to remain masked. The tear gases were highly effective. Even a trace of tear gas in the air would in a few moments blind a man temporarily. A single tear-gas shell could force the wearing of masks over an area so wide that it would require from 500 to 1,000 phosgene shell to produce the same effect. Most of the tear gases had bromine bases; so it was early determined that we should have to increase the American supply of bromine considerably if we were to meet our gas-warfare requirements. Bromine is a deep red liquid which boils at 63° C. The domestic source of bromine is principally in certain subterranean brines found in the United States, these solutions containing bromine in its compounds. The brines obtained in the vicinity of Midland, Mich., are especially rich in bromine, and by far the largest amount of bromine obtained in this country comes from that locality. In December, 1917, at a conference with Mr. Dow, of the Dow Chemical Co., Midland, Mich., it was decided that the Government should finance the sinking of 17 brine wells near Midland, the Dow Chemical Co. to supervise the work and to produce the bromine from the brine. The work on this project was not begun until March, 1918, but the entire project was practically completed when the armistice was signed. This plant is a future war asset of the United States. The tear gas which we prepared to manufacture was brombenzyl cyanide. It is a brownish oily liquid which solidifies to white or brownish crystals at 29° C. The production of brombenzyl cyanide involves a fairly intricate chemical process. The first step is to chlorinate ordinary toluol, one of the coal tar bases, to produce benzyl chloride. This chloride is then mixed with sodium cyanide in alcoholic solution and distilled, benzyl cyanide being the result. It is then only necessary to brominate the benzyl cyanide by treating it with bromine vapor. The first manufacture of brombenzyl cyanide in the United States was conducted at an experimental plant at the American University Station at Washington. After this a large scale plant was authorized at the plant of the Federal Dye & Chemical Co., at Kingsport, Tenn. The construction of this factory began on July 8, 1918, and operations started on October 29, the total production of brombenzyl cyanide being a trifle over 5 tons. In November the plant reached a capacity of 3 tons per day. The bromine gases were not poisonous in the sense of being killers, but were merely highly irritating to the membranes of the eye. The killing gases were phosgene, chlorpicrin, and chlorine. Mustard gas in sufficient amount was also fatal, its effect being identical to that of a deep burn. It attacked the lungs, the eyes, the skin, and even the intestines if food contaminated with mustard gas were swallowed. An insidious feature of mustard gas is the fact that its action is practically always delayed. It might be several hours after a man was gassed, even fatally, with mustard before he became aware of it, and then it was too late to administer the treatment that might save his life. Goggles alone would have been sufficient protection against tear gas, except for the fact that it was invariably mixed with the deadlier gases. The various experiments preliminary to our production of gases were conducted in provisional laboratories at the Bureau of Standards, Washington, D. C., Bureau of Mines, Washington, D. C., the Geophysical Laboratory, Washington, D. C., the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, and Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. A control laboratory for the solution of problems arising in manufacture was eventually established at Edgewood. A total of 167,092 single chemical determinations were made at these laboratories under the direction of 20 commissioned officers, 45 noncommissioned officers, and 204 privates. The production of gases and other chemicals was only part of the work of the Edgewood Arsenal and its subsidiary plants. The other The empty shell, after being inspected, were loaded on trucks, together with the proper number of loaded boosters. The booster was the device which exploded the shell and scattered the gas. Electric locomotives then pulled the shell trucks to the filling buildings. There were four of these to a single shell-filling plant, radiating at right angles from a common center. From the trucks the empty shell were lifted by hand to a belt conveyor and the conveyor carried the shell slowly through a room kept cold by artificial refrigeration. Although the shell moved only 70 feet through this room the conveyor traveled so slowly that they were 30 minutes in transit, and during this time they were cooled to a temperature of about 0° F. This chilling was necessary because phosgene has a low boiling point, and it was necessary to keep the temperature of the metal of the shell considerably below the boiling point of phosgene in order that the gas might remain in liquid form while the filling was going on. The chilled shell cases were next transferred to small trucks, each carrying six of them. The loaded truck was then drawn through a filling tunnel by means of a chain haul. This tunnel was so ingeniously contrived that the human assistance to the filling and closing machinery could all be conducted from the outside. The phosgene, kept liquid by refrigeration, was run into the shell by an automatic filler. The truck was then moved forward a few feet to a point where the boosters were inserted into the noses of the shell by the hands of the operator reaching in through an aperture in the tunnel. The final closing of the shell was then accomplished by motors. The air in the filling tunnel was constantly withdrawn by strong ventilation, the exhaust air being washed in stone towers by chemical agents to neutralize any gases that might be present. The filled, inclosed shell were next conveyed to a dump, where they were classified and then stood nose down for 24 hours to test them for leaks. Then they were painted, striped, and stenciled by air paint brushes. The final process was to pack them in boxes and store them for shipment. This was done in large storage magazines on the grounds of the Edgewood Arsenal. A similar method was used for filling shell with chlorpicrin, except that refrigeration was unnecessary. Mustard gas required another sort of filling machine. Several filling plants were designed and constructed for filling grenades with stannic chloride and with white phosphorus, and also one for filling incendiary drop bombs. The capacity of each of these plants per day was as follows: Stannic chloride plant, hand grenades, 25,000. White phosphorus grenade plant, 30,000. White phosphorus smoke-shell plant, 155 millimeter shell, 2,000; or 4.7-inch or 5-inch shell, 4,000; or 75-millimeter shell, 6,000. Incendiary drop-bomb plant, 2,000. The following sentences summarize the production and expectations of the Edgewood Arsenal: (1) The gas program as of March 1918 called for approximately 545 tons of toxic gas weekly. (2) The Chemical Warfare Service program of August 12, 1918, called for a much larger amount, viz, about 4,525 tons per week. (3) The approximate filling capacity of the Edgewood Arsenal plant from August to November, 1918, was nearly 1,000 tons per week. (4) The toxic gas production during this same period increased from 450 to 675 tons per week. (5) The capacity of all projectiles received, unlimited by boosters, varied during the same period from 125 to 450 tons per week. (6) The maximum capacity corresponding to boosters received was less than 100 tons per week. In these facts it will be seen that the numbers of empty shell delivered to the plant was far less than the number required to accommodate the gas production. Many of the shell received were without boosters and therefore without value until boosters were provided, so that the limiting factor was really the supply of boosters. The booster supply was sufficient to take care of only a relatively small fraction of the toxic gas actually produced. The filling capacity of the plant was also in excess of the delivery of shell and boosters. The 75-millimeter shell-filling plant had a capacity of 1,200,000 shell per month, eventually double that, while delivery of shell was slightly over 300,000 per month and of boosters less than 200,000. Because of the nature of toxic gas it is impossible to store it up in any large quantities. Early in the summer of 1918 large amounts were shipped in bulk overseas and there loaded into shell. Later we received instructions to stop all shipments in bulk except a limited amount of chlorine, and thereafter our production was limited to the number of shell and boosters available. In June, 1918, we shipped in bulk 15 tons of mustard gas, 705 tons of chlorpicrin, and 48 tons of phosgene. This was to be exchanged for gas shell produced by the French. In late July the French had no more extra shell to be filled with American gas and this fact terminated the arrangement. However, we sold excess gas both to England and to France. England received 900 tons of our chlorpicrin and 368 tons of American phosgene. France took 300 tons of chlorpicrin and 1,408 tons of chlorine, equivalent to 1,226 tons of phosgene, since phosgene is 80 per cent chlorine including allowance We therefore shipped to Europe in bulk 3,662 tons of gas or its equivalent, which gas was largely loaded in shell and used by the United States troops or those of the allies. This quantity was sufficient to load 1,600,000 shell, two-thirds of them being of the 75-millimeter caliber and the other one-third 155-millimeter, the total number being thought to be at least equal to the total number of gas shell fired by American troops in action. Thus while American gas was not actually fired in American shell against the Germans, American gas was used against the enemy and America furnished at least as much gas as she fired. In addition to this we shipped 18,600 Livens drums loaded with phosgene. These contained 279 tons of gas, and some of them were fired at the enemy. We began producing loaded gas shell in the summer of 1918 and by August 9 had shipped 75,000 loaded 75-millimeter shell. These shell were unassembled for firing in the guns, the Ordnance Department having decided in June to assemble gas shell in their cartridge cases in France. The Chemical Warfare production organization developed and manufactured a large number of special containers for the shipment of toxic gases. These were of special construction in order to guard against dangers that would result from leaks, and all had to stand the tests required by the Bureau of Explosives before they would be received for railroad shipment. The 1-ton containers, all of which would hold 1 ton of liquid chlorine, were designed by the Ordnance Department and would withstand a pressure of 500 pounds per square inch. The 300-pound phosgene cylinders, designed by the Ordnance Department, were made to withstand a 500-pound hydrostatic pressure and a 250-pound air test. We purchased standard 55-gallon acid drums and standard-pattern cylinders for holding 75 pounds of chlorine. We constructed chlorine tank cars, each tank with a capacity of 15 tons and a strength that could withstand a pressure of 500 pounds to the square inch. We also designed a tank car originally for the shipment of chlorpicrin and later used it for shipping sulphur monochloride.
During the spring and summer of 1917 two marked tendencies were to be observed in the fighting in France. One of these was the greatly increased use by both sides of poisonous gases and chemicals, frightful in their effect; the other the almost complete censorship that hid the knowledge of this tendency not only from the people of Europe but particularly from those of the newest belligerent, America. The French and British Governments, who then controlled all news from the front, feared, and perhaps with reason, that if the picture of gas warfare, as it was then developing, should be placed before the American people, it would result in an unreasonable dread of gases on the part of the American Nation and its soldiers. One year later, with tens of thousands of American troops facing the Germans, there was almost no censorship upon the details of fighting with chemicals. The mysterious gases of 1917 were then known to almost every reading individual in the civilized world. The once secret formulas were published in the technical journals. Non-censored photographs of defensive equipment were freely published, and masks and other paraphernalia were exhibited for the public interest. Except for secret plans for the future and the various surprises being prepared by one or more of the belligerents, the whole subject of chemical warfare had become an open book. What occasioned this change in policy on the part of governing authorities? The reason was that the American troops brought with them to France the best and most protective gas masks the world had seen; and they brought these with them by the millions. Starting a mask-production effort in May, 1917, America turned out a total of 5,250,000 gas masks before the armistice was signed, and sent more than 4,000,000 of them overseas. As to the quality of these masks, it is only necessary to say that they gave twenty times the protection afforded by the best German gas masks. In other words, we protected our soldiers against the poisons which Germany had brought into warfare, and protected them completely. No American soldier was ever gassed due to the failure of an American gas mask, and such gas casualties as did occur were due to the fact that the masks were not quickly enough utilized when gas was thrown over, or because the soldier was unaware of the presence of gas. With such protection there was no longer reason to fear that the frightfulness of chemical warfare would reduce American morale. The production of gas masks was one of the most picturesque and successful phases of our entire war preparation. It engaged the attention of some of the principal chemical engineers of the country, and millions of men, women, and children in the United States contributed something to the success of the undertaking, if only to obey the "Eat More Coconut" slogan or to save peach stones for the benefit of the production of the charcoal essential to efficient gas masks. The problem of making masks in such quantity and under such supreme demands for perfection was one which might well stagger manufacturers accustomed to large-scale operations. We started in with practically no knowledge whatsoever of the fundamental principles of a perfect mask. Yet the apparatus was as difficult to build as a rifle. It must, perforce, be made of perishable materials, and this fact brought the question of durability to the fore at the very start. It was evident that no chemical substances known in our past commercial life would give protection against the new poisons which had been developed in Europe. With the exception of phosgene and chlorine, the various war gases which had been brought out prior to our entrance in the struggle were completely unknown in our trade or commerce and had existed only in our experimental laboratories. Then it was discovered that as these toxins increased in power they could penetrate the ordinary fabrics known in commerce, and this necessitated the creation of new types of materials to be used in the masks. Finally the increasing use of gases forced the soldiers to wear their masks for much longer periods than had been necessary at the beginning of gas warfare; so that the problem of comfort became one of great importance. All of these basic considerations indicate to some extent the difficulty of the undertaking. The chlorine, which floated in a pale greenish-yellow cloud down upon the defenseless Canadian troops at Ypres, with such terrible effect upon the men, was, as has been said, the first gas used. Chlorine, though easy to obtain, the principal source of supply being common table salt, was, from the standpoint of strategy, far from being the ideal gas of warfare. Troops could be quickly and easily protected from it. But even as it was, only lack of faith in their new weapon prevented the Germans from winning the war with it then and there. Had they brought into the fighting a sufficient supply of this chlorine, they might have gassed their way to Paris in short order. In fact, they brought to the line an almost negligible supply and they themselves were insufficiently protected to go through their own gas and follow up the attack. By the time they were able to renew gas warfare the French and British had equipped Thereafter the tendency was toward new and strange gases which were heavy in weight and highly toxic in their physiological action. This development led to new, slightly volatile liquids, the so-called mustard gas being the best example. Mustard gas (properly called dichlorethyl sulphide) is similar to lubricating oil in many of its physical characteristics but smells like ordinary mustard. Ground soaked with the mustard gas remains impregnated for days, the vapor rising continually. A perfect mask is one which will remove completely every trace of gas or poisonous vapor before the air can reach the eyes, nose, or mouth of the soldier. The first masks adopted by the allies were simply gauze pads saturated with neutralizing chemicals. These became unsuitable as soon as new varieties of powerful poisons were brought out. The mask development thereafter progressed to the box respirator type. This consisted of a mask or helmet connected to a box filled with absorbing and neutralizing chemicals which purified the air for the mask wearer. This was the type of respirator in use to the end of the fighting. It is quite clear to us now that only such a mask could be efficient in chemical warfare, but in the early part of 1917 the matter was not clear either to us or to the allies. The first requisitions from the A. E. F. called for masks of two types, each soldier to be supplied with one of each. The reserve mask was to be of the gauze type and the regular mask of the box respirator type, affording protection from the more powerful poisons that were then just coming into use. We wasted considerable energy at the beginning in our attempt to produce both types. Eventually, however, when we were just ready to start manufacturing the gauze-type mask, orders came to abandon the effort, since it was even then apparent that our soldiers must be prepared at all times to withstand all gases. The box respirator equipment, the general principle of which was finally adopted by all the nations at war, fell into two classes. In a single-protection mask the wearer breathed air from inside of the face piece, so that any leakage around the edges of the face piece would result in a casualty when the wearer was in a strong concentration of gas. The other sort, known as the double-protection mask, consisted of a gas-tight face piece, similar to that of the single-protection mask. In this type, to guard against any possible leakage around the edges between the mask and the wearer's skin, the breathing system was sealed away from the air inside the face piece by means of a rubber mouthpiece and a nose clip, the wearer inhaling through the mouthpiece. The United States and English double-protection masks consisted of 11 principal parts as follows: 1. A knapsack slung from the shoulder or neck. This contained the canister and a pocket for storing away the mask when not in use. 2. A metal canister in which was contained the absorptive neutralizing chemicals. 3. A flexible hose reaching from the canister to the face piece. 4. A flutter, or exhalation, valve, which opened when the wearer exhaled his breath and closed when he inhaled, thus bringing the inhalation through the canister but allowing the exhalation from the lungs to pass out without polluting the chemicals of the canister. 5. The face piece, or hood, fitting snugly around the edges and covering the eyes, cheeks, lower forehead, nose, mouth, and chin. 6. The eyepieces, or lenses, through which vision was maintained. 7. An elastic harness for the head, to hold the face piece in place. 8. A body cord to tie around the chest and hold the knapsack firmly, so that the mask could be seized in both hands and pulled out of the knapsack. 9. A metal flange connection or angle tube which carried the hose through the face piece to the mouthpiece. 10. A rubber mouthpiece through which the wearer breathed and which helped to hold the mask in place. 11. A wire nose spring and rubber nose pad to hold the nostrils shut and force breathing through the mouth. The first order for gas masks was issued on May 16, 1917, when the Chief of Staff asked the Surgeon General to supply 1,100,000 masks before June 30, 1918, or within about one year. Meanwhile 25,000 masks were needed at once in order to equip Gen. Pershing's first division, then about to sail overseas. There was but one man in the Army who knew anything at all about the subject and who could even attempt to produce this quantity in three weeks. This was Maj. (later colonel) L. P. Williamson, of the Surgeon General's Department, who had been spending some months at the Army War College at Washington studying as a side issue such papers on gas warfare as came from abroad. It was due to his knowledge and the volunteer staff of the Bureau of Mines that we were able to begin the actual manufacture of masks within a few days after the requirements were fixed, and actually to turn out 25,000 masks in but little more than three weeks' time. Col. Williamson's first step was to consult with Dr. Van. H. Manning, the Director of the Bureau of Mines, and with his assistant, Mr. G. A. Burrell. Since February, 1917, the Bureau of Mines had been experimenting with gas masks and had built up a corps of scientists for this work. Within this organization was Mr. Bradley To produce 25,000 gas masks in three weeks meant to compress England's two years of experience into 21 days. The military authorities of this country at that time could plead entire ignorance of the qualifications of an efficient gas mask. The prevailing idea seemed to be that you could go out into the market and buy them by the hundreds of thousands, as you might buy Halloween masks. But this was not any ordinary poison which we were to fight. These powerful chemicals attacked the human tissues as would acid. As the result of the effort, we did supply the first division going overseas in July. However, the masks were inferior to the British and were quickly replaced in France by British equipment. It was not until the following January that we developed an apparatus which we regarded as satisfactory to undergo the supreme test of battle. To indicate some of the difficulties overcome between May and December, 1917, there are here set forth some of the features of an effective mask. In the first place, the face piece must fit perfectly; it must not leak gas around the edges. It must fit into the hollows of the temples and must give the jaws a free space in which to work, and yet not slip back and press against one's Adam's apple. The pressure of the mask on the forehead must come above the supraorbital nerves which are just above the eyebrows, or else intense headaches will result from a few moments' wear. Moreover, to fit all faces and heads, several graduated sizes of masks are required. We first attained the gas-tight fit with a padded band around the edge of a flexible rubber-cloth face piece. Later we developed a thicker, stiffer face piece, but maintained a gas-tight fit by the elasticity of the face piece and the head harness. Then the material of the face piece must be gas-tight in itself. At first we manufactured a fabric made by spreading rubber on cotton sailcloth; and, after testing it, we found that the smallest molecule known, that of hydrogen, would not pass through it in large amounts. This seemed to be a suitable fabric, until tested by the newer gases. Then we found that some of these gases were soluble in rubber compounds and could dissolve their way through thin rubber so quickly that the face piece cloth offered practically no protection at all. Another difficulty with the rubber fabric was that it was likely to absorb and hold certain of the poisons, so that a man might be gassed by the mask itself. The rubber companies, principally at Akron, Ohio, experimented continually until they discovered a The eyepieces or lenses offered another problem. Celluloid is strong but it is not so transparent as glass. It ignites easily and is easily scratched. Glass is ideal in transparency and will not burn, but is fragile. It was evident that we must provide eyepieces which would not break easily, since even so slight an accident as the breaking of a lens might cost a soldier his life by admitting concentrated gas to the mask. A material known as triplex glass had been experimentally made. This consisted of a thin celluloid strip sandwiched between two layers of glass, all three welded together. This glass would not splinter, and even if cracked or broken, would still be gas-tight. However, this had never been made in quantity and it was necessary to work out many kinks and to start a large plant to provide the necessary millions of lenses. Then there was also to be overcome the tendency of the eyepieces to dim, particularly in cold weather, as the wearer breathed moist breath into the mask. The answer to this problem was a soapy compound which put a slippery surface on the glass and avoided the droplets of mist. The first masks were also equipped with deep plaits so that the wearer could wipe off the lens with the interior of the face-piece itself, though the final development (the invention of a Frenchman by the name of Tissot) was to bring the cold air into the mask so that it flowed directly against the lenses and evaporated any condensed moisture. This kept them clear under all ordinary circumstances. It was evident that the metal tube passing through the face piece must not contain pinholes and must be able to stand rough handling without pulling loose. The harness must maintain a gas-tight connection between the wearer's face and the face piece, but not at the cost of pain or chafing of the face or head. The flutter valve must fit with absolute tightness and must work perfectly and instantaneously at all times. The flexible hose leading from the canister to the face piece must be strong and without flaws or leaks, and yet flexible in the extreme. A stiff hose would be likely to swing and displace the face piece whenever the wearer moved. The mouthpiece must be comfortable and must be built along lines to prevent irritation to the gums or lips, yet it must be reinforced so that in his excitement the soldier can not bite down and shut off his air supply. The canister must withstand corrosion and must be gas-tight. Smooth sided canisters can not be used, for the gas would slip up the sides without coming in contact with much of the chemical filling. The sides of the canisters were, therefore, ribbed so that the charcoal The web sling of the knapsack must not curl and chafe the neck or shoulders of the wearer. The knapsack must be waterproof and must have easily and quickly workable fastenings. The canisters were filled with charcoal and with cement granules. These were crushed into carefully sized small bits about the size of a pinhead and packed in layers in the canisters. The air could pass through them easily and the particles of both substances absorbed gas. The chief quality requirements for the carbon and the cement were that they must have long life and great activity. Of the canister ingredients the charcoal offered the more difficult technical problem. It had long been known that charcoal was highly absorptive of certain gases, but except in rare instances no thorough study had ever been made of the subject. It was evident, however, that the more charcoal or carbon which could be packed into the canister and still allow the free passage of air the greater the amount of gas that would be absorbed. Consequently a search was made for carbon existing in the natural state in the most compact form. This search is described later. Each canister also contained concrete granules in a definite proportion to the carbon pieces. These granules were made of cement mixed with strong alkalis and oxidizing agents to digest the poisons as they passed through the canister. It will be seen that the manufacture of good gas masks was a highly technical undertaking, one calling for the best talents of eminent men of science. The mask was not something that could be improvised on the spur of the moment, but each part of it must be worked out after the most painstaking research. The Gas Defense Division of the Chemical Warfare Service never at any time approved a type of mask which its own officers or men did not themselves wear in the most deadly concentrations of gas. To get back to the chronological order of development, on May 21, 1917, the making of the first 25,000 masks was started with frantic haste; though, as it developed later, there was no need for such an effort, since there were available in England and France plenty of masks for the first American troops. Working to produce in the shortest possible time some sort of protection for the first overseas division, the officers in charge were forced to adopt methods which, had they been followed throughout the manufacturing program, would have been extremely costly. There was no time then to stop and study the problem either here or abroad. Before the end The production of these first 25,000 masks called upon the services of various manufacturers. The assembling of the masks was conducted by the American Can Co., at Brooklyn, N. Y. The B. F. Goodrich Co., of Akron, manufactured the face pieces with the eyepieces inserted, also the connecting hose, the check valve of the canister, the flutter valve, and the rubber mouthpiece. The American Can Co. produced the canisters. The Day Chemical Co., of Westline, Pa., gave the charcoal its first burning. The Ward Baking Co., of Brooklyn, patriotically baked the charcoal—to activate it—in their bread ovens free of charge. The General Chemical Co., of New York, supplied the soda-lime granules. The Doehler Die Casting Co., of Brooklyn, manufactured the angle tubes. The Simmons Hardware Co., of St. Louis, produced the waterproof knapsacks. The Seaver Howland Press, of Boston, printed the cards of instructions that went with the mask outfit; and the Beetle & MacLean Manufacturing Co., of Boston, printed the record tags. Though Maj. (now colonel) Williamson was formally in charge of this emergency work, he requisitioned the masks from the Bureau of Mines, which took entire charge of the first contract. Following this, on August 31, 1917, the Gas Defense Service of the Surgeon General's Department was established by official order, and Mr. Dewey, who had been working as a volunteer in the Bureau of Mines, was commissioned major and put in charge. The next step was to prepare for the permanent development and manufacture of gas masks. Contracts were let for the manufacture of 320,000 component parts of masks as we then knew them, and a price was fixed for the assembling of the entire original requirement of 1,100,000 masks. The assembling contract went to the Hero Manufacturing Co., of Philadelphia, which remained until the end of the war the sole private contractor assembling our gas masks. The spirit of cooperation and desire to serve the Government was evident from the start. The B. F. Goodrich Co. had been the only producers of the rubber parts of the first 25,000 masks. In this original contract it had gained valuable technical and cost knowledge; but in order that the Government might not be limited to one source of supply for such parts, the Goodrich Co. voluntarily imparted to the Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. and to the United States Rubber Co. the information that would enable them to bid intelligently for portions of the work. This was a distinct departure from the usual practice in competitive industry. All during the fall of 1917 and early winter of 1917-18 the development of the mask continued, the Government experts working hand in hand with private contractors. Because of the newness of this sort of manufacture and because of the wide variety of unusual articles required, entailing in some instances the actual creation of hitherto unknown commodities, the Government at all times was required to act as the procurer of raw materials for the masks. In this period of development America designed her own typical mask—a gradual evolution, but one which, though based on the British design, arrived at a perfection which had been unknown in warfare before. The triplex glass used in the eyepieces was a patented commodity produced only in one small factory in Philadelphia. It was necessary to expand the facilities for the production of this necessary material. Meanwhile some of the men engaged in the work had improved the eyepiece by providing it with an aluminum mounting. But this very improvement brought embarrassment to the work, since the Akron rubber contracts had provided for eyepieces inserted in the fabric itself, and to apply the aluminum frame brought about a radical change in the manufacturing methods at the rubber factories. There were also many other problems that had to be solved before our authorities were satisfied to go ahead in quantity production. There was the matter of rubberizing the face-piece fabric, for instance. Two methods of rubberizing cloth were in use. The first method was to roll out a thin sheet of rubber and then press it into the cloth fabric by running the whole thing under heavy rollers. This was known as the calender method. The other method, called the spreader method, was more intricate. In this process the sailcloth, tightly stretched, was carried around a roller. Above the roller a few thousandths of an inch was a knife blade extending from edge to edge. The rubber compound in liquid form was then fed upon the roller in such manner that a thin film of it pressed under the knife blade and upon the cloth on the roller. The rubberizing method finally adopted was a combination of the calender and spreader methods. The rubber was applied green to the cloth. The curing process thereafter was highly important. If the curing process were too short, the rubber would be sticky and would pull off the sailcloth too easily. If the rubber were over-cured, it would crack and split. Nothing short of absolute perfection in every part would do, since the slightest imperfection anywhere was likely to cost a man his life. Consequently we installed at the various producing plants not only 100 per cent inspection, but we constructed laboratories for putting the materials through the most elaborate and exhaustive sorts of control tests, and then reinspected the parts at the assembly plants, both before and after the assembly. All the rubber used was continually sampled and analyzed in the laboratories. The tensile strengths of all fabrics were determined by standard destructive tests. We also tested the adhesion of the rubber coating by standard chemical methods and worked out flexibility tests for the breathing tube. After all of the factory inspection and material-control tests, the masks themselves were sampled and worn in highly toxic atmospheres. In this work thousands of our masks were worn by the officers and men of the Gas Defense Division in concentrated atmospheres of the most deadly gases. For such work we constructed testing rooms whose atmosphere could be completely exhausted and changed in 90 seconds. The efficiency of canisters was tested either by the lungs of the inspectors or by mechanical breathing into telltale solutions. The story of the carbon (charcoal) which went into the American canister is one of the most interesting phases of the whole undertaking. Investigations carried on by the research staff of the National Carbon Co., aided by a clue from the University of Chicago, led to the selection of coconut shell as a raw material. Any carbon absorbs a definite number of times its weight of gas. Therefore the densest carbons will be most efficient, volume for volume, as gas absorbers in a given space. Coconut shells and other nut shells were found to be the most compact form in which carbon exists in nature in commercially practicable quantities, being considerably superior in this respect to anthracite coal and to such woods as ironwood and mahogany. Another essential for charcoal used in the canisters was that it must be so hard that it would not crumble easily and produce dust that would clog up the air passages and prevent easy breathing through the canister. Coconut shell fulfilled both of these conditions better than any other known material. Further study by the National Carbon Co., backed up by wonderful large-scale development work, paid for and carried out by the National Electric Lamp Association under the direction of their Mr. F. N. Dorsey (who later became Col. Dorsey and chief of the Development Division of the Chemical Warfare Service), gave us the details of a new process for treating the charcoal to make it absorptive. After the original burning of the nut shells, or other carbon materials, the resulting carbon was given a second highly specialized heat treatment, and this activated it until it had a powerful affinity for gas. Such carbon, made from nutshell material, would absorb 150 times its own volume of chlorpicrin, one of the most deadly of the war gases, the action being approximately instantaneous. It must not be supposed, however, that investigation of carbons stopped with these experiments. In the search for the ideal carbon we experimented with almost every hard vegetable substance known. Literally, hundreds of kinds of carbon were tested. Next Some idea of the scale of the American mask production may be seen in our requirements for coconut shells. In our survey of raw materials we included the entire coconut resources of the world. Such figures were relatively easy to obtain because the copra, or dried coconut meat, industry is an important one, particularly in southern Asia and the South Sea Islands of the Pacific. Ceylon was the greatest single source of coconuts, 2,300,000,000 nuts being gathered there annually. British India was next with 1,500,000,000 nuts. Our own Philippine Islands were third, with an annual production of 900,000,000 nuts. Then followed in order the Dutch East Indies, British Malaya, French Indo-China, Siam, and the Pacific archipelagos, the total production of the Orient being 7,450,200,000 nuts annually. This was a supply that would provide 4,000 tons of coconut shells every day. The total production of coconuts in Central America, the West Indies and the Caribbean coast of South America amounted to 131,000,000 nuts annually, equal to a supply of 75 tons of shells daily. When we first began to build masks our demands for carboniferous material ranged from 40 to 50 tons a day of raw material; but by the end of the war, due to vastly increased mask requirements, we were in need of a supply of 400 tons of coconut shells per day. This demand would absorb the entire coconut production of the tropical Americas five times over. It was equal to one-tenth of the total coconut production of the Orient. Since transportation from the oriental countries was out of the question on the scale demanded by our mask program, it was evident that we were likely to be seriously embarrassed by the lack of raw materials; and, indeed, at no time before September, 1918, did we have on hand a reserve supply of shells and other charcoal materials that would last for more than a few days, though at no time after the start was the actual output of masks retarded by lack of these materials. In building up our supply of coconut shells we naturally turned first to the resources in the United States. America normally consumes fresh coconuts at a rate sufficient to supply about 50 tons of shells daily. The war restrictions on the use of sugar had the effect of cutting down the consumption of coconuts, used largely in candy and cakes, and consequently one of our efforts was to increase by widespread propaganda the use of coconut. The "Eat-More-Coconut" campaign more than doubled the American consumption of coconut in a brief space of time; and the 50 tons of shells daily, which had been the original supply, grew in volume until in October, 1918, with the help of importations of shell, we averaged about 150 tons per day exclusive of the Orient. The first heating of coconut shells to make charcoal reduces their weight 75 per cent. Therefore it was evident that we could most economically ship our oriental supply in the form of charcoal produced on the other side of the Pacific Ocean. For this purpose, in August, we established under the direction of an officer of the Chemical Warfare Service a charcoal plant in the Philippine Islands. From this plant agents were sent to Ceylon, India, Siam, and other oriental countries to purchase enormous supplies of nutshells. This work was only gaining momentum when the armistice was declared. As it was, the Philippine charcoal plant actually shipped over 300 tons of coconut shell carbon to the United States and had 1,000 tons on hand ready for shipment on November 11. The method adopted in the Philippines was to burn the shells in long, shallow trenches. As soon as the smoke had disappeared and the flames came clear and lambent through the incandescent mass, the bed of coals was smothered by means of galvanized-iron lids thrown over the trenches. It is interesting to note that the coolies hired by the Chemical Warfare Service in the Philippines would not work at charcoal burning more than a few hours each day, because they declared that the heat from the pits would give them tuberculosis and other lung troubles. Meanwhile agents and officers of the Gas Defense Division were searching the tropical regions of Central and South America for other nuts valuable for this purpose. The best of these was found to be the cohune or corozo nut. These nuts are the fruit of the Manaca palm tree. They grow in clusters, like bananas or dates, one to four clusters to a tree, each cluster yielding from 60 to 75 pounds of nuts. Cohune nuts grow principally on the west coast of Central America in low, swampy regions from Mexico to Panama, but are also found along the Caribbean coast. Before the war created a demand for cohune nuts none of them had ever been imported commercially in this country, although it is understood that France had a prewar commercial use for them. The chief virtue of the cohune nut from our point of view was its extreme thickness of shell, the kernel of this large nut, which is 3 A third source of tropical material was in the ivory nuts used in considerable quantities in this country by the makers of buttons. In the button factories in this country there is considerable waste of this nut material, amounting to 400 or 500 tons a month, this waste including the nut dust which was useless to us and had to be screened out. The price of ivory-nut waste was high, because of the use of this material in the manufacture of lactic acid. Nevertheless, we used a considerable quantity of it. Another great branch of activity in securing carbon supplies was undertaken in this country. In the search for fruit pits and for domestic nuts it was found that the quantity of apricot pits, peach pits, cherry pits (largely from the canning industry), and walnut shells on the Pacific coast amounted to 23,600 tons annually. We arranged for the whole Pacific coast supply of these commodities and converted a part of a San Francisco plant of the Pacific Gas & Electric Co. into a plant for the preliminary carbonization of 100 tons a day of these materials. The next step was to turn to the consumers of the country and ask them to save their peach and apricot stones, their prune, plum, and olive pits, their date seeds, cherry pits, butternut shells, Brazil nut shells, and their walnut and hickory nut shells. The work of securing these and advertising the Government's need to the public was turned over to the American Red Cross. There was some question at the start as to whether the charter of the Red Cross would permit it to undertake such a war activity; but, since it was determined that this was purely a defensive operation, the legal forces of the Red Cross decided that the organization could go into a campaign of this kind. "Help us to give him the best gas mask." That was the slogan which was carried on the posters, catching the attention of almost every person in the United States. More than 1,000,000 pieces of literature were distributed. The Red Cross established 163 collection points, and collection barrels appeared on the streets of practically every community in the United States. The Junior Red Cross, the Food Administration, and the Department of Agriculture gave valuable assistance. The Boy Scouts organized nut gathering parties. The governor of Massachusetts proclaimed November 9, 1918, to be gas mask day for the collection of carbon material, and 28 other States fixed gas mask days in November. Two reels of motion pictures were shown through the country. Journalists aided the campaign in newspapers and magazines. Frederic J. Haskin sent out a valuable article which was published in many of the important newspapers of the United States. One Oklahoma town took a day off en masse and gathered a whole carload of nuts. This campaign started September 13, 1918, but was abruptly cut short on the 11th of November. Thus it is impossible to give exactly the result of it, since many of the scheduled shipments of nuts and fruit pits were canceled and found their way into fuel bins. However, at one time there were on the rails, en route to the carbon plant at Astoria, 100 carloads of materials supplied by the patriotism of the American people. It was estimated that some 4,000 tons were collected in this brief period, exclusive of the material from the California canning industry. The procurement of the nuts, however, was but the first step in the production of carbon for use in our mask canisters, for after charcoal is first burned its pores are still filled with various impurities which may be summed up by the word "tar." When the charcoal was given a second heating, under careful temperature regulation, this tar was burned out, with the result that the charcoal itself became much more active in its absorption of gas. In fact, properly activated charcoal is more than absorptive—it is catalytic in its action toward the gaseous poisons used in the war, not only absorbing them but hastening their breakdown (digestion) into less injurious substances. The activating of charcoal offered at the start considerably more of a problem than the question of making the charcoal itself, since activating had never before been conducted on a commercial scale. Two months of experimentation showed us that the best distillation of shells and pits for charcoal was that conducted in illuminating-gas-making retorts. The activation thereafter had to be done in special equipment permitting of fine control of temperature. The Government eventually spent more than $1,000,000 in a charcoal activating plant, providing for America the best protection known to science against the poisons which Germany had introduced into warfare. The cement granules, which also had to go into the canisters, supplied another problem. We originally used a special soda-lime for this material, but only obtained a satisfactory product after Maj. H. W. Dudley, R.E., came to America as our British advisor and brought to us the British granule formula. The basis of this cement was lime, to absorb gases of an acid nature. Portland cement was In making the granules the sodium permanganate solution was mixed with the cement. The mixture was roughed out into slabs, allowed to set for three days, dried, ground up, screened to the proper size, and packed in drums for future use. As has been noted, the charcoal and cement were packed in the canister in alternate layers. The cement had the virtue of working while the carbon slept—that is, the carbon was active when there were gases present to be absorbed, but the cement kept on thereafter, digesting the gases which had been absorbed by the charcoal. The cement was not quick in action, but it had a remarkable capacity for consuming some poisons. To return to the chronological development of manufacturing facilities, after we had placed the contracts for the first 1,000,000 masks in the early fall of 1917, we began looking around for facilities for producing carbon and cement in the quantities which we should need in the near future. We found at Astoria, the district near Hell Gate at the junction of the East River and Long Island Sound in New York, the large gas works of the Astoria Light, Heat & Power Co. perhaps the largest illuminating-gas plant in the world. This was a subsidiary of the Consolidated Gas Co. of New York, which concern readily agreed to turn over to the Government some of its retorts and to permit the construction of a Government-operated plant on its grounds. We might have been seriously delayed in the production of gas masks except for the extraordinary and continuing efforts of Mr. W. Cullen Morris, Chief Construction engineer of the Consolidated Gas Co., and Mr. Addicks, its vice president. It was due to Mr. Morris that a $150,000 granule plant was constructed, heavy complicated equipment installed, and operations started in the short space of 30 days. Let us now go back to the history of actual mask production. At the start it was estimated that when the Hero Manufacturing Co. had reached full capacity it could assemble and turn out 6,000 masks a day. The fuel shortage and the railroad congestion of the late fall and early winter of 1917-18 hampered our supplying the Hero Manufacturing Co. with parts, until the mask production, averaging 2,430 a day as it had in November, dwindled to 1,500 a day in December. The Goodyear Co. at Akron had meanwhile established its Akron-Boston motor track line. This was put at the service of the Gas Defense Division, hauling various supplies from both Akron and Boston to the assembling plant at Philadelphia. Sometimes in the mountains of Pennsylvania the trucks would be blocked in snow and the patriotic citizens of the community would get out with shovels and work until the supplies again started on their way. Slabbing the doughlike mixture of carbon and spreading it on screen-bottomed trays at carbon plant No. 2. All of the masks produced in the fall of 1917 were still regarded as experimental and not yet up to the standard of masks which we were willing to supply for actual service at the front. Consequently, not one of them was exported, but the entire 1917 production, after the first order of 25,000, was sent only to the training camps in this country. By January 8, 1918, we were producing masks which we were willing to put into actual service, and on that date the manufacture of masks for export was started. In January we exported 54,000 masks, which was 16,000 less than the schedule which we had set for ourselves. But by February 20 we had wiped out this deficit with a little over, for our schedule by that date called for the production of 141,000 gas masks, and we had produced 142,000. Late in the fall of 1917 the requirements of the Expeditionary Forces were reanalyzed in the light of information gathered abroad and in accordance with the new military program. Requirements were multiplied almost fourfold. Let us see how these requirements were met, and what difficulties were solved in the course of the effort. Experience had already shown that for many reasons the Government needed its own mask factory, where improvements could be adopted as soon as made and where inspections and the storage of parts could be more centralized than in private plants. With the necessary expansion then confronting us, any other policy would have meant making face pieces in half a dozen or more private plants, all starting at once with organizations untrained for this work. This would have been fatal, for even with the Goodyear and Goodrich companies manufacturing face pieces in Akron and the Kenyon Manufacturing Co. making them in Brooklyn, we found it most difficult to maintain uniform standards in all the plants. As new points came up, it was constantly necessary to interchange inspection personnel and to send men from one plant to another to teach manufacturing wrinkles. Such practices consumed more personnel than we could train in the time available. Moreover, it was impossible under the conditions that we were then facing to build up more than barely adequate supplies of gas mask parts and such raw materials as special fabrics. To have operated many more face-piece plants would have meant to divide these stocks of fabrics, elastic, tape, etc., still further. To have kept each of The order approving the establishment of the gas-defense plant was signed by Secretary Baker on November 20, 1917. The officers of the Gas Defense Division found in Long Island City, not far from the new chemical plant at Astoria, a group of modern concrete factory buildings which had been put up in this newly developed section by several different concerns, among them the Ford Motor Co., the Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., and the National Casket Co. One of these buildings, known as the Stewart Building, was taken over by the Government and modern machinery was installed. Mr. R. R. Richardson, of Chicago, was appointed plant manager with a salary of $1 per year. He quickly set to work organizing the factory and its staff. On January 9, 1918, the first few factory operators were hired. Five days later the executive offices at the plant were ready for occupancy. The plant grew apace. One by one the other buildings were absorbed and added to the establishment—first the Goodyear Tire & Rubber building, then the National Casket building. Next a long storage building was built between the Stewart and the Goodyear buildings. Runways were built which connected up the various buildings, and, finally, in July, the Ford Motor building was taken over and connected up to complete the group. Thus by the summer of 1918 we occupied five large buildings, with a total of over 1,000,000 square feet, or 20 acres, of floor space, connected up to make the gas-defense plant. Of the 12,000 employees in this plant, 8,600 were women. Endeavors were made as far as possible to hire those who had near relatives with the American Expeditionary Forces. The degree of care required in the manufacture of masks was beyond anything known in normal industry, and we rightly believed that this personal interest in the work would bring about greater care in manufacture and inspection. Since the factory was working at top speed a great deal of attention was paid to welfare work. Women employees were given 12-minute rest periods both in the morning and the afternoon, and completely furnished attractive rest and recreation rooms were set apart for women in the factory. The plant was unique in more than one respect. At the very start it attempted the supposedly impossible, for it combined in its staff and in its working organization civilian and military personnel. The manager was a civilian, the assistant manager was Lieut. Col. Coonley. Below them on the next tier of the organization were Army officers in charge of several departments and civilians in charge of others. Throughout the plant were certain groups of women workers or inspectors in charge of civilians were others; in charge of sergeants or even privates. The arrangement worked out well and the whole organization pulled together as one team, without reference to civilian or military status. Again, at the start there was laid down a policy of inspection at every single stage of manufacture. The incoming parts, though already inspected at their source, were reinspected and retested. After every operation in the manufacture of the face piece there came an inspection by specially trained women set apart from the operators. Then again, there was a special control inspection. After the face piece was finished, and when assembly was complete, the entire mask went to a final inspection where it was looked over by several trained women, who worked in dark closets and inspected the face pieces over a bright light to make sure that no pin pricks had been made, either maliciously or otherwise. Furthermore, wherever there was an inspector there was a system of checking his or her accuracy, for 5 per cent of every inspector's work was periodically selected at random and checked over by other inspectors. Hand in hand with this went many of the latest developments of factory operation. The best machinery was employed, conveyors were used wherever possible, and, when changes in the size of the operation or the design of the mask made it advisable, the factory was at once rearranged in order that the flow might always be orderly and continuous. From all of this the reader might judge that the operation, lasting, as it did, for only a little more than eight months, was a costly one. Such, however, was not the case, for a well-ordered and accurate cost system, kept from the very start in accordance with the best practices of factory accounting, showed that after charging in all equipment changes and overhead, the plant made complete masks which cost the Government about 50 cents per mask less than it cost to get complete masks by purchasing parts and assembling them under private contracts. Along with this manufacturing development went the building up of an elaborate procurement force charged with the responsibility of providing parts to be assembled at the gas-defense plant and the Hero Manufacturing Co. This section faced a hard and intricate task, but though there were instances where a shortage of parts temporarily slowed down production, these were remarkably few. Many were the difficulties of buying new parts; many of the parts were the product of elaborate die work; die makers in the country were overworked. Specifications had to be written, checked, and approved, and a field inspection first had to be organized and trained so that the product from all the different plants could be relied upon as satisfactory for the assembling plants. But this problem was still further complicated by ever-recurring changes in design, made necessary as improvement The March output of masks was 183,000; that of April, 363,000; May, slightly less than this figure; that of June, 504,000; that of July, 671,000. In all, between January 1 and November 11, 1918, we built more than 5,000,000 gas masks. In February, 1918, shortly before the German drive commenced, we received requisitions for sample lots of oiled mittens and oiled union suits as protection against mustard gas and also for chloride of lime to neutralize poison-impregnated earth. In their March drive the Germans used gas in much more protracted concentrations than before. Originally the masks had been worn only during the sporadic gas alarms, and then only for a brief period at a time. The double-protection mask which we had been building had been admirable in its day, but it was no longer adapted to the sort of use to which it was evident it must now be put. In long-continued wear the mouthpiece would irritate the gums and lips of the soldier, and the face-piece band would cause excruciating headaches after a few hours. It had now become frequently necessary for men to wear their masks for eight hours at a stretch. The word discomfort is a weak description of the feelings of a man wearing one of our masks for that period. Our authorities in France decreed for a single-protection mask and more comfort, even at the expense of a little safety. The result of these new conditions together with the establishment of closer relationship with our Expeditionary Forces, through a visit of Col. Dewey to France, was the determination to build masks in this country which should give the protection of the masks which we had been turning out and at the same time be comparatively comfortable. There had been brought out in France a single-protection mask, that is, a mask in which the inlet tube entered directly into the space between the mask and the face, with the orifices so arranged that the fresh air was drawn across the eyepieces. This was known as the Tissot mask. The principle of the Tissot was correct as far as comfort was concerned, since it did away with the irritating mouthpiece, but the chief danger in this mask arose from the fact that it was made of thin, pure gum rubber. We took the Tissot and endeavored to produce a mask of this type which should be gas-tight and yet We made two developments of the mask without mouthpiece or nose clip. Both were ready for field tests in August, 1918. The one produced in Akron and assembled at the Philadelphia contracting plant was known as the Akron Tissot, or Type A-T. At the start of operations in Long Island City Mr. Waldemar Kops, of New York, a manufacturer of corsets, came to the Government, asking an opportunity to do his part in the war. He was assigned to the gas-defense plant, and later, with the commission of major, took charge of the gas-defense Long Island laboratories. Maj. Kops had no experience with gas masks until he came to the gas-defense plant, but his experiments soon led to an improvement in the design of the Tissot mask. It was called the Type KT mask—the Kops-Tissot. Only a few hundred thousand were produced, though the latest model was scheduled for enormous production beginning in December, 1918. It possessed much of the protective efficiency of the old uncomfortable mask, the cut of the face piece insured a gas-tight connection with the head, it was relatively comfortable, and it was durable. The call of the allies in the spring of 1918 for American troops in as great numbers as the ships could carry them to France resulted in still further increases in our mask requirements. At the height of the drive we were making over 40,000 masks a day. Approximately 35,000 employees were engaged in the manufacture of various gas-mask parts. Our carbon requirements were expanding at a rate that would have needed 400 tons of raw materials a day by December, 1918. We built 336,919 KT masks and approximately 200,000 A-T masks. In exact figures the total production of masks of all types was 5,692,499. Of these 3,666,683 were built at the gas-defense plant and 2,025,816 were assembled by the Hero Manufacturing Co. In addition, we furnished 3,189,357 extra filled canisters for the replacement of those used up by 40 hours of field service. Hand in hand with this procurement and manufacturing achievement went the development of the technical section of the Gas Defense Division. This was known as the Long Island laboratories, manned by a personnel of several hundred men and officers. Here in its laboratories were solved the knotty problems that bridged the gap between experimental work and production. Many new designs were worked out, only to be rejected when tested. Here there were workrooms that could make sample lots of 1,000 masks, and here were located the chemical laboratories and the gas chambers In spite of this elaborate technical section, the testing of masks did not stop with it. There was a special field-testing section of the Gas Defense Division, composed of about 150 men who were trained to the minute in field maneuvers and did most of their work in gas masks. They were constantly in and out of gas with regular production and experimental masks, they played baseball in them, they dug trenches, laid out wire, cut wire, and fought sham battles at night, both with and without actual gas. This section was not organized until July, but it should have been one of the first of our units. It was there that we learned all the fine points of gas mask comfort and durability. The work of this section even went so far in the case of the later designs as to include a test where six men worked, played, and slept in the masks for an entire week, only taking them off for 30 minutes at each mealtime, and each day entering high concentrations of the most deadly gases, without any ill effects whatsoever to the wearers. When it is remembered that eight hours was the limit of time which a strong man could wear the old-type mask, something of the efficiency of the new mask may be realized. We also built 377,881 horse masks. Investigation showed that a horse's eyes did not shed tears in the presence of even strong lachrymatory gases. Moreover a horse never breathes through his mouth; and it was, therefore, necessary only to cover his nostrils. Furthermore, horses proved to be more resistant to the toxic gases used in Europe than were men, and his mask, accordingly, needed to be only a bag of many layers of chemically treated gauze. The horse masks were all manufactured by the Fifth Avenue Uniform Co., of New York City, under the supervision of a detachment of the Gas Defense Division. We furnished 191,338 dugout blankets to be used at the doors of dugouts to make them gas proof. These were specially woven all-cotton blankets which were treated in France with a special heavy oil, shipped from the United States. Toward the end of the war we received large requisitions for protective suits and gloves to safeguard men against mustard gas burns. The suits were made of oiled fabric and the gloves were of cloth impregnated with chemicals. As a work just starting, we produced 2,450 suits and 1,773 pairs of gloves. A total of 1,246 tons of a new ointment known as sag paste was made and shipped. This was an ointment to protect the skin against mustard-gas burns. Gas warning signals were of several types, watchmen's rattles and Klaxon horns being the most commonly used to sound the gas alarms. We shipped 45,906 of these special hand horns. The rattles were secured in Europe. Trench fans, for fanning out gas from trenches and dugouts, were produced, to the number of 50,549.
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