Neither the authorities at Washington nor Grant gave Burnside credit, at first, for the cheerful courage with which he was ready to take the losing side of the game, if need be, and thus give a glorious opportunity to the co-operating army. His chivalrous self-forgetfulness in such matters was perfect, when it was likely to lead to the success of the larger cause he had at heart. To reach a more perfect understanding than could be had by correspondence Grant sent Colonel J. H. Wilson of his staff to Knoxville to consult personally with Burnside. This officer was accompanied by Mr. Dana, and their dispatches to Grant and to the Secretary of War give a clear and vivid picture of the situation. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. pp. 258, etc; pt. iii. pp. 146, 154.] Burnside clearly saw the importance of making his stand at Knoxville, and proposed to fortify that place so that he could stand a siege there. [Footnote: Burnside to Willcox, Id., p. 177. B.'s Report, Id., pt. i. p. 273.] He proposed to draw back slowly from the Holston at Loudon, tolling Longstreet on and getting him beyond supporting distance of Bragg. When Grant should have disposed of the weakened enemy in his front, he could easily drive Longstreet out of East Tennessee into Virginia. Grant approved without qualification the course taken by Burnside. [Footnote: Grant to Burnside, Id., pt. iii. p. 177.] During the siege which followed, there was a good deal of solicitude about Burnside, but it should be remembered in justice to him that his own confidence never faltered and was fully justified by the result.

Prior to the visit of Wilson and Dana he had sent his engineer, Captain O. M. Poe, to Loudon to remove the pontoon bridge before the occupation of the south bank of the Holston by the enemy should make it impossible to save it. The bridge had been made of unusually large and heavy boats, and it was a difficult task to haul them out of the water and drag them half a mile to the railway. The south end of the bridge was loosened and the whole swung with the current against the right bank, where the dismantling and removal of the boats was successfully accomplished under the eyes of a cavalry force of the enemy which watched the performance from the opposite bank. The bridge was carried to Knoxville and laid across the Holston there. Its size and weight proved to be great points in its favor for the special use there, and it was of inestimable value during the partial investment of the town. [Footnote: Poe's Report, Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 294. Century War Book, vol. iii.]

On the 13th of November Longstreet brought up his own pontoons and laid a bridge near Loudon, and the next day began a vigorous advance upon Knoxville. Burnside had matured his plans, and opposed the advance of Longstreet with one division, Hartranft's of the Ninth Corps, and another, White's of the Twenty-third Corps. He was weak in cavalry, however, and could only meet Wheeler's corps with a single division under Brigadier-General Sanders. Burnside had secured Sanders's promotion from Mr. Stanton when the Secretary was at Louisville in October, in recognition of the ability and gallantry shown in the expedition to East Tennessee in June and his other services during the campaign. By giving Shackelford charge of the cavalry operating in the upper valley and putting Sanders in command of those resisting Wheeler, Burnside was sure of vigor and courage in the leadership of both divisions. Longstreet kept Wheeler on the left bank of the Holston, directing him to overwhelm Sanders and move directly opposite Knoxville, taking the city by a surprise if possible. But Sanders opposed a stubborn resistance, falling back deliberately, and held the hills south of Knoxville near the river. Wheeler was thus baffled, and returned to Longstreet on the 17th of November. The absence of his cavalry had been a mistake, as it turned out; for the Confederate infantry, after crossing at Loudon to the right bank, had not been able to push Burnside back as fast as Bragg's plans required, nor had they succeeded at all in getting in the rear of the National forces.

As soon as it was definitely known at Knoxville that Longstreet was over the Holston, Burnside went to the front at Lenoir's to take command in person. [Footnote: Burnside's Report, Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 273.] He left General Parke as chief of staff in general charge of affairs at headquarters, with Captain Poe in charge of the engineer work of preparing lines of defence connecting the forts already planned and partly constructed. Wilson and Dana stayed in Knoxville till the 15th, and then rode rapidly to the westward, passing around Longstreet's columns and rejoining Grant at Chattanooga on the night of the 17th, with latest assurances from Burnside that he would hold Knoxville stubbornly. Longstreet's tactics were to move one of his infantry divisions directly at Burnside's position, while with the other he turned its flank and sought to get to the rear. Burnside met the plan by the analogous one of alternate withdrawals of a division, one holding the enemy at bay while the other took post in echelon in the rear and opposed the flanking column till a concentration could be made.

At Campbell's Station Longstreet attacked with vigor, determined to finish matters with the force before him. Ferrero's division of the Ninth Corps had now joined. Hartranft repulsed an attack by McLaws, whilst the trains and the division of Ferrero passed on, and Ferrero took a strong position half a mile in rear covering the junction of roads. White then retired and came into line on Ferrero's left. When these were solidly in place Hartranft took an opportune moment to withdraw and came into line on the left of White. The manoeuvres were perfectly performed, and the fighting of our troops had been everything that could be desired, meeting and matching Longstreet's veterans in a way to establish the soldierly reputation of all. The comparatively new organization of the Twenty-third Corps proved itself equal to the best, and Burnside declared that he could desire no better soldiers. The same tactics were continued through the day, and Burnside followed the hard labor and the fighting of the day with a night march which brought him to Knoxville on the morning of the 17th. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. pp. 274, 275, 296.] He had personally handled his little army through the day with coolness and success, and had raised to enthusiasm the confidence and devotion of his men. Each side had a casualty list of about 300.

Wheeler had marched back along the left bank of the Holston half-way to Lenoir's and crossed at Louisville, joining Longstreet again near Knoxville on the 17th, as has been already stated. He now took the advance and pressed sharply in upon the town. General Sanders had been recalled by Burnside from the south, and entering Knoxville by the pontoon bridge, passed out to the westward on the Loudon road, meeting the enemy as he advanced, and gradually falling back to a position a mile beyond the lines, where he made a stubborn stand and held Wheeler at bay till night closed the combat. From the fortified points about the city the cavalry engagement had been in full view, and the heroism of Sanders and his men was in the presence of a cloud of witnesses. They made little barricades of rail piles, and though these were frequently sent flying by the cannon balls and shells with which Alexander's artillery pounded them all day, they held at nightfall the line Sanders had been directed to hold in the morning, and had not given back an inch. [Footnote: Colonel O. M. Poe, in "Century War Book," vol. iii. p. 737.]

Knoxville was so situated that its outline was a sort of parallelogram of high ground, averaging a hundred and fifty feet or more above the river which ran along the town on the south. Two creeks ran through the town in little valleys, and in the northern suburbs where the land was much lower than the town it had been practicable, by damming these streams to make inundations which covered a considerable part of the northern front and added very materially to the defences. At the four corners of the parallelogram, enclosed works had been planned for use by a small garrison, and these had been partly constructed. Captain Poe, the chief engineer, had staked out infantry lines connecting these forts, with epaulements for artillery at intervals, and work had been hastened during the days from the 13th of November, as soon as Burnside's plan of holding the city had been approved. When the troops approached the city on the morning of the 17th, the position for every brigade and every battery had been assigned, and officers were in waiting to lead each to its place. All the infantry was put in line except Reilly's brigade of the Twenty-third Corps, which was placed in reserve in the streets of the town. [Footnote: Poe's Report, Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 295.]

The most important of the forts was at the northwest angle of the works, upon a commanding hill. It was afterward called Fort Sanders in honor of the cavalry commander who lost his life in front of its western face. This work was planned as approximately a square with sides of about a hundred yards and bastions at the corners. The eastern front had not been completed, and was now left entirely open, as the northern face connected with the infantry trench. The ditch was twelve feet wide and about eight deep, and the parapet was about twelve feet high, making its crest about twenty feet above the bottom of the ditch. The berme usually left between the bottom of the parapet slope and the ditch was cut away so as to leave no level standing-place at the top of the scarp. This was the work which Longstreet afterward assaulted. Its chief defect was due to the situation and the contour of the ground around, which made its position so prominent a salient in the lines that the flanking fire was necessarily imperfect, leaving a considerable sector without fire beyond the angle of the northwest bastion. The point of the bastion was truncated, and a single gun put in the pan coupÉ. The three other forts were less elaborate but of similar profile.

As soon as the infantry took position, the men were set industriously to work to strengthen the defences. The first infantry trench between the forts had been a mere rifle-pit two and one half feet deep with the earth heaped in front as it was thrown out, to raise a parapet. Every hour made the line stronger, and work on it was continued till nearly every part of it was a good cover against artillery fire. The critical time was during the 18th of November, when as yet there was practically no cover between the forts. The cavalry was ordered to oppose the most determined resistance to the establishment of close investing lines by the enemy, and Sanders set his men a most inspiring example. He was a classmate of Captain Poe at West Point, and on the night of the 17th he shared Poe's blanket. Before dawn he went to the front, and passed from one to another of the little barricades held by his dismounted troopers. The Confederates increased the vigor of their attacks, and if any of our men were driven back by the hot fire, Sanders would walk deliberately up to the rail-pile and stand erect and exposed till his men rallied to him. For hours he did this, and his life seemed to be charmed, but about the middle of the afternoon he was mortally wounded, and the screen he had so resolutely interposed between the enemy and our infantry digging in the trenches was rolled aside. [Footnote: Paper by General Poe in "Century War Book," vol. iii. p. 737.] The time thus gained had been precious, though it was bought at so high a price. The lines were already safe against a coup de main. [Footnote: Poe's Report, Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 296.]

Longstreet's principal lines were north of Knoxville beyond the railway and the station buildings. He also occupied a line of hills, but pushed forward strong skirmish lines and detachments to cover the making of intrenchments closer to the town. There were frequent bickering combats, but no general engagement. The enemy made efforts to destroy the pontoon bridge by sending down logs and rafts from above. These were met by an iron cable boom stretched across the river above the bridge, borne on wooden floats to keep it at the surface. [Footnote: Century War Book, vol. iii. p. 739.] Several efforts were made to drive Burnside's men from the hills covering the town on the south side of the river, but they were defeated, and communication was kept up with the valley of the French Broad River, and supplies enough were brought in to make it certain that Burnside could not be starved out, although the rations were reduced to the smallest quantity and the fewest elements which would support life.

A week passed thus, Burnside being shut off from all communication with the outer world. The 25th of November came with the almost miraculous storming of Missionary Ridge by the army under Grant at Chattanooga. Bragg retreated southward and Longstreet had no longer a possibility of rejoining him. Yet Burnside knew nothing of it, and did not dream of the more than complete justification his slow defensive campaign was having, in the tout and demoralization of the Confederate army in Georgia in Longstreet's absence. The latter was now forced to attack the fortifications or to raise the siege of Knoxville. He knew, at least by rumor, what Burnside was ignorant of,--not only the defeat of Bragg, but that a force was already moving from Grant's army to the relief of Knoxville. Bragg had also sent to him a staff officer with exhortations to prompt action. For a day or two Longstreet tried to attract Burnside's attention to the south of the river and to other parts of the lines, and then on the 28th prepared a desperate assault upon the great salient of Fort Sanders.

The artillery in the fort was under the command of Lieutenant Samuel N. Benjamin, Second U. S. Artillery, whose battery of twenty-pounder Parrotts had done good service at South Mountain and Antietam. The infantry was of Ferrero's division of the Ninth Corps. There was a slight abatis in front of the fort, and on the suggestion of Mr. Hoxie, an officer of the railway, some old telegraph wire left at the depot was used by Captain Poe to make an entanglement by fastening it between small stumps of a grove which had been felled along the slope northwest of the bastion at the salient. Longstreet's plan of assault was to attack the northwest angle of the fort with two columns of regiments, consisting of Wofford's and Humphrey's brigades of McLaws's division. Anderson's brigade was to attack the infantry trench a little east of the fort. Longstreet's instructions were to make the assault at break of day on the 29th. The columns were to move silently and swiftly without firing and endeavor to carry the parapet by the bayonet. [Footnote: Longstreet's Report, Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 461.] The determined advance of the enemy's rifle pits by his skirmishers in the night of the 28th gave warning of what was to be expected. The morning of the 29th was damp and foggy, but the watchful pickets detected the formation of the enemy's columns. About six o'clock the Confederate batteries opened a heavy fire on the fort, which did not reply, ammunition being too precious to be wasted. In about twenty minutes the cannonade ceased and the columns moved to the assault. The fire of our lines was concentrated upon them, and they lost heavily; but they kept on, somewhat disordered by the entanglement as well as by their losses, and came to the ditch. No doubt its depth and the high face of the parapet surprised them, for they had no scaling ladders. They jumped into the ditch and tried to scramble up the slope of the earthwork. Some got to the top, only to be shot down or captured. The guns flanking the ditch raked it with double charges of canister. Shells were lighted and thrown as hand-grenades into the practically helpless crowd below. Those who had not entered the ditch soon wavered and fell back, at first sullenly and slowly, then in despair running for life to cover. Those who remained and could walk surrendered and were marched to the southwest angle of the fort, where they were brought within the lines.

The remnants of the broken columns were rallied behind their outer lines, but no effort was made to renew the assault. They had done all that was possible for flesh and blood. The casualties in the assault had been about 1000, whilst within the fortifications only 13 killed and wounded were reported. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. pp. 277, 278, 344, 461, 487, 490, 519, 520.] Buckner's division had joined Longstreet a day or two before the assault, but took no active part in it. Their absence from Missionary Ridge still further reduced Bragg's army, whilst it did not give to Longstreet any practical benefit. The division of the Confederate forces had thus proved to be a great military mistake. Its only chance had been in a swift attack upon Burnside and a prompt return, and this chance had vanished with the delays in the railroad transportation of Longstreet's men to Sweetwater. Prudence dictated that the expedition should be abandoned on the 13th of November; but the fear of seeming vacillating, a weakness of second-rate minds as great as vacillation itself, had made Bragg order the column forward. Burnside's well-conducted retreat, on the other hand, had lured Longstreet forward, and the patient endurance of a siege had kept the enemy in front of Knoxville, and even led to the further depletion of Bragg by the detachment of Buckner, giving to Grant the very opportunity he desired. The good fortune of the National commander culminated at Missionary Ridge. Soldiers believe in good luck quite as much as in genius, and follow a leader whose star is in the ascendant with a confidence which is the guaranty of victory. Great opportunities, however, come to all. The difference between a great soldier and an inferior one is that the great man uses his opportunities to the full, and so fortune seems to be in league with him. When Grant had driven Bragg back on Dalton, the latter could realize what he had lost by his errors. It was now impossible for Longstreet to rejoin him. It was even doubtful if Wheeler's cavalry could do so. The whole National army was between the widely separated Confederate wings, and nothing was left to Longstreet but a humiliating march back to Lee by way of the upper Holston and the headwaters of the James River. Pride delayed it, and the depth of winter favored the delay; but it was a foregone conclusion from the hour that Wood's and Sheridan's divisions crowned Missionary Ridge.

For two weeks there had been no communication between Burnside and the outer world. Lincoln had been full of anxiety, but had found some comfort in the reports from Cumberland Gap that cannonading was still heard in the direction of Knoxville. It proved that Burnside held out, and gave additional earnestness to the President's exhortation to hurry a column to his relief immediately after Grant's victory. Grant needed no urging. A report had reached him that Burnside still was confident on the 23d, and had supplies for ten or twelve days on the scale of short rations he was issuing. On the very evening of his success he wrote to Sherman, "The next thing now will be to relieve Burnside." He directed Thomas to detach Granger's Corps, and this with part of the Army of the Tennessee would make a column of 20,000 men to march at once for Knoxville under Granger's command. Three days passed, and Grant, being dissatisfied that the relieving column was not already far on its way, directed Sherman on the 29th to take command in person and push it energetically toward Burnside. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. ii. pp. 45, 49; Sherman's Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 366, 368.] Sherman immediately went forward, and on the 1st of December he was over the Hiwassee River, approaching Loudon. He telegraphed Grant that he would let Burnside hear his guns on the 3d or 4th at farthest; but he added what throws much light on the feeling of military men in regard to campaigning in East Tennessee. In his frank and familiar style he said, "Recollect that East Tennessee is my horror. That any military man should send a force into East Tennessee puzzles me. Burnside is there and must be relieved; but when relieved, I want to get out and he should come out too." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. iii. p. 297.] From a strictly military point of view this was sound; but Burnside had been sent there more from political than from military reasons, and it was now too late to think of letting the loyal mountaineers return under Confederate rule.

Meanwhile at Knoxville Burnside was closely watching the evidences of Longstreet's purposes and eagerly listening for news from Chattanooga. On the 1st of December wagon trains began to move eastward from the besiegers' camp, and on the 3d and 4th more of them, so that it became probable that Longstreet was about to raise the siege. In the night of the 3d Captain Audenried, Sherman's aide-de-camp, came into Knoxville from the south, having made a long circuit with a small body of cavalry, from Sherman's camp, which on the night of the 2d was forty miles from the city by the direct road. Colonel Long, commanding Sherman's cavalry, had selected part of his best mounted men for the expedition, and Audenried had accompanied him. The good news of Sherman's approach was thus made certain, and it was evident that Longstreet's information was earlier than Burnside's. The Confederate camps were evacuated on the night of the 4th, and on the 5th Burnside, sending a detachment to follow up Longstreet's retreat toward the east, sent one of his staff with an escort in the other direction to meet Sherman. The messenger from Burnside met the head of the relieving column at Marysville, a day's march for infantry. Sherman halted his little army, and wrote Burnside that he felt disposed to stop, "for a stern chase is a long one," since Longstreet had retreated. He rode in to Knoxville the next day and consulted with Burnside. He was evidently dubious of any advantage from a pursuit of Longstreet, and Burnside's disposition was to avoid urging any comrade to undertake an unpleasant task for his sake. He therefore cordially assisted Sherman in solving his doubts in favor of taking back all his troops except Granger's Fourth Corps, and wrote a letter of warm thanks for the prompt march to his relief, adding his opinion that the Fourth Corps would make him strong enough to meet Longstreet, and that it was advisable for Sherman to rejoin Grant with the rest. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. ii. p. 36.] This was accordingly done, and Sherman was free to give his attention to a winter campaign toward the Gulf, from which he hoped important results.

Granger did not relish the prospect of a protracted absence from the Army of the Cumberland, and protested in vigorous and long dispatches to Thomas, to Grant, to Burnside, to Sherman, and later to Foster, [Footnote: Id., pt. iii. pp. 358, 365, 391-393; Sherman's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 368.] but with no effect, except that Grant was displeased with his original reluctance to march to Burnside's relief as well as with these protests. The result showed itself in the spring, when Granger was relieved from the command of the corps, which was conferred upon Howard.

The raising of the siege brought Burnside into communication with Cumberland Gap, and he learned that Major-General John G. Foster was at Tazewell, under orders to relieve him of the command of the department. This was in apparent accord with the wish which Burnside had expressed, [Footnote: Ante, vol. i. pp. 527, 528.] but as action had been postponed it was reasonable to expect that further consultation would be had before he should be relieved, and that Grant's judgment would be asked in regard to it. After the controversies which followed the battle of Fredericksburg, Halleck was habitually unfriendly to Burnside, and we have seen how uniformly a wrong interpretation was given to the events of the current campaign. Foster's appointment to succeed Burnside was dated the 16th of November, [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. iii. p. 166.] and he had been in Kentucky or near Cumberland Gap during the siege of Knoxville. The day the order was made relieving Burnside was that on which he was battling with Longstreet at Campbell's Station, holding him at bay in the slow retreat upon Knoxville, where he arrived on the 17th. On this morning Grant was writing him, "So far you are doing exactly what appears to me right," [Footnote: Id., p. 177.] and this was written after the receipt of Dana and Wilson's full dispatches of the 13th and 14th, as well as Burnside's of the 13th. [Footnote: Id., p. 138.] Yet so strangely was the same information misread by Halleck, that on the 16th he was telegraphing Grant that Burnside was hesitating whether to fight or retreat out of East Tennessee. "I fear he will not fight," he added, "although strongly urged to do so. Unless you can give him immediate assistance, he will surrender his position to the enemy." [Footnote: Id., p. 163. This dispatch of Halleck seems to have been called out by one of Dana to Stanton on the 14th in which he said, "Burnside has determined to retreat toward the Gaps." (Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 259.) Halleck failed to interpret this in connection with one of the 13th in which Dana had stated alternate lines of retreat, "if finally compelled," and Burnside's judgment in favor of the line of Cumberland Gap in such last resort rather than toward Kingston. (Ibid.) Dana had fully conveyed, however, Burnside's determination to hold Knoxville "as long as possible," and his reasons for making a stubborn fight there. By failing to keep this in mind, the Secretary and General-in-Chief became unnecessarily agitated, and forgot in their conduct what was due to Grant almost as much as what was due to Burnside.] On the next day Burnside entered Knoxville, where fortifications had been hurriedly built, and the siege began. The heroic defence of Knoxville lasted three weeks, and when Longstreet withdrew toward Virginia, the successful general learned that he had been removed from command at the very moment he was completing, with Grant's unqualified approval, the preparation for that stubborn resistance which saved East Tennessee and averted the "terrible misfortune" which Halleck feared. [Footnote: Id., pt. iii. p. 145.] The importance of holding East Tennessee, now that it had been liberated, was urged upon the War Department by Burnside from the beginning. He had pointed it out when ordered to abandon it and march to Rosecrans's assistance. [Footnote: Id., vol. xxx. pt. iii. p. 904.] So far from hesitating to fight Longstreet, Dana found him determined to "expose his whole force to capture rather than withdraw from the country." [Footnote:Id., vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 260.] It was not till Mr. Dana's later dispatches were received that the misapprehensions were corrected at Washington. Then the story of the occupation and defence of East Tennessee was explained, and justice was done the wisdom of the general's course as well as his patriotic and unselfish spirit. A part of the trouble had been due to the fact that after Grant reached Nashville Burnside's correspondence was with him, and, in accord with military usage, he dropped direct correspondence with Washington, except when addressed from there.

It was too late, however, to undo what had been done. Foster was in Kentucky, carrying forward into East Tennessee such detachments as could be picked up. He reached Knoxville on the 10th of December, and the next day Burnside turned over the command to him, and started for Cincinnati by way of Jacksboro and Williamsburg. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. iii. pp. 372, 384.] The President was most hearty in his approval of Burnside's conduct when once he understood it, and insisted that after a brief rest he should again enter into active service. Congress passed strong resolutions of thanks to him and to his troops, [Footnote: Id., pt. i. p. 281.] and it began to be understood that the campaign had been a creditable one.

It was in such a command that Burnside appeared at his best. The independence of his campaign gave full play to his active energy, whilst the bodies of troops were not so large as to prevent his personal leadership in their combats. In a great army he was at a disadvantage from lack of true system in handling great and complicated affairs when he was in chief command; and if his position was a subordinate one he lacked the sort of responsibility which called out his best qualities, and he was therefore liable to become the formal intermediary for the transmission of orders. In such cases, too, he was in danger of suffering from faults of subordinates whom his kind heart had permitted to retain important positions for which they were not fit. When acting immediately under his eye, he could give them energy and courage which they would lack when left to themselves. The sore spot in his experience in 1864 was the failure to make full use of the explosion of the mine at Petersburg, and the Court of Inquiry made it clear that the fault lay with inefficient subordinates. One of the most prominent of these was said to have stayed in a bomb-proof instead of leading his command. But the same officer had done the same thing in Fort Sanders at Knoxville, as had been officially reported by Captain Benjamin, the Chief of Artillery; [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. p. 344.] and Benjamin was an officer of such military and personal standing that a court-martial should certainly have investigated the case. A mistaken leniency brought bitter fruit.

The campaign had been a new test for General Grant also, and it is instructive to follow him in grasping the details of his enlarged responsibility. When communication with Burnside became difficult and infrequent, he gave orders to Willcox at Cumberland Gap and to subordinates of Burnside in Kentucky and Ohio. He provided for starting supplies to Knoxville by all practicable routes as soon as the siege should be raised. He cut trenchantly through pretences where he thought a lack of vigorous performance was covered up by verbosity of reports. [Footnote: Id., pt. iii. p. 233.] He was quietly but easily master, and showed no symptom of being overweighted by his task or flurried by the excitements of a critical juncture in affairs. He does not impress one as brilliant in genius, but as eminently sound and sensible. His quality of greatness was that he handled great affairs as he would little ones, without betraying any consciousness that this was a great thing to do. He reminds one of Wellington in the combination of lucid and practical common-sense with aggressive bull-dog courage. Some telling lines, developing his traits as he appeared to a critical observer, are found in a dispatch of General David Hunter to the Secretary of War, giving a report of his visit to Chattanooga where he was sent to inspect the army. Hunter was one of the oldest of the regular officers in service, knew thoroughly Grant's history and early army reputation, and his words have peculiar significance. Grant had received him with a sort of filial kindness, making him at home in his quarters, and opening his mind and his purposes to him with his characteristic modesty and simplicity of manner. Hunter says: "I saw him almost every moment, except when sleeping, of the three weeks I spent in Chattanooga.... He is a hard worker, writes his own dispatches and orders, and does his own thinking. He is modest, quiet, never swears, and seldom drinks, as he took only two drinks during the three weeks I was with him. He listens quietly to the opinions of others and then judges promptly for himself; and he is very prompt to avail himself in the field of all the errors of his enemy. He is certainly a good judge of men, and has called around him valuable counsellors." He naively adds: "Prominent as General Grant is before the country, these remarks of mine may appear trite and uncalled for, but having been ordered to inspect his command, I thought it not improper for me to add my testimony with regard to the commander." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. iii. p. 402.]

The food was plain but good in quality, similar to the army ration, and at the time of my visit was abundant. I took occasion to go through the barracks unattended by the officers of the garrison, and encouraged the prisoners to make known any complaints. There were practically none that were not necessarily incident to the position of a prisoner of war in actual confinement. The loss of liberty, the weary pacing of the enclosure in front of their barracks, the lack of interesting occupation, home-sickness, and general discomfort,--these were the ills of which they spoke. Among the prisoners was General Jeff. Thompson, of Missouri,--the ranking officer among them, as I recollect,--and I sought an introduction to him and talked with him in regard to the prison life. He was depressed and ailing, though not consenting to go into hospital, and spoke feelingly of the discouraging monotony and ennui of their existence, but made no complaint of the administration of the prison in any way. To be exchanged was the burden of their wishes and prayers, and in this every one with ordinary human sympathies must feel with them. Games of chess, draughts, dominoes, and cards were their indoor amusements, and some of the more energetic kept up an attempt at regular out-door exercise.

It happened that the chief surgeon of the camp was an old neighbor of mine, Dr. M. C. Woodworth, and I questioned him closely as to the medical and sanitary condition. He was a man of the highest character in his profession and as a citizen. I had absolute confidence in his uprightness as well as his ability. His statements fully corroborated the conclusions I drew from my own observation. I was fully satisfied that the garrison administration was honest and humane, and that the prisoners suffered only such evils as were necessarily incident to confinement in a narrow space, and to life in temporary barracks of the kind used in all military camps.

I learned that those prisoners who had means of their own were permitted to open private accounts with merchants and bankers in the city of Sandusky, and had little difficulty in increasing their physical comforts in many ways. Since the war I have conversed with business men of that town who personally knew of these arrangements, and who have given me details of remittances and credits furnished to prisoners, and of some considerable investments made for them. A certain surveillance was necessary in such cases to give assurance that no unlawful advantage was taken of such opportunities, but there was very little if any reason to believe such leniency was abused.

In Foster's department the same energy was directed toward improving the communication with Chattanooga. The hull of the light-draught steamboat which Colonel Byrd had found under construction at Kingston was taken as a model, and two more were put on the stocks. [Footnote: Ante, vol. i. p.523. Official Records vol. xxxi. pt. iii. p. 483.] Pontoon bridges were prepared for use at different points on the river. Lumber was cut to rebuild the great railway bridge at Loudon and the long trestle at Strawberry Plains. The little train of "twenty-odd cars" which Burnside had captured was carefully guarded and kept running on the only bit of railroad in East Tennessee that was now open, viz., that from Loudon through Knoxville to Strawberry Plains. Herds of cattle were threading mountain paths to avoid the deep mud of the wagon roads from Kentucky, and on those roads desperate but too often fruitless efforts were making to push forward some wagon-loads of shoes and clothing.

In the consultations at Knoxville Foster had plainly stated his own conviction that the only wise course was to abandon the thought of aggressive warfare until spring; to station the troops so as to cover Knoxville, but to select their positions chiefly with reference to collecting forage and breadstuffs; to send all unnecessary animals to the rear and in every way to simplify to the utmost the problem of carrying the army through the winter, preserving it for active use when the change of season and the improvement of the railway line should make regular supplies possible. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxi. pt. i. pp. 281 et seq.] Grant listened and suspended his judgment till he had examined the situation for himself. An accident to General Foster had increased the complication of affairs. He was occasionally suffering from lameness resulting from an old wound in the leg, and had found on his first journey over the mountains that he was in danger of being disabled by it. Within a fortnight after he reached Knoxville, his horse fell with him in passing over some slippery rocks, and caught the wounded leg under him. [Footnote: Id., pt. iii. p. 502.] This completely disabled the general for active field service, and on the advice of his surgeon he asked to be relieved. This request was forwarded on the 26th of December, and Grant had been notified of it on the same day. It could not be acted on at once, and during the few weeks that Foster remained at the head of the department, he was obliged to remain in Knoxville, entrusting to General Parke, as senior officer, the active command of combined movements in the field.

When General Grant reached Nashville, he reported to the War Department the results of his visit to us. [Footnote: Id., vol. xxxii. pt. ii. p. 99.] He said that he found the troops so destitute of clothing and shoes that not more than two-thirds of them could march; that the difficulty of supplying them even with food was so great that it was not advisable to send reinforcements; consequently that the policy advised by Foster must be followed and active operations suspended. Of his own journey he said, "From the personal inspection made, I am satisfied that no portion of our supplies can be hauled by teams from Camp Nelson [Ky.]." He proposed, on the first rise of the Cumberland River, to send supplies by steamboat up the Cumberland to the mouth of the Big South Fork, in the hope that as this was a new route some forage for the teams could be got along it, and that wagoning would be possible by that line into East Tennessee. It did not turn out to be so, and the only relief we got was by way of Chattanooga, where light-draught steamboats added something to the facilities for supply. As his own most pressing needs were relieved, General Thomas sent the steamboat "Lookout" with a small cargo of shoes and clothing to Loudon. There our little railway train met the boat and brought the goods to Knoxville, so that in my own command we began to receive a little about the 10th of January. It was very little, but it was greatly encouraging as a foretaste of better things to come.

On the 12th General Foster was obliged to telegraph Grant that things had grown worse rather than better since his visit. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. pp. 71, 72.] Many animals were dying daily. The weather was still intensely cold, and floating ice combined with high water, in the Holston had twice broken the pontoon bridge at Knoxville. Food for man and beast was all eaten out on the north side of the Holston River, and he proposed to move most of the troops to the south and east of the French Broad, in the hope of finding a region in which some corn and forage might still remain. The great trestle bridge at Strawberry Plains was completed, and a strong post would be left there to protect it. A regiment was at work upon the bridge at Loudon. To diminish the number of mouths to be fed, Foster gave the "veteran furlough" at this time to several more of the regiments which had re-enlisted. Trustworthy evidence showed that Longstreet was quite as badly off as we were, and that he was not likely to move unless, like us, he was forced to do so to find forage. Cavalry parties had reported to us that there were considerable quantities of corn in the neighborhood of Sevierville, and this was the inducement to send most of our troops to that side of the French Broad River. To avoid any appearance of retreat, it was ordered that we march from Strawberry Plains to Dandridge, which was a flank movement to our right, one day's march. There we should extemporize some sort of ferry to cross the French Broad and seek camps in regions which promised some supplies, but within supporting distance of our several detachments. The men whose clothing was most lacking and who were without shoes would remain in our present camp and be temporarily attached to the post established to protect the bridge. The cavalry, which had been near Mossy Creek (fourteen miles up the Holston), was directed to move straight across the angle between the two rivers, and cover the flank march of the infantry to Dandridge. It was thought probable that the cavalry might subsist for a short time in the neighborhood of Dandridge and in the valley of the Nolachucky, the principal tributary of the French Broad from the north; indeed, the time of crossing the larger river by the infantry was not fixed, but would be determined by our good or bad fortune in finding forage and bread-stuffs near Dandridge. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. pp. 82, 87, 99, 101.]

The 15th of January was the day fixed for the march. The weather was not so cold as it had been, but was very raw and uncomfortable. At the last moment General Foster found it necessary to have a consultation with Parke and Granger; and Sheridan, whose division of the Fourth Corps led off on the road, was directed to select positions for the infantry of that corps and mine as we reached Dandridge. He was also authorized to assign mills to the use of the different commands so as to systematize our means of supply and prevent disorder. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. p. 102.] The march was nineteen miles to Dandridge, and our positions were about a mile in front of the village, on the hills covering it. Both the Fourth and the Ninth Corps had remained in their camps at Blain's Crossroads up to this time, and the Ninth now took my place at Strawberry Plains, covering Knoxville from that direction. It had less than 4000 men present for duty. [Footnote: Id., p. 292.] Our moving column consisted of Sheridan's and Wood's divisions of the Fourth Corps and parts of three brigades from the Twenty-third; less than 10,000 men in all. The ground was frozen, and as we were moving over roads which had not been much travelled, the way was comparatively smooth for our artillery and wagons. It was not so much so for the infantry, and the little unevenness being sharpened by frost, quickly cut through the men's old shoes. Those who were barefoot were ordered to stay behind, but the shoes of others were in so bad a state that there were places where I saw the road marked with bloody tracks from the wounded feet of the soldiers.

Reaching Dandridge a little in advance of my command, I reported to Sheridan, and he showed me the line he had selected, on which we were to occupy the left. Colonel Sterling, my inspector-general, was assigned the duty of placing the brigades in position as they arrived. The cavalry had preceded us, and we found them occupying the town and picketing the roads toward Morristown and the elbow of the Nolachucky River northeast of us, locally called the Bend o' Chucky. A range of hills known as Bay's Mountain was the water-shed between the valleys of the Holston and the French Broad, and we expected the cavalry to cover the front on a line from Kimbrough's Cross-roads near the mountain to the Bend o' Chucky. This line would be nine or ten miles from Dandridge, and would communicate also with Mott's brigade of my command, which had been left in its post at Mossy Creek, on the Holston, under orders to fall back deliberately to Strawberry Plains if attacked by superior forces. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. p. 99.] If these positions could be held, the cavalry could not only collect the forage in the Nolachucky valley as far up as their detachments could reach, but would also threaten the left flank of Longstreet's position at Morristown.

Those who only knew Sheridan after the war would hardly recognize him in the thin and wiry little man I met at Dandridge. His hollow cheeks made his cheekbones noticeably prominent, and his features had a decided Milesian cast. His reputation at that time was that of an impetuous and vehement fighter when engaged, rousing himself to a belligerent wrath and fury that made his spirit contagious and stimulated his troops to a like vigor. At other times he was unpretentious and genial, and whilst regarded as a good division commander was not thought of as specially fitted for large and independent responsibilities. He was not considered cool enough for the broader duties of a commander, and indeed had had rather bad luck in the great battles of Stone's River and Chickamauga, where the qualities called for were those which enable a perfectly self-possessed officer to extricate his command from a perilous position. He has told me himself that he was slow in learning to have confidence in his own power to direct in such cases, and that it was only after he had tested himself, step by step, that he came to rely on his own judgment and will, as he did in the Shenandoah valley and at Five Forks. It was his blazing impetuosity in action that made Grant think of him as specially fitted for a cavalry leader, and his growth into the able commander of an army was a later development of his talents. He received me very cordially, and in our trying wintry experience at Dandridge began a friendly acquaintance which continued unbroken till his death.

General Thomas J. Wood was not with his division, and it was under the command of General August Willich, whom I had seen drilling Robert McCook's German regiment, the Ninth Ohio, as its adjutant, at Camp Dennison in the spring of 1861. I had expected to find Brigadier-General William B. Hazen in temporary command during Wood's leave of absence, but when I went to his quarters was surprised to find him in arrest. Hazen had been one of the first of the officers of the regular army with whom I became acquainted at the beginning of the war, and he had offered to accept a staff position with me. I had a real regard for him, and naturally offered my friendly services in his present predicament. It seemed that Sheridan had called on him for a report as to the condition of things in his front, and Hazen had taken advantage of some peculiarity of the situation which he thought Sheridan did not sufficiently understand, to make a report which was ironical and so irritating that Sheridan's answer was to order him to keep his quarters in arrest. Their quarrel, however, dated from the battle of Missionary Ridge, where Sheridan accused Wood's division, and Hazen in particular, with usurping the honors of being first on the crest and capturing part of Bragg's artillery. Sheridan honestly thought his division entitled to the honor, but the official evidence seems to me to be against him. At any rate, it began a very pretty quarrel which never was wholly made up, and which had many queer little episodes, in war and in peace, on the Indian frontier and at Washington, for many years thereafter. Hazen was an officer of real ability, of brilliant courage and splendid personal presence. His fault was that he was too keen in seeing flaws in other people's performance of duty, and apt to dilate upon them in his official reports when such officers were wholly independent of him. This made him a good many enemies notwithstanding his noble qualities and his genial kindliness to his friends. A military officer usually finds it hard enough to submit gracefully to the criticisms of his superiors, and naturally takes it ill if this prerogative is exercised by those of equal grade without authority. Such a practice puts into the official records matter which does not belong there, and which, however honestly stated, may be very unjust, because all the explanatory circumstances are not likely to be known to the critic. At any rate, the person criticised is not amenable to that tribunal, and this is enough in itself to cause a sense of injury. [Footnote: See Review of General Hazen's Narrative of Military Service, "The Nation," Nov. 5, 1885.] Sheridan took very kindly my mediation in Hazen's behalf, and probably had never intended more than a temporary arrest. After Granger came to the front and resumed command of the corps, I heard no more of the trouble.

We had escorted a small train in which were some wagon-loads of clothing and shoes for the cavalry, and the mounted corps remained at Dandridge during the 15th of January, issuing these supplies. The rear of our infantry column came up on the next day, so that we were assembled and in position before evening. The cavalry moved out in the afternoon of the 16th, part on the right toward the Nolachucky River, and the left toward Kimbrough's Cross-roads on the Morristown road. The right wing found the enemy's cavalry in their front about five miles from town, but the left wing found Kimbrough's occupied by Longstreet's infantry. His whole force, except Ransom's division, had advanced upon information of the movement of our cavalry on the 14th. In doing this Longstreet had turned the position of the brigade of infantry left at Mossy Creek, and Colonel Mott retired on the 16th to Strawberry Plains in accordance with his orders. Toward evening the cavalry on our right were driven back in a lively skirmish, and those on the left were recalled to give them support. The whole were united and repulsed the enemy's horsemen, taking position for the night about a mile in front of our infantry camps. On the 17th the enemy's infantry advanced, and reached the posts of our cavalry in the afternoon. Longstreet now made a vigorous attack with his troops of both arms, and gradually drove back our horsemen, who resisted him with their carbines, fighting dismounted. Sheridan supported the cavalry with some infantry and a lively skirmishing combat continued for an hour or two till darkness came on. The affair was something of a surprise to both parties. Longstreet had evidently made his movement in the hope of giving our cavalry a lesson which might check their enterprise and make them keep their distance, and was astonished to come upon our infantry at Dandridge. We were in motion to put our infantry on the south side of the French Broad, and were equally surprised to find the enemy in force on the same route.

General Parke and General Granger had ridden over from Strawberry Plains and reached Dandridge in the afternoon. Hearing of the presence of what was reported to be the whole of Longstreet's army, and not liking to accept battle with superior forces with the river at his back, Parke had caused an examination of the river to be made, and learned that just below the town was a shallow, fordable at an ordinary stage of water, and now about waist-deep for the men. In the low physical condition of our troops and their lack of clothing he very wisely thought it would not do to make them march through the river, but devised a foot-bridge by putting army wagons end to end and making a path over the boxes of the wagons. Sheridan was ordered to detach a brigade immediately to make this bridge, and it set to work at once. The plan was to march the infantry to the south side of the river and afterward remove the wagons, covering the operation by the cavalry who could then ford the stream, which though very cold and running with ice was not impracticable for horsemen.

About dusk, as the skirmishing in front ceased, Sheridan and myself, with Sturgis, the commandant of the cavalry, were called to meet Generals Parke and Granger at a house in the town to report the condition of affairs in our front and to receive orders for marching. The bridge had been completed, as was supposed, and the brigade which had made it had been ordered across, when, on reaching the land on the left bank, they found, to their amazement, that they were upon an island with an equally deep and wide channel beyond! This news had just been received when we assembled at headquarters. Sheridan was greatly mortified at the blunder, but there was then no help for it. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. i. p. 79.] It was impracticable to complete the bridge before morning, and it was doubtful if wagons enough could be got together. My own command was on the extreme left of the line, partly covering the road back to Strawberry Plains, and we had not been engaged. The fighting had been in front of the centre and right. I could therefore throw no light on the question of the enemy's force. The information from other parts of the line and from prisoners left no doubt that infantry had engaged in the attack late in the afternoon and that Longstreet was present in force. There was therefore no dissent from the conclusion that it would be unwise to accept a battle with the river behind us, and orders were given to leave the position in the night and retire to Strawberry Plains. The wagons and most of the artillery were to follow the advance-guard, which was Sheridan's division, my command to march next, and Willich's (Wood's) division of the Fourth Corps to be the rear-guard. The cavalry were to march on a road a little to the right, leading to New Market, and would thus cover our flank. [Footnote: For the Dandridge expedition, see Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. i. pp. 79 et seq.]

Granger had been ailing for a day or two and had not been with the troops. He was lying on a bed in the room where we met, and the rest of us sat about the fireplace, a tallow candle being on a rude table in the middle of the floor. Sturgis came in later than the others, having had a longer ride. He was a handsome fellow, with full, round features, sharp black eyes, and curly black hair and mustache. He had been seated but a few minutes when he noticed a bottle of whiskey on the table and a glass which had been placed there as camp hospitality for any one that wanted it, but had apparently been neglected. Glancing that way, Sturgis said, "If I had a little bit of sugar, I believe I'd take a toddy." A colored boy produced a sugar-bowl and the toddy was taken. The conversation ran on a few moments, when, as if it were a wholly new suggestion, the same voice repeated, "If I had a little bit of sugar, I believe I'd take a toddy;" and again the attendant did the honors. Our orders were received and we were about ready to go to our commands, when again, with polite intonation and a most amusing unconsciousness of any repetition, came the words, "If I had a little bit of sugar, I believe I'd take a toddy." The incident was certainly a funny one in itself, but I should not have cared to repeat it had not the official records of Sturgis's defeat by Forrest in the Tishimingo affair later in the year emphasized the mischief of lax habits as to temperance. The judgment of his superiors and of those who knew him well was made severer by the knowledge of his weakness in this respect. Railway officers insist upon absolute sobriety in locomotive engineers; but if there be one employment in which such coolness of head is more absolutely essential than in another, I believe it is in commanding troops in the field. [Footnote: See Marbot's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 242, for results of Wittgenstein's reliance on an intemperate officer, Kulnieff, in the Russian campaign of 1812.] Sturgis's military downfall was a severe lesson, but he gave every evidence afterward of having learned it, and "lived cleanly" through many years of service after the Civil War was over.

The march back to Strawberry Plains began by starting the wagon train to the rear as soon as it was dark. Sheridan's division was drawn out soon afterward. My command was ordered to leave the line at eight o'clock, and Willich's to follow when the road should be clear as far as the first defensible ridge beyond the village where a rear-guard could make a successful stand. The cavalry were to maintain their position till morning and cover the movement. It was about half-past eight when my column closed up upon the wagons ahead of me, but as they had not yet climbed the first hill, we found ourselves necessarily halted in the main street of the village. General Willich had prudently placed a tent a little to the right of the road where it leaves the town, and there he made his quarters until the column should completely pass that point. He could thus keep his division in their bivouac in support of the cavalry till he knew the rest of the little army had cleared the place and could secure some rest, whilst he was still in easy communication with both the marching column and his own men. He reaped the advantage of his forethought. As my command had to assist the wagons and the artillery, no such means of bettering the situation was possible for us. I had notified Willich that I would be in person at the extreme rear of my command so that he could communicate with me most promptly and obtain my support if he were seriously attacked. The brigade in the lead was directed to give the wagons and cannon every help in getting forward, and the column was ordered to keep well closed up.

The day had been a mild one in comparison with the fortnight preceding, and rain set in early in the evening. The surface of the clayey roads soon became very slippery, then cut into deep ruts, and the moisture was just enough to give the mud the consistency of tenacious putty. The teams, half starved, were very weak, and it seemed as if they would never mount the hills before them, which were the southern end of the ridge of Bay's Mountain, separating the Holston valley from the Nolachucky. Three or four teams had to be united to drag up a single cannon or caisson, and the time as well as the distance was thus trebled or quadrupled. In some instances more than twenty horses were thus hitched to a single piece, besides having infantrymen at the wheels as thick as they could cluster, pushing and lifting. The column which was halted thus waiting for the wagon trains and artillery to climb a hill, grew weary of standing. The men would break ranks and sit down in the fence corners, where they built little camp-fires, and, rainy as it was, they fell asleep leaning against each other in these little bivouacs. Then would come word from the front to close up, and the regimental officers would give the command to fall in. The men would rouse themselves, the column would march, perhaps less than a hundred yards, when the road would be blocked again, the men would again seek the fence corners and stir up the fires that had been left by those who were now in advance. Thus in cold and wet and weariness the night wore on, till when day broke about six o'clock next morning we had put a distance of less than two miles between us and the village, and Willich's division had barely reached the first wooded ridge beyond the town.

During all the last hours of the night we were anxious lest we should be attacked by the enemy, who by crowning the hills above the road would have had us at great disadvantage. I had concerted with General Willich a plan of action if we were assailed, but the enemy took no advantage of our situation, and I have always believed that as the meeting at Dandridge was a mutual surprise, by a similar coincidence both parties were retiring at the same time. Our cavalry moved off toward New Market at daybreak, but it was not till late in the forenoon, when we had toiled on several miles further, that the Confederate cavalry approached our infantry rear-guard and accompanied its march for a time with some light skirmishing.

The weather grew colder during the day, and in the afternoon the rain changed to moist driving snow. The sleepy, weary troops toiled doggedly on; the wagons and the cannon were helped over the bad places in the way, for we were determined not to abandon any, and the enemy was not hurrying us. When night fell, on the 18th, my own command and Willich's division were still three miles from Strawberry Plains, though Sheridan's division and part of the wagon train had reached that place and crossed the Holston. We halted the men here and went into bivouac for the night. It had been a wretchedly cheerless and uncomfortable march, but the increasing cold and flying snow made the camp scarcely less inclement. The officers were, as was frequently the case, worse off than the men, for they could not carry their rations in haversacks, and the separation from the wagons in such a desolate country meant a prolonged fast. The delay caused by the rain and mud had been unexpected, and the march we had hoped to make in the night had taken more than twenty-four hours. During that time myself and staff had not eaten a mouthful, and we had no expectation of seeing food till we should get across the Holston next day and reach our headquarters wagons. Better luck happened us, however. We found a deserted and unfinished log cabin which had a roof and a stick-and-clay chimney, though it had no floor or chinking. The snow drove through between the logs, but the roof was over our heads and we soon had a lively fire roaring in the chimney. Some bundles of corn-stalks were found in a field near by, and of these we made a bed on the ground in front of the fire, and began to think we might forget our hunger in thankfulness for fire and shelter such as it was. But still better was in store for us. One of our tired forage trains had gone into park near us, and the teamsters offered to share their supper with us. They had corn "pone," some salt pork, and for a rarity some newly arrived coffee. We sat on the corn-stalks around the fire with an iron camp-kettle in the midst containing the black coffee which we dipped out with battered tin cups, and we held in our hands pieces of the corn-pone and slices of fried pork, congratulating each other on the unexpected luxury of our supper. Hunger and fatigue were so good a sauce that it seemed really a luxury, and we banished care with an ease which now seems hardly credible. The supper ended, sleep was not long a-wooing, though my rest was more broken than that of the others, for frequent dispatches came from headquarters which I had to answer, and orders had to be sent to the troops to continue the march on the morrow in accordance with the directions which I had received. I had provided myself in Cincinnati with a field dispatch book in form of a manifold letter-writer which I myself carried in a sabretasch during all the rest of the war. In this, by means of the carbon sheets and agate-pointed stylus, a dispatch and its copy were written at once, and a valuable record kept of every day's business. I could sit by the bivouac fire and write upon my knee without troubling a weary aide-de-camp to make a copy. I had in my saddle portmanteau also a little pair of brass candlesticks screwing together in form of a large watch-case, so that I could be provided with a light at the root of a tree in the darkness, if it was necessary to send or receive dispatches where there was neither shelter nor fire. These were necessaries; for food we could take our chances.

We halted the troops in wooded slopes where they were sheltered from the storm and where the evergreen boughs were speedily converted into tents of a sort, as well as soft and fragrant beds. Their ration was still scant, but nearly all of them picked up some addition to it on a day's march, so that the camps were more cheerful than they had been in the intensely severe weather of the first half of the month. On the next day we continued the movement, passing through Strawberry Plains and three miles further on the road to Knoxville. The Fourth Corps troops were ordered to go to the last-named city, there to cross the Holston and move out toward Sevierville into the country we had expected to reach by way of Dandridge. The Ninth Corps remained a little longer at Strawberry Plains.

On the 18th of January General Foster's plans were unsettled by a dispatch received from General Grant, dated at Nashville on the 16th, but in some manner delayed in transmittal. This conveyed the rather startling information that Longstreet had been reinforced by a division of Ewell's Corps with expectation of another also, and that the Confederate commander was in fact moving in force on Knoxville. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. pp. 109, 127.] The source of the information is not disclosed, but the news was stated with a positiveness uncommon with Grant. It reached Foster just as he had Parke's report of our having most unexpectedly met Longstreet's infantry at Dandridge and of our retreat on Strawberry Plains. The news was without foundation, for Longstreet had not been reinforced and his movement had no other significance than that which I have given it; but, coming on the heels of the accidental collision at Dandridge, there was a curious coincidence in the events which gave strong apparent confirmation to the report, and it was a matter of course that Foster should accept it as true and act upon it.

He directed the sick and all extra baggage to be sent at once to Knoxville. Part of the Fourth Corps troops were ordered to the same place. The cavalry, except two regiments left with General Parke for picket duty, was ordered to pass through Knoxville toward Sevierville to obstruct any further movement of the enemy on the Dandridge line. Parke was ordered to hold the rest of the army together, resisting Longstreet's advance, and retiring deliberately on Knoxville. Preparations were made to destroy the long trestle bridge at Strawberry Plains, and this important structure was devoted to ruin for the third or fourth time since Sanders entered the valley in the preceding summer. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. pp. 129, 162.] Grant had said to Foster that the impossibility of supplying more troops in East Tennessee made it useless to send reinforcements, and that he must keep between Longstreet and Thomas, retiring toward Chattanooga if necessary. Halleck complicated the situation by telegraphing direct to Thomas that he must aid Foster to any extent needed, and that the line from Knoxville to Cumberland Gap must be maintained at all hazards. [Footnote: Id., p. 130.] Foster reported to Grant that he had so greatly improved the defences and armament of Knoxville that it could not be taken, and that he would not retire further than this place unless it were explicitly ordered. [Footnote: Id., p. 138.] This was in accordance with General Grant's wish, and his confidence in the information as to Longstreet's reinforcement was such that he telegraphed Halleck on the 20th that the siege of Knoxville was about to be renewed. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. p. 149.] The chronic inability of Halleck to understand East Tennessee affairs is shown in his insistence on still maintaining the Cumberland Gap line, which was necessarily uncovered whenever the enemy approached Strawberry Plains. Chattanooga had now become our base, and remained so for all troops in East Tennessee till the end of the war. We at the front got the first authentic information which disproved the report of Longstreet's reinforcement and showed that he had retired to Morristown. Foster was thus enabled to telegraph Grant on the 20th that the evidence did not sustain the report, and that he doubted whether the Confederate commander would again attempt Knoxville. [Footnote: Id., p. 151.]

All the information we could get pointed to an abandonment of East Tennessee by the enemy, but it was hard for us to believe that the sudden retreat of Longstreet, after his announced intention to attack Knoxville, was not under orders which indicated a plan we ought to fathom. We had heard of his first purpose at many places on our road, for it is almost impossible to keep the people of the country from learning the destination of a moving column, and now the inhabitants who remained at Morristown were aware that Longstreet's men regarded Bristol as their destination. There were, however, rumors and some evidence that Longstreet had stopped his retreat and was about to turn upon us. This called for a careful disposal of our troops and preparation for supporting them promptly with those that were still on the road. As nothing came of it, there would be no reason for mentioning it, except that it was the occasion for an amusing bit of personal experience of my own.

Some of the more pronounced Secessionists had left the town with Longstreet, through fear that the loyalists might take vengeance on them for some of the wrongs they had suffered. We occupied as headquarters a house thus vacated, but it was absolutely empty and gave us only a roof over our heads. We had a few camp stools and a camp desk or two, and slept on the bare floor wrapped in our blankets, with our saddles for pillows. Late in the evening some loyal men brought in such reports of the enemy advancing to attack us at daybreak, that as a measure of prudence determined to go the "grand rounds" an hour or two before day, and especially to visit the cavalry outpost at the front and send forward a reconnoissance from it to make sure of full warning if there was any need of it. When I was roused by the sergeant of the headquarters guard and my horse was brought to the door, it was not a night for a pleasure excursion. A cold winter rain was pouring down, and the blackness of darkness was intense. I took only a single orderly with me, buttoned my cape close over my great-coat, pulled down the rim of my felt hat and started off, trusting to my horse to keep the road till my eyes should get a little used to the darkness. As both armies had encamped around the town, the fences were of course all gone and the wagons had cut so many tracks to right and left that it seemed all road, or rather all mire and no road. Whilst we were among the camps the smouldering camp-fires were of some help, but when we got beyond these we could only splash along cautiously, steering for the smaller fires which marked the picket reserves. Beyond the line of sentries there was nothing to guide us, and keeping our direction as well as we could, we plodded on until a faint glimmer showed the camp of the cavalry outpost. It was in an open wood, and the dying camp-fires gave only light enough to show the tall trunks of the forest trees, black against a background of dull red. Part of Longstreet's army had been in cantonments here during the winter, and many of the huts were still standing, their dim outlines and irregular forms hardly visible, but giving an air of weird mystery to the surroundings. Some of these huts were occupied by the cavalry, and the first we came upon had as its tenant an Irish dragoon, and him we turned out to guide us to the captain's quarters. The occasionally flashing light only seemed to make the darkness visible, and the Irishman told us to follow him closely, "and look out," says he, "for there's pits every little way where thim ribils dug foundations for their chimbleys." He started on and I followed, keeping my horse's nose close to his shoulder. Suddenly he disappeared, and as I jerked my horse back on his haunches, Paddy sung out: "Och! I've found one, sorr!" and sure enough he had gone in, head and heels, in one of the "pits." He scrambled out and cautiously led my horse around the hole, but we had hardly gone a rod further before Pat went out again, like a candle, with "Be jabers, I've found another." But he took his mud baths good-humoredly, and led us without further accident to the captain. From him I got the reports from the vedettes at the front, and after ordering a reconnoissance to be pushed well forward, turned back to inspect the infantry line of sentinels. These were generally found on the alert and well instructed, but as we went across ditches and miry fields we came suddenly upon one asleep in a fence corner where he had tried to make some shelter from the storm. When the horses halted beside him, he sprang up bewildered, and stood bolt upright, trying to look at us, evidently uncertain whether we were rebels, but too confused to utter a single word. I ordered him to call the corporal of the guard, and asked him if that was the way he guarded the camp. He began to stammer out denials of being asleep with a foreign accent and in broken English, which made his stupidity seem more stupid. I reported him to the officer of the guard, but finding he was a raw recruit, I refrained from ordering him before a general court-martial, and directed a lighter summary punishment that his regimental officers could impose.

After examining the more important part of the line, we splashed back to quarters as day was breaking, got a fire built in our cheerless room, hung my coat, which was heavy with water, before it to dry, and crossing my mud-cased legs, sat down for half an hour of rest and revery, listening for carbine shots at the front that would tell if the scouting party had found an enemy. The rest of the staff were still sleeping, oblivious of war's alarms and preparing for the work of the day by trusting the watching to those on duty, as they would be trusted in turn when similarly on guard. How often were such incidents repeated, night and day, through campaign after campaign, till they became so familiar that it seems almost puerile to mention them!

On beginning the movement to Morristown, orders had been given to press the rebuilding of the railroad bridge at Strawberry Plains, for our continuance so far from our supplies depended upon it. We had no trains of wagons to keep up our communication with our base, and the utmost we could do was to carry four or five days' supply with us. We therefore spent three or four days in vigorous efforts to gain information of the enemy by means of our cavalry. We learned that Longstreet held the line of Bays Mountain, where the railway passes through Bull's Gap, thirteen miles above Morristown. His right flank seemed to be at Rogersville on the Holston, and his left rested near the Nolachucky beyond Greeneville. We could not learn that any of his forces except Martin's cavalry had left him, though we were mystified by the disappearance of Ransom's division from the accounts of the enemy's organization. The fact was that that officer was transferred to the cavalry command, and the organization of his division was merged in the others.

On the 2d of March Grant directed that McCook's division of cavalry should go back to Thomas as soon as they could possibly be spared, and on Schofield's reporting the results of our reconnoissances, he advised the latter not to bring on an engagement, but to content ourselves with holding as much of the country as we could. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 14.] The bill creating the grade of lieutenant-general was now the law, and Grant had been promoted to it. On the invitation of the President he was about to go to Washington for consultation, keeping in telegraphic communication with his department commanders. [Footnote: Id., p. 17.] Consequently it agreed well with his views to let affairs remain quiet during his absence. The rains continued, however, and even if he had desired further advance it would have been out of the question till the bridge at Strawberry Plains was rebuilt. The rations brought with us were exhausted, and on the 4th we withdrew the infantry fourteen miles, to a position four miles above New Market, where we hoped to be able to feed the troops with our few wagons, until the railroad should again be available.

Headquarters in the field were established at New Market, and I remained there with authority to direct and support the cavalry movements actively kept up in our front. General Schofield was thus enabled to spend part of his time at Knoxville attending to the clothing and supply of the troops, the gathering of reinforcements, return of veterans, and all the matters of department administration which centred there. In case of the necessity of combined action in Grant's absence, Thomas was authorized to assume command.

The Holston bridge at Strawberry Plains was completed on March 11th, and our forces were at once put in motion for Morristown, where we once more encamped on the 12th. Nothing new had been learned of the enemy; but there was nothing to learn, for Longstreet quietly occupied the line of Bays Mountain, and, like ourselves, was busy getting his troops clothed and shod, while he discussed with the Richmond authorities various plans of campaign. The cavalry ordered back to Johnston was making its way along the base of the mountains, and occasional news of their advance was exaggerated into stories of all Longstreet's army being in motion. Schofield very wisely thought the best way to know what his enemy was doing was to be as near him as practicable without assaulting his strong positions with an inferior force, and therefore ordered the fresh advance as soon as the railway could be made to transport supplies.

On the 14th Grant was again at Nashville, and took immediate steps to send the Ninth Corps to Burnside at Annapolis, [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 67.] in accordance with an arrangement which was settled at the Washington conferences. Schofield was directed to have no delay in getting the Ninth Corps off, and he issued his formal orders to that effect on the 16th. [Footnote:Id., p. 82.] This reduced the forces in East Tennessee to a very small number, but a bold front was preserved and active reconnoitering kept up. On the 18th Stoneman's infantry was placed at Mossy Creek, between New Market and Morristown, and Wood with two brigades of his division was ordered to Rutledge about half-way to Cumberland Gap. The other brigade was placed at Strawberry Plains to protect the stores accumulated there. The cavalry which remained to Schofield was divided, part reporting to Stoneman and part to Wood, and the country was carefully watched from the Nolachucky on the east to Cumberland Gap on the northwest. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. pp. 88, 89.] I was personally directed to keep headquarters in the field, with power to act, in emergencies and in matters of detail, in Schofield's name, while the general returned to the department headquarters at Knoxville, where he made to Sherman, as his now superior, a full report of the situation, with suggestions as to the future work of the army of the Ohio. [Footnote: Id., p. 96.] It was now settled that a new campaign, both East and West, should open in April, if possible, and everything else was to be made subservient to preparation for it. Steps were taken to bring back the furloughed veterans, to remount the cavalry in Kentucky and bring it forward, and to secure such additional infantry as should enable Schofield to take the field with three strong divisions of foot, and at least two of horse, besides leaving about ten thousand men in Kentucky and five thousand in East Tennessee.

The question what should be the work of the Army of the Ohio had naturally interested us who belonged to it, and while Grant was in Washington I prepared and submitted to General Schofield a sketch of a plan of campaign. It was based on the assumption that the Army of the Potomac would not operate by its left along the lowlands of Virginia, as McClellan had done, but would follow the railway through Culpepper and Orange Court House to Richmond. This route was in a high and healthy country, the streams would be crossed where they were comparatively insignificant, and the natural obstacles to an advance seemed much less formidable than upon the coast line. True, the army would have to depend upon the railway for its supplies, but so must Sherman in the West, and the Virginia line was only a fraction of his in length. It had the advantage of covering the Shenandoah valley as it advanced, and saving the large detachment which had to be devoted to that region and to the protection of Washington. But besides this (and this was the feature directly affecting us in East Tennessee), it opened for the Army of the Ohio a rÔle of usefulness which seemed to me very important.

If Schofield were to take the field in Georgia, he could carry to Sherman, at most, some twelve or fourteen thousand infantry and six or eight of cavalry. The proper protection of Kentucky and East Tennessee required just about the same number of troops. His active column in the decisive campaign would therefore be only half of the forces in his department. Whenever it should be apparent that Georgia was our field of operations, Longstreet's twenty thousand men would be set free to join Lee in Virginia (as actually happened), or could be used in any other theatre of operations, whilst our garrisons could not be greatly reduced because small raids of mounted men could harry the wide expanse of country behind us unless all the important points were fully guarded. This also was demonstrated by our actual experience, and was a plain deduction from facts and principles. To drive Longstreet into Virginia and destroy the railroad so that he could not return was, therefore, to force the enemy to do the thing most advantageous to himself; that is, to concentrate his forces at the East in entire security that he would not be troubled by any advance on our part into southwestern Virginia.

If, on the other hand, we could move eastward along the railroad, we could bring our supplies to our camps as we advanced. Sherman's army behind us would make our base at Chattanooga safe; the great mountain barrier on the right would so cover our flank that scarce any force need be left in Tennessee, but all could be put in the aggressive column: the troops in Kentucky could be brought forward as we progressed, for our movement would cover that district; finally, on reaching the New River valley we could be joined by the forces in West Virginia. The advance, therefore, instead of being with a dwindling column would be with a growing one, and when the Army of the Potomac should approach the valley of the James, we should be ready with about forty thousand to come into line as the right wing of that army. Approaching Richmond from the north and west, the south side railroad would be at once in our grasp, and that to Petersburg within easy reach.

The objection to such a plan which would first occur to a critic, would be that convergent movements from so distant bases are proverbially uncertain; but this objection is greatly weakened by a study of the topography of the country. The Holston valley is so isolated that, approached by the railway line with a good base behind the column, it is strongly defensible, and if the advance is so timed as not to pass the New River before the Army of the Potomac should be swinging in toward Richmond from the northwest, Lee's army would be too fully occupied to make a detachment strong enough to oppose us, and the line by which he would operate against us would be threatened by the army of our friends. There would also be a safe line of retreat always open for us, in case of check. [Footnote: Napoleon was a master of strategy who fully appreciated the objections to exterior lines, but in the campaign of Wagram in 1809 he ordered Marmont to lead a column from Italy to Vienna by a route having strong resemblances to that which I have sketched. He regarded the character of the route itself, protected as it was by mountain ranges, and giving the assurance of a line of retreat, as making an exception to ordinary cases and overcoming the objections which would have been conclusive against attempting it in an open country.] Another interesting feature in this plan is that if railway communication between Sherman and the Potomac Army had been opened in the summer of 1864, it would have been an interior line of immense importance, not improbably modifying essentially the final campaign of the war.

General Schofield thought well enough of my sketch to adopt it as a suggestion to General Grant, which he submitted as soon as the latter returned from the East. The General-in-Chief had, however, already made arrangements which committed him to operating by the left of the Potomac Army. He had sent General W. F. Smith to Fortress Monroe for the purpose of taking the field at the head of the movable part of Butler's Army of the James, and Burnside's command at Annapolis was at that time expected to make another line of operations from the seacoast in North Carolina. There was also a disposition to leave in Sherman's hands all the departments which constituted the Military Division of the Mississippi, and allow him to concentrate the movable forces of all in his operations against Johnston. Grant therefore adhered to his original purpose of destroying enough of the railroad near the Watauga River to make a serious obstruction to hostile movements against East Tennessee from the east, and turn everything that could be spared into the advance upon Atlanta. Another thing which had weight with him was the fact that Schofield's confirmation as major-general was still delayed and opposed in the Senate, and he intended, if it were finally defeated, to consolidate the Department of the Ohio with that of the Cumberland under General Thomas. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 11.]

On the 29th of March General Sherman visited Schofield at Knoxville, and a full understanding was reached regarding the place the Army of the Ohio was to take in the great campaign of the spring. All the troops in the department were to constitute the Twenty-third Corps, and Schofield was to command the moving column in the field as well as the department. To avoid the inconvenience of having a double head to this column, Stoneman was to be transferred to the command of the cavalry in place of Sturgis, and Schofield was to be assigned to the formal command of the corps. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. pp. 221, 268, 312.] Sturgis was then to be sent to Memphis to take command of the column there organizing for the purpose of operating against Forrest.

As to operations in the upper valley of the Holston, it was determined to occupy Bull's Gap at an early day, and to keep up such an apparent purpose of advancing as should detain Longstreet in East Tennessee as long as possible. If he retreated he was to be followed, so as to induce him to burn the railway bridges, and thus to avoid disclosing our own purpose of leaving that portion of the valley which we should plainly proclaim if we ourselves should destroy the railway. Everything was to be ready for movement, and at the last moment, if the enemy had not already done it, we were to burn railway bridges and tear up the track for a considerable distance. Then the divisions which were to take the field in Georgia were to march rapidly to Cleveland, and come in on the left of Sherman's grand army as he advanced from Chattanooga.

As the plan of campaign thus took definite shape, it gave the occasion also for a settlement of my personal problem of permanent assignment to duty. It had become evident that there was no room for transfer to another command, and the active part marked out for the Twenty-third Corps removed the only ground for wishing it. No better soldiers could be found than those which made up our divisions, and my acquaintance with General Schofield had ripened into a confidence which made me entirely content to follow him as my commander. He warmly invited me to continue permanently in the position of chief of staff, but gave me the alternate choice of one of the divisions of the active column. My preference for responsible command in the field decided me to take a division, and by his further permission I chose the third, in which were a considerable number of officers who had served with me in other campaigns. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 245.] I would not be understood, however, to depreciate the position of chief of staff of such a department and army. Properly filled, few positions in active service could be pleasanter or more useful. I had tested this during the six weeks preceding, and had found the associations and the duty every way most agreeable. The general was always prompt to assume his proper responsibility and to order the movements or the administrative acts which are peculiarly the province of the commander; but he gave me the task of arranging the subordinate details, and the authority to direct them in his name. To distribute the parts each corps or division was to perform; to co-ordinate all the arrangements so that they should move harmoniously; to bring to a common centre all the information, external and internal, which affected the conduct and efficiency of the whole; to supervise the matters of organization, of equipment, and of supply; to consult with the medical director as to hospital work and the sanitary condition of the army, and to be guarantor that the common end is vigorously and intelligently pursued by every part of the army,--all this, as scarcely needs telling, makes a chief of staff the right arm of the commander, and his most trusted adviser and confidant. He makes his commander feel free to give his own thought to the larger problems of a campaign, with confidence that the whole machinery of the army will work smoothly toward the object which he has in view. I did not then, nor do I now, underestimate the importance of the duty which an industrious staff officer may thus perform, and I had found it made personally pleasant by the even temper and appreciative justice of General Schofield's rule. I had, however, formed so strong a predilection for the immediate and active conduct of troops in the field, that this determined me to choose the division command. In the new organization of the corps I should, in this, report directly to the general, and should be next in rank to him (in the infantry) by virtue of seniority, so that in his absence, or when two divisions were temporarily detached from the army, I should exercise a superior command. These were advantages which every experienced soldier estimates highly, and I was to enjoy them, until good fortune and the steady friendship of my superiors gave me, a second time, and this time in permanent form, the corps command with the rank belonging to it. There was no mistake, therefore, in my choice of duty; and considering the part Sherman's whole army was to play in the remaining campaigns of the war, it was a matter of personal good fortune also that the Army of the Ohio became an integral part of the great western organization, and marched southward, not eastward.

On the staff I had been thrown into intimate relations to Colonel William M. Wherry, senior aide-de-camp, and Major J. A. Campbell, adjutant-general. These officers continued to the end of the war in these positions, which they filled with great credit and usefulness. Major Campbell was admirably fitted for the supervision of the records and the correspondence of the army, and for reducing to the form of clear and succinct orders the directions of the general. He was accurate, systematic, and untiring; always at his post, whether it were at his desk in camp, or by the side of his chief in the field. Of slight, almost frail body, with an intellectual face, he looked unequal to rough field work, but showed a stamina in fact which many a more robust man envied. Colonel Wherry was the incessantly active personal representative of the general, intrusted with his oral orders, and making for him those examinations and investigations which are only satisfactory when the commander has learned to trust the eye and the cool judgment of his assistant as his own. Wherry had been with General Schofield from the first campaign in Missouri in 1861, and both were with Lyon when he fell at Wilson's Creek. He remained his confidential aide through the whole war, and for years afterward, being early appointed from Missouri to the line of one of the new regiments of the regular army. Lithe, graceful, and genial, he was always welcome, when he came to a point where fighting was going on, to learn for the general the actual situation or to bring his orders. [Footnote: Wherry is now (1899) Brigadier-General of the United States Army, retired, after brilliant service in the campaign of Santiago, Cuba.]

During the winter the division of the Fourth Corps commanded by Brigadier-General Thomas J. Wood had been in closest connection with us. It had taken part in all the marchings and countermarchings of the period when I was chief of staff, and I had thus begun an acquaintance with its commander which was to grow into lasting friendship. General Wood was colonel of the Second Regular Cavalry, a Kentuckian who had earnestly taken the National side, and an influential officer of the old army. His intelligence and activity were very marked, and his courage was of the cool indomitable character most highly prized in divisions of a great army. Of medium height, solid but not large build, dark hair and complexion, high forehead, he was a noticeable man in any assemblage of officers. A fluent talker, attentive to polite forms of speech as well as of conduct, he was liked and respected throughout the army, and especially in the Army of the Cumberland, where he had served throughout the war. He had won promotion by gallant and meritorious services again and again, when at the battle of Chickamauga it was his ill fortune to receive the famous order to "close up on Brannan and support him." The situation made the order ambiguous, but Wood understood it to mean that he should move to the left till he should find himself in rear of Brannan's division, since another division was between them in the line. He thought it a strange order, but thought also that Rosecrans must know why he sent it, and that it was "his not to reason why" but to obey. The obedience opened the gap through which Longstreet's men poured, breaking the line and routing part of the right wing. Wood took the place assigned him by Thomas in the horse-shoe curve around the Snodgrass hill, and did his full share of the desperate fighting which held that part of the field. But he had thus become the subject of a controversy, and the friends of Rosecrans charged him with a too literal obedience, and a failure to use a sound discretion in his action. The result was that whilst Rosecrans was removed from active field service, Wood still found himself under a cloud, and opposed by influences which stood in the way of his promotion till the war was almost ended. He continued to be distinguished in every engagement of the Atlanta campaign and that of Nashville, and no division saw harder or more honorable service than his.

The first week in April saw the changes in the organization of the Twenty-third Corps which I have indicated. On the 3d I was relieved of staff duty and assigned to the third division, with orders to proceed at once to Bull's Gap and take temporary command of the corps whilst General Stoneman should hasten to Kentucky to prepare the cavalry corps for active service. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. pp. 245, 259, 268.] I think the change was agreeable to Stoneman, for he was most at home with mounted troops and liked that service. Schofield's permanent assignment to the Twenty-third Corps was made on April 4th by the President, though the general had still to await for some time the action of the Senate on the confirmation of his promotion. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 258.] His enemies were still persistent, and even succeeded in obtaining a report of the Senate committee against his confirmation. General Sherman wrote to his brother, the senator, in behalf of his subordinate;[Footnote:Id., pp. 332, 343.] but it was not till General Grant was back in Washington and used his powerful personal influence that the confirmation was finally secured after the campaign had opened. It seemed at one time that not even the manifest mischief of deranging the organization of the army, as deliberately settled by both Grant and Sherman, would overcome the political hostility arrayed against him. This was without any reasonable foundation. Although Schofield was not given to political discussion, my closeness to him enabled me to know that he was an earnestly loyal man whose heart was warmly engaged in the National cause. He believed in emancipation as a right and politic war measure, and in fighting the rebellion vigorously till it should be conquered. He had made enemies among the Kansas politicians because he tried to prevent the war on that frontier from degenerating into a vendetta when murder and robbery should take the place of civilized warfare. Some influential radicals in Missouri were hostile because he held the scales even between them and the conservative Union men.

At Bull's Gap I found the corps headquarters in a shingle-palace which had been built for a hotel at the railway station, and which was now the only house there. It was empty as a barn and fast going to ruin, but it gave shelter for our office work. Wood's division of the Fourth Corps was put in march to join the Army of the Cumberland, and we were left to watch the enemy and await the moment when the destruction of the railway and our own march southward should begin. We soon had a curious bit of evidence that Longstreet had finally abandoned the expectation of re-occupying East Tennessee. It was found in the applications made by women to join their husbands who were in the Confederate service. The "grapevine telegraph" was an "institution" during the whole war. News which was either interesting or important was passed on through the lines, and it was impossible to be so rigid in precautions as greatly to delay it. To stop it was utterly futile. Longstreet had hardly received the orders from his government to prepare to rejoin Lee's army in Virginia, when the headquarters of our army at Knoxville felt the pressure of applications for leave to pass the lines. On the 6th of April a party of forty women and children came up by railway, to be sent through the lines under a flag. They were of course without tents or any means of camping out, and the crazy building in which I had my quarters was that night as crowded and as picturesque as an Asiatic caravanserai. The rain and the almost impassable roads made their journey anything but one of pleasure, but by the aid of the few wagons at the post they went forward in a day or two. A second party, about as large, followed in the course of a week, and had even a rougher time than the first. There were delays on the part of their friends, in sending trains and escort to meet them at the break in the railway, but the hope of rejoining loved ones gave them courage, and they bore cheerfully their sufferings and privations.

The bitterness of the feud between the loyalists and disunionists in the Holston valley can hardly be imagined by those who did not witness it. The persecutions of the loyal mountaineers had been such that when their turn of ruling came they would have been more than human if they had not retaliated. The organization of home-guards gave to these armed bodies of men the power, and with it came the temptation to abuse it. The memory of the men who had been hanged for bridge-burning, and of those who had languished and died in prison charged with no crime but disloyalty to the Confederacy, was a constant stimulus to severity. Their blood seemed to cry from the ground. We found a constant necessity for moderating their passions, and it was not always possible to keep them within the bounds of civilized warfare. My experience in West Virginia was repeated with some phases of still greater intensity. When we got these loyal men away from home, campaigning on distant fields, there was no trouble in enforcing discipline, and they showed no more fierceness of personal retaliation than other troops. I suspect this will everywhere be true, in greater or less measure, and that in all wars it will be found for the interest of humanity not to allow local troops to garrison their own homes.

The scouts and irregular organizations were, as usual, the most likely to fall into excesses. I had an example of this, falling under my own eye at the time I am speaking of, and showing how, under this intense exasperation, the "bush-whacking" degenerated into guerilla war in which no quarter was given on either side. I had sent out a reconnoissance of a party of Indiana cavalry accompanied by some thirty of the Tennessee scouts, the whole force about a hundred in number. They had encountered a hostile party of "irregulars" some thirty strong, and had routed them. They brought in fifteen prisoners, and reported ten of the enemy killed. Those who were captured had all surrendered to the Indiana men, and the Tennesseeans were disposed to complain that quarter had been given. True, the party which had been attacked was said to have committed great outrages, and to have been engaged in forcing loyal men into the Confederate Army under their conscription laws. The chief of the scouts came to my quarters, and I put to him the ordinary question as to the luck of his last expedition. "Oh," said he, in a dejected nasal tone; "some pretty good luck and some bad luck." "What bad luck?" said I, thinking some of his men had got hurt. "Oh, them Indiana cavalry fellows let the captain of the gang and fourteen of his men surrender to 'em." "And what became of the rest?" "We had to deal with them," said he, significantly; "and they didn't surrender." Such is civil war when it becomes a deadly feud between old neighbors and acquaintances.

The month of April ran on with continued activity of reconnoitring parties, but no larger movements. The spring was unusually backward. There was a flurry of snow on the 16th, but it did not lie on the ground, and about the 20th lovely spring weather began in earnest. The best evidence we had that our lines of communication were getting in more efficient condition, was the arrival of an agent of the Sanitary Commission with a large shipment of fresh vegetables for gratuitous distribution. We were sorely in need of them. There was a good deal of incipient scurvy in camp, and scarce any one was wholly free from disorders caused by too restricted diet. Our regular rations were bacon and flour, varied occasionally by a small issue of dried white beans or rice. This was nutritious enough, but after some months' steady use, nature pretty imperatively demanded a change. The noble organization of the Commission had been watching for the opportunity, and the arrival of a generous supply of potatoes, onions, and pickled cabbage made feast days for everybody from the general down. At my headquarters we had been confined to the soldiers' rations, and it was impossible to get anything else. The only ferment to raise our bread was saleratus, and we had become very tired of saleratus biscuit. No luxuries ever tasted so well as these plain vegetables. Our physical condition craved them, and they were food and medicine at once. The sauerkraut was finely shaved cabbage laid down in brine, and a steaming platter of it made the piÈce de rÉsistance of our camp dinner as long as it lasted. The onions we sliced and ate raw with a dressing of vinegar. The gusto with which we enjoyed this change of diet remains a vivid remembrance after a quarter of a century, and is the best proof of our need of it. The health of the whole camp was restored, and we were "hard as nails" during the year of rough campaigning that was to follow.

The first week in May was the time of rendezvous for Sherman's grand army in northern Georgia, and with the opening of the last week in April the signal was given to destroy the railroad between Bull's Gap and the Watauga River, or further if the enemy should leave the crossing of that stream unharmed. Our position at the gap was high in the cleft of Bays Mountain through which the railway passes and then turns southeastward to the Nolachucky. The road then goes up the valley of that stream and over a ridge to the Watauga, which runs to the northwest, joining the Holston again by a route which is nearly at right angles to the general trend of the valley. The Watauga is not easily fordable at an ordinary stage of water, and thus the triangle between the Holston on the left, the Watauga in front, and the Nolachucky on the right, made the debatable ground of the upper valley. Whilst we held the barrier at Bull's Gap the enemy could not stay on the hither side of the Watauga, nor could we pass the river and stop short of a strong position an equal distance beyond.

We made a strong demonstration of cavalry supported by infantry, as if we were determined to cross the Watauga and push on into Virginia. The Confederate cavalry set fire to the bridge, as we expected them to do. One brigade was ordered to Jonesboro, to march back destroying all the railway bridges and tearing up and twisting the iron rails as far as possible. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. pp. 477, 492.] With another force I began in person a similar work of destruction on the section nearest Bull's Gap. Time could only be given us for this work till the 27th of April, but on the evening of that day my division was reunited at the gap, having torn up and twisted about one third of the track over a space of fifty miles, and thoroughly destroyed all the wooden bridges. [Footnote: Id., pp. 500, 512.]

The footsore and sick were put on a railway train, and with the rest I began the march for Knoxville. As General Sherman was urgent for speed in our movement, the columns were kept near the railway and the trains were run to meet them, taking the men in detachments. The first day of May found us at Charleston, the crossing of the Hiwassee River, with two divisions of the Twenty-third corps and with General Schofield in our midst. A new division from Indiana was on its way, by rail, to join us at Cleveland, and it was certain that we could be in our place as left wing, before the 5th, the day assigned by Sherman. Two days were given to getting up and organizing our trains, and on Tuesday, the 3d, we marched at daybreak, with our field organization complete. The Atlanta campaign was begun. General Schofield went over to Chattanooga to meet Sherman, and the command of the corps on the march was committed to me. [Footnote: Id., xxxviii. pt. iv. pp. 5, 22, 32, 48.] On the 4th, leaving Cleveland, we crossed the Georgia line and advanced to Red Clay, where, with the Army of the Cumberland on our right, the union of Sherman's forces in the field was completed.

At the Hiwassee we were a hundred and forty miles from Bull's Gap, and had made the distance in three days, marching half the way and being carried the other half by rail. In going south we seemed to meet the advancing spring. In the upper valley we could only see a suspicion of green, here and there, on an early tree, but at our Sunday camp at Charleston in a fine bend of the Hiwassee, a fresh green robe covered all the hills, and the sun was so bright and warm that the shade of my clean new tent was very comfortable. It would be hard to find a scene better making a romance of campaigning than that about us. Chilhowee and the great Smoky Mountains piled their deep blue masses against the eastern horizon, whilst at our feet rolled as beautiful a river as ever bore a musical Indian name. The grassy banks rise about a hundred feet above the water, and then the hills roll and rise around us in charming variety. Near the water's edge a great spring pours out from the bank in a swift steady stream two yards wide and six inches deep, giving sweet and pure water enough for a whole army, and the zigzag paths to it are filled with picturesque groups of soldiers loaded with camp kettles or canteens. We should have been dull indeed if we had not felt the exhilaration of the scene.

Johnston had written to Bragg (February 27th) that the President's letters had given him the impression that a forward movement was intended in the spring; but if this were so, much preparation would be necessary, and large reinforcements and equipment. [Footnote: Id., p. 808.] He assumed that Longstreet was to unite with him, if the President's plan had not changed. This treatment of the matter as problematic and intended only as a plan for the spring, must be admitted to be somewhat exasperating to Mr. Davis, as the pressure from Richmond since the 18th of December had been for immediate aggressive action, and had been so emphatically put that to speak of it as creating only "an impression" sounded very like a sneer, and was unfortunate if not so intended.

Bragg answered in good temper, and after disposing of the matters of business, he added: "The enemy is not prepared for us, and if we can strike him a blow before he recovers, success is almost certain. The plan which is proposed has long been my favorite, and I trust our efforts may give you the means to accomplish what I have ardently desired but never had the ability to undertake. Communicate your wants to me freely and I will do all I can to give you strength and efficiency. We must necessarily encounter privations and hardships, and run some risk; but the end will justify the means." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 592.]

This, of course, implied prompt action whilst Grant's forces remained scattered and were still suffering from the dearth of supplies which had so nearly approached starvation and nakedness. Schofield's forces were at Knoxville, over a hundred miles northeast of Chattanooga. Part of Sherman's were on the Meridian expedition or now returning to Vicksburg on the Mississippi. Another part, under Logan, were about Huntsville, as far to the southwest as Schofield was to the northeast. In this condition of things a quick blow at Thomas would find him isolated. He could be turned by the north before Schofield could join him if he stayed in his fortifications, and he could be fought on equal terms in the field if he came out of his lines. This made the southern opportunity. To wait for spring was to wait for Grant and Sherman to concentrate the now scattered armies, to have them clothed and fed, and to have the horses and mules ready for a campaign. It is no wonder the government at Richmond thought it worth while to "encounter privations and hardships and to run some risk."

Lee had been in Richmond and was in accord with this plan. He wrote to Longstreet on the day after the date of Bragg's letter just quoted, urging him to drop all other schemes and to unite in influencing Johnston to adopt it. "If you and Johnston could unite and move into Middle Tennessee," he said, "it would cut the armies of Chattanooga and Knoxville in two and draw them from those points, where either portion could be struck at as opportunity offered.... By covering your fronts well with your cavalry, Johnston could move quietly and rapidly through Benton, cross the Hiwassee, and then push forward in the direction of Kingston, while you, taking such a route as to be safe from a flank attack, would join him at or after his crossing the Tennessee River. The two commands, upon reaching Sparta, would be in position to select their future course; would necessitate the evacuation of Chattanooga and Knoxville, and by rapidity and skill unite on either army." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 594.]

There were no doubt difficulties in the way--when are there not? But we who were in Grant's command are glad that we were not called upon to meet the enemy under this plan of campaign vigorously executed. We did not lack faith that we could defeat it, but we were much better pleased to have the enemy await the completion of our own preparation and allow us to take the initiative. It cannot be denied that it was based on sound strategy. With his usual considerateness, Lee said that Johnston and Longstreet on the ground should be better able to judge the plan and to decide; but he urged it with much more earnestness than was common in his letters. That Johnston rejected it must be admitted to be very strong evidence that he lacked enterprise. His abilities are undoubted, and when once committed to an offensive campaign, he conducted it with vigor and skill. The bent of his mind, however, was plainly in favor of the course which he steadily urged,--to await his adversary's advance, and watch for errors which would give him a manifest opportunity to ruin him.

Longstreet had written to Johnston on the 5th of March that Mr. Davis had directed a conference between them on the practicability of uniting their armies between Knoxville and Chattanooga, with a view to the movement into Middle Tennessee. Longstreet thinks he can make his part of the movement, but must leave the question of supplies to Johnston after they unite. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxiii. pt. ii. p. 587.] Lieutenant-General John B. Hood, who had been assigned to a corps in Johnston's army, wrote to Mr. Davis on the 7th that the army was well clothed, well fed, with abundant transportation, in high spirits, anxious for battle, and needing only a few artillery horses. A junction with Longstreet's army he thought would make it strong enough to take the initiative, and he strongly supported the plan of moving before Grant could concentrate. [Footnote:Id., p. 606.]

Johnston wrote to Bragg on the 12th that no particular plan of campaign had been communicated to him. [Footnote: Id., p. 613.] He does not appear to have telegraphed a brief inquiry on this subject, but wrote at some length in regard to his requirements before he could be in condition to take the field. He referred to his first opinion in favor of a defensive campaign as unchanged. The ordinary course of mail seems to have required about a week for a letter to reach Richmond. It happened that on the same day Bragg at Richmond was writing to Johnston outlining the plan of campaign mentioned above, adding that it was intended to throw a heavy column of cavalry into West Tennessee as a diversion, and that if by rapid movement Johnston could capture Nashville, Grant would be in a precarious position. The President, on assurance of the immediate execution of the plan, would order to him 5000 men from General Polk, 10,000 from Beauregard, and Longstreet's command estimated at 16,000, but which was really nearer 20,000. Putting these reinforcements and Johnston's own army at lowest figures, his column would amount to 75,000 men. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 614.]

After posting his letter of the 12th, Johnston went on an inspection tour to Atlanta, and there on the 13th he received and answered Longstreet's letter of the 5th. He pronounced impracticable the plan submitted to them, and reiterated his fixed opinion that it was best to wait for Grant's advance. In any event, he thought a forward movement should "wait for the grass of May." [Footnote:Id., p. 618.] He argued that it was better to let the enemy's forces advance, and fight them far from their base and near his own. Bragg, on the other hand, had urged the recovery of the populous region of Middle Tennessee as necessary both for obtaining army subsistence and forage, and for the recruitment of the ranks. Both these resources he estimated very highly, and as Tennessee was still claimed as a seceding State, the Confederate conscription laws would be enforced there. On the other hand, every movement in retreat cut off a part of their area for supplies and men, was discouraging to the army, and was followed by numerous desertions of soldiers whose families were within our lines.

In answering Longstreet, Johnston had said that he would execute zealously any plan the President would order; but he evidently insisted on definite and formal commands if he were to depart from his preconceived views to which he held tenaciously. On the 16th of March he wrote again, this time in answer to Bragg's of the 7th. After telling of the impossibility of collecting artillery horses in northern Georgia, he mentions Longstreet's letter to him, to say that he thinks the point of junction suggested is too near the enemy, and that his army should have an accumulation of eighteen or twenty days' supplies before entering upon such a movement. They must also have ordnance stores for a campaign, and wagon trains to carry it all. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 636.] Two days later he received Bragg's full letter of the 12th sent by the hand of Colonel Sale as special messenger, and he now answers by telegraph. He says that Grant is back at Nashville, and is not likely to stand on the defensive. To meet at Dalton his expected advance, the reinforcements that had been spoken of must be sent at once. "Give us those troops," he says; "and if we beat him we follow. Should he not advance, we will thus be ready for the offensive. The troops can be fed as easily here as where they now are." [Footnote: Id., p. 649.] Next day he elaborated the same ideas in a letter, adding the suggestion before made by him that the line of advance by way of North Alabama was a preferable one to the route through East Tennessee.

The telegram was answered from Richmond whilst the longer letter was on its way. The answer conveyed the information that Grant would not personally lead the western army, but would turn over its command to Sherman. It also briefly noted the fact that Johnston had not accepted the aggressive policy on which the large reinforcements were made conditional. [Footnote: I do not find this dispatch in the Official Records. It is given in Johnston's "Narrative of Military Operations," p. 298.] He replied that his dispatch expressly accepted taking the offensive, and the only difference was as to details. He therefore repeats the urgent request that the troops be sent at once. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 666.]

It is not easy to accept his interpretation of his former dispatch. Waiting indefinitely to see whether the National army would advance, and declaring the administration plan impracticable, hardly looks like assuming the initiative. It was not a difference as to details. The very gist of the subject under discussion was a prompt advance against the parts of our army before they could be united for any purpose. The question would naturally arise, What might happen in the places from which troops were drawn, if they were not used by Johnston immediately? The latter had already said to Longstreet that his requisitions on the commissaries and quartermaster's departments for supplies and wagon-trains were so large as to make filling them "a greater undertaking than anything yet accomplished by those departments, and if they succeed, it will not be very soon." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. p. 618.] Yet these were only part of the conditions which he considered essential to any advance.

There seems to have been no rejoinder to Johnston's last telegram, and the subject was dropped. Longstreet was persuaded by his correspondence with Johnston that the combined movement could not be made, and turned to the scheme (already mentioned), of mounting his troops and making an expedition from southwestern Virginia into Kentucky. This was decisively rejected by the Richmond government. [Footnote: Id., p. 748.] Grant was now known to be in Virginia, inspecting the commands there and preparing for an active campaign. Concentration on both sides, and not further morselling of armies was to be the wholesome order of the day, and Longstreet was soon ordered to report to Lee. Between Bragg and Johnston correspondence was limited to the current business of the army, and general plans of campaign were not again mentioned. In April, Johnston became uneasy at the silence which indicated that the President regarded it unprofitable to discuss plans with him, and sent Colonel B. S. Ewell of his staff to Richmond to make explanations in person. He was politely received, and his visit no doubt tended to relax a little the strain in the relations between Mr. Davis and Ewell's chief; but it was too late to accomplish what had been hoped for in January. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. iii. pp. 839, 842.] Spring had come, and Sherman's concentration was in progress; indeed it was almost completed. Ewell reported to Johnston again on the 29th of April. On the 1st of May Schofield was at the Hiwassee River in touch with the left wing of Thomas's army, whilst McPherson was closing in on the right.

The certainty that Grant was in Virginia had brought the Confederate government to the conclusion that Lee must be reinforced by Longstreet and by whatever troops Beauregard could spare. The Atlantic coast States were thus to supply Lee with men and means. About four thousand men were to be immediately added to Johnston's army, mostly drawn from Mobile. Polk's infantry would be sent to him also, if, as was nearly certain, Sherman's advance on Atlanta should prove to be our great effort in the West. [Footnote: Id., p. 841.] The doubt whether one of our columns might not move through Alabama made it necessary to continue to the last moment ready for either event. The Gulf States would then become the feeders of Johnston's army in the campaign.

The very unsatisfactory relations between Mr. Davis and General Johnston cannot be overlooked if we would judge intelligently the events of the Atlanta campaign. It may be that the general was right in thinking a winter advance impracticable, though Lee's concurrence in the President's plan is no small argument in its favor. It is, nevertheless, the indisputable province of a government to determine, in view of the whole situation, political and military, whether continued operations are necessary. The army is organized for the sole purpose of reaching the ends at which its government aims in the war. The expenditure of life and treasure should be stopped and the government should sue for peace, unless its armies can be relied upon to act in hearty subordination to its view of the existing exigencies. The general should meet it with absolute ingenuousness and the promptest and clearest decision. He should act at once or ask to be relieved in time to let another carry out the plan. Mr. Davis, like Mr. Lincoln on several occasions, had reason to feel that a prolonged discussion had in fact thwarted him, and that he had not the cordial service he might fairly expect.

One of the results of the financial embarrassments of the Confederacy was the great and growing depreciation of its paper currency. Its officers in the field found their pay a merely nominal pittance, and those who had no independent fortune were reduced to the greatest straits. Interesting evidence of this has been preserved in petitions forwarded to the War Department in February, asking that rations might be issued to them as to the private soldiers. The scale of prices attached to their petition was that at which the government sold the enumerated articles to its officers, and was supposed to show the average cost and not a market price fixed by the retail trade. They paid for bacon $2.20 per pound, for beef 75 cents, for lard $2.20, for molasses $6 per gallon, for sugar $1.50 per pound, for a coat $350, for a pair of boots $250, for a pair of pantaloons $125, for a hat from $80 to $125, for a shirt $50, for a pair of socks $10. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt. ii. p. 658.] Their statements were verified and approved by their superiors, and General Johnston, in forwarding the petitions, said that at existing prices the pay of company officers was worth less than that of the private soldiers. [Footnote: Id., p. 661.]

Schofield had pressed the march of his troops after getting over the Coosawattee, but the interruptions had been such that the distance made was not great, though the time was long and the troops were more tired than if they had made double the number of miles on an unobstructed road. My division was on the extreme left flank and in advance. After crossing the river at Field's Mill, the infantry by Hooker's foot-bridge and the artillery by the flat-boat ferry, I marched at ten o'clock in the evening and reached Big Spring Creek at two o'clock in the morning of the 18th. Resting only till five o'clock, we marched again, going southward on the Cassville road three miles, thence westward on the Adairsville road five miles to Marsteller's Mill. The other divisions of our corps took roads westward of that which I followed, and the cavalry under Stoneman passed beyond our left flank, scouting up the valley of Salequa Creek as far as Fairmount and Pine Log Post-Office. Hooker moved two of his divisions toward Calhoun after getting over the Coosawattee, and these regained the position relative to the rest of Thomas's army which the corps had been ordered to take. The other division (Butterfield's), which had crossed in advance of my own at Field's Mill, was necessarily on roads assigned to Schofield's command, and a good deal of interference was inevitable. Hooker was personally with this division, and in the afternoon of the 18th met General Schofield at Marsteller's Mill, and then went forward about six miles to the foot of the Gravelly Plateau, Butterfield's division going still further forward on its top. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. pp. 238-242. The Atlas of the Official Records does not give the routes of all the columns of either Hooker's or Schofield's corps, nor does it give the line of march of the cavalry on our left. The march of my own division is fixed by the memoranda of my personal diary of the campaign. The official "Atlas" (Plate lviii.) gives two mills as Marsteller's. It is difficult to identify the several roads, but my own line of march was the principal Cassville road leading from Field's Mills and ferry through Sonora until we reached the road running directly to Adairsville. On this last we marched to Marsteller's Mills. Our route on the 19th is also incorrectly marked on the map. See Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. p. 256.]

General Schofield assembled the corps at the mills and rested for the night. Early on the 19th my division took the advance and marched southward on by-roads till we overtook Hooker's corps and found it in line of battle, its movement being disputed by the enemy's cavalry. Schofield deployed his corps on Hooker's left, my division taking the extreme flank and advancing in line to the south fork of Two Run Creek. Crossing this, we went forward to a position a mile northeast of Cassville, briskly skirmishing with part of Hood's corps. We found that we were opposite the extreme right of the Confederate position, which was a strong one on the hills behind Cassville; but an exchange of artillery shots satisfied us that we to some extent enfiladed their intrenchments. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. ii. p. 680.] The concentration of Thomas's army with Schofield's made a continuous line facing the enemy on the north and west. Night was falling as we took position.

Johnston had followed the railroad to Kingston, where he was joined by French's division coming to Polk's corps from Rome, and still stuck to the general line of the railway to Cassville, though this led him by a considerable detour to the east. His manifest policy was to make the largest use of the railroad to move his baggage and supply his troops, for wagon trains were not over-abundant with the Confederates. He naturally reckoned also that Sherman could not go far from the same line, and as the road crossed the Etowah near the gorges of the Allatoona hills, he wished to lead the national commander into that difficult country from the north, instead of taking the more direct wagon-roads from Kingston toward Marietta. Could Sherman have been sure of the route his adversary would take, no doubt he would have concentrated his columns by shortest roads on Cassville, gaining possibly a day thereby. [Footnote: Id., pt. iv. pp. 242, 266.]

The position on the hills behind the village of Cassville was so strong a one, and Johnston so much desired to offer battle at an early day, that he resolved to retreat no further and to try conclusions with Sherman here. He signified this in an unusually formal manner by issuing a brief and stirring address to his troops, in which he said that as their communications were now secure, they would turn and meet our advancing columns. "Fully confiding in the conduct of the officers and the courage of the soldiers," he said, "I lead you to battle" [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. p. 728.] But when our left flank crossed Two Run Creek and partly turned the right of his position, his corps commanders, Hood and Polk, became so uneasy that they protested against giving battle there, and induced Johnston to continue the retreat through Cartersville across the Etowah River. He saw the mistake he had made as soon as it was done, and never ceased to regret it. [Footnote: Narrative, p. 323, etc.] The Richmond government had been disappointed at his retreat from Dalton and Resaca and its continuation through Adairsville. His strained relations with Mr. Davis were rapidly tending toward his deprivation of command. But more strictly military reasons made his change of purpose very undesirable. Hardly anything is more destructive of the confidence of an army than vacillation. The order to fight had been published, and even a defeat might be less mischievous than the sudden retreat in the night without joining the battle which had been so formally announced. Either the order had been an error or the retreat was one. Every soldier in the army knew this, and the morale of the whole was necessarily affected by it.

Sherman had no mind to follow the enemy into the defiles of Allatoona from Cartersville. His position at Kingston offered a far more easy way to turn that fastness by the south, if he could replenish his stores, rebuild the bridges behind him, and make Kingston the base for a march upon Dallas and thence on Marietta. On the 20th of May his orders were issued for the new movement, to begin on the 23d with preparation for a twenty days' separation from the railroad. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. p. 271.] My own duty on the 20th was to follow the enemy's rear-guard to the river and learn the condition of the bridges and crossings. The division marched early, most of the distance to Cartersville being made in line of battle, the opposition being at times stubborn. The purpose of this was probably to prepare for the destruction of the bridges, which were burned as soon as the rear-guard crossed. We sent detachments to destroy the Etowah Mills and Iron Works a few miles above; [Footnote: Id., pp. 286, 298.] meanwhile General Schofield concentrated the Army of the Ohio at Cartersville, General Thomas occupied Kingston as the centre, and McPherson came into position on the right near the same place. General J. C. Davis's division had occupied Rome, finding there important iron-works and machine-shops as well as considerable depots of supplies. [Footnote: Id., p. 264.] General Blair was advancing from Decatur, Ala., with the Seventeenth Corps, under orders to relieve Davis at Rome, when the latter would rejoin Palmer's corps at the front.

The ten days which had passed since the movement to turn the enemy's position at Dalton was begun, had been in literal obedience to the order to march without baggage. At my headquarters we were, in fact, worse off than the men in the ranks, for, although the private soldier finds his knapsack, haversack, canteen, and coffee-kettle a burden and a clattering annoyance, he soon learns to bear them patiently, for they are the necessary condition of the comparative comfort of his bivouac when the day's march is over. The veteran, indeed, clings to them with eager tenacity, when he has fully learned that they are his salvation from utter misery. But the officer, whose hours of halting are crowded with important business, and whose movements must be light and quick whenever occasion arises, cannot carry on his person or on his horse the outfit necessary for his cooking and his shelter. We had been full of the most earnest zeal to respond thoroughly to the general's wishes, and had not tried to smuggle into wagons or ambulances any extra comforts. We had left mess chests behind, and had used our fingers for forks and our pocket-knives for carving, turning sardine boxes into dishes, and other tins in which preserved meats are put up into coffee-cups. Such roughing can be kept up for a week or two, but it is not a real economy of means to make it permanent. A compromise must be found in which the wholesome cooking of food and the shelter in a rainstorm, without which no dispatches can be written or records kept, may be made to consist with the lightness of transportation which active campaigning requires. The simple, closely packed kitchen kit of a Rob-Roy canoe voyager was more or less completely anticipated by the devices and inventions born of necessity in our campaign in Georgia. The remainder of the season bore witness that we could organize our camp life so as to secure cleanliness of person and healthful living without transgressing the reasonable rules as to weight and bulk of baggage which Sherman insisted on. Every day proved the reasonableness of his system, without which the campaign could not have been made.

The tendency of war to make men relapse into barbarism becomes most evident when an army is living in any degree upon the enemy's country. Desolation follows in its track, and the utmost that discipline can do is to mitigate the evil. The habit of disregarding rights of property grows apace. The legitimate exercise of the rules of war is not easily distinguished from their abuse. The crops are trampled down, the fences disappear, the timber is felled for breastworks and for camp-fires, the green forage is used for the army horses and mules, barns and houses may be dismantled to build or to floor a bridge,--all this is necessary and lawful. But the pigs and the poultry also disappear, though the subsistence officers are issuing full and abundant rations to the troops; the bacon is gone from the smoke-house, the flour from the bin, the delicacies from the pantry. These things, though forbidden, are half excused by sympathy with the soldier's craving for variety of food. Yet, as the habit of measuring right by might goes on, pillage becomes wanton and arson is committed to cover the pillage. The best efforts of a provost-marshal with his guard will be useless when superior officers, and especially colonels of regiments, encourage or wink at license. The character of different commands becomes as notoriously different as that of the different men of a town. Our armies were usually free from the vagabond class of professional camp-followers that scour a European battlefield and strip the dead and the wounded. We almost never heard of criminal personal assaults upon the unarmed and defenceless; but we cannot deny that a region which had been the theatre of active war became desolate sooner or later. A vacant house was pretty sure to be burned, either by malice or by accident, until, with fences gone, the roads an impassable mire, the fields bare and cut up with innumerable wagon-tracks, no living thing to be seen but carrion birds picking the bones of dead horses and mules, Dante's "Inferno" could not furnish a more horrible and depressing picture than a countryside when war has swept over it. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. pp. 273, 297, 298.]

The orders issued from our army headquarters in Georgia forbade soldiers from entering houses or stripping families of the necessaries of life. Most of the officers honestly tried to enforce this rule; but in an army of a hundred thousand men, a small fraction of the whole would be enough to spoil the best efforts of the rest. The people found, too, that it was not only the enemy they had to fear. The worse disciplined of their own troops and the horde of stragglers were often as severe a scourge as the enemy. [Footnote: See Hood's orders, Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. pp. 960, 963.] Yet I believe that nowhere in the world is respect for person and property more sincere than among our own people. The evils described are those which may be said to be necessarily incident to the waging of war, and are not indications of ferocity of nature or uncommon lack of discipline.

In the organization of the Army of the Ohio, General Schofield made an important change by assigning Brigadier-General Hascall to command the second division in place of General Judah. In the battle of Resaca the division suffered severe loss without accomplishing anything, and General Schofield found, on investigation, that it was due to the incompetency of the officer commanding it. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. p. 243.] The brigade commanders, in their reports, complained severely of the way in which the division had been handled, and the army commander felt obliged to examine and to act promptly. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. pp. 581, 610, 611.] Judah was a regular officer, major of the Fourth Infantry, a graduate of West Point in the class of 1843, but lacked the judgment and coolness in action necessary in grave responsibilities. General Schofield kindly softened the treatment of the matter in his report of the campaign, but in his personal memoirs he repeats the judgment he originally acted upon. [Footnote: Schofield's Report, Id., pt. ii. p. 511; Forty-two Years in the Army, p. 182. In the passage of his memoirs last referred to, General Schofield had been using the case of General Wagner at Franklin to give point to "the necessity of the higher military education, and the folly of intrusting high commands to men without such education" (p. 181); but he also distinctly recognizes the fact that such education is gained by experience, and the fault of those he uses as illustrations was that they had not learned either by experience or theoretically. I have discussed the subject in vol. i. chapter ix., ante. There must be knowledge; but even this will be of no use unless there are the personal qualities which fit for high commands.] The crossing of the Etowah River on May 23d was again the occasion of an interference of columns, because Sherman's orders were not faithfully followed. To McPherson was assigned a country bridge near the mouth of Connasene Creek, to Thomas one four miles southeast of Kingston, known as Gillem's Bridge, and to Schofield two pontoon bridges to be laid at the site of Milam's Bridge, which had been burned. There were fords near all these crossings which were also to be utilized as far as practicable. [Footnote: Sherman's general plan was given to his subordinates in person, but he repeated it to Halleck, Official Records vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. p. 274. Thomas's order is given, Id., p. 289, and accompanying sketch, p. 290. Gillem's Bridge in the Atlas is called Free Bridge, plate lviii. Schofield's place for pontoon bridges is fixed by his dispatch to Sherman, Id., p. 284, my own dispatch, Id., p. 298, and my official report, Id., pt. ii. p. 680. The line of march and place of crossing as given in the Atlas are incorrect.] We marched from Cartersville on the Euharlee road by the way of the hamlet of Etowah Cliffs, till we reached the direct road from Cassville to Milam's Bridge, when we found the way blocked by Hooker's corps, which had possession of the pontoons which Schofield's engineer had placed. Hooker, however, was not responsible for this, as he had been ordered to change his line of march by a dispatch from Thomas's headquarters written without stopping to inquire how such a change might conflict with Schofield's right of way and with Sherman's plans. Halted thus about noon, we were not able to resume the march till next day, as Hooker had ordered his supply trains to follow his column. [Footnote: Id., pt. iv. pp. 283, 291. Schofield to Sherman and reply, Id., pp. 296, 297. When I wrote "Atlanta," I supposed Hooker acted without orders.] The incident only emphasizes the way in which we learned by experience the importance of strict system in such movements, and the mischiefs almost sure to follow when there is any departure from a plan of march once arranged. There was, of course, no intention to make an interference, and the difficulty rarely, if ever, occurred in the subsequent parts of the campaign.

In preparation for the movement to turn Johnston's new position at Allatoona we were ordered to provide for twenty days' absence from direct railway communication. Within that time Sherman expected to regain the railway again and establish supply depots near the camps. Meanwhile Kingston was made the base, and was garrisoned with a brigade. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iv. pp. 272, 274, 278.] The returning veterans were coming back by regiments and were fully supplying the losses of the campaign with men of the very best quality and full of enthusiasm. Nine regiments joined the Twenty-third Corps or were en route during the brief halt at the Etowah. [Footnote:Id., p. 291.] The ration was the full supply of fresh beef from the herds driven with the army, varied by bacon two days in the week, a pound of bread, flour, or corn-meal per man each day, and the small rations of coffee, sugar and salt. [Footnote:Id., p. 272.] Vegetables and forage were to some extent gathered from the country. The coffee was always issued roasted, but in the whole berry, and was uniformly first-rate in quality. The soldiers carried at the belt a tin quart-pail, in which the coffee was crushed as well as boiled. The pail was set upon a flat stone like a cobbler's lapstone, and the coffee berries were broken by using the butt of the bayonet as a pestle. At break of day every camp was musical with the clangor of these primitive coffee-mills. The coffee was fed to the mill a few berries at a time, and the veterans had the skill of gourmands in getting just the degree of fineness in crushing which would give the best strength and flavor. The cheering beverage was the comfort and luxury of camp life, and we habitually spoke of halting to make coffee, as in the French army they speak of their soupe.

Reilly was three miles distant from Barter's brigade, which covered the right of the continuous line of the army intrenchments, and it was certainly risking something to extend the brigades of a single division so far, but it would have been a great disappointment to us to have been called back. General Schofield instantly saw the advantage, and in answering my dispatch, said, "I do not think the importance of the position you have gained can be over-estimated, especially in view of the failure elsewhere and probable future movements." [Footnote: Ibid. See map, p. 255.] He ordered Stoneman's cavalry to aid me in holding the ground and in picketing the intervals, and reported to General Sherman the details of the operation. The latter determined to make use of the advantage gained, and said, "If we had our supplies well up, I would move at once by the right flank, but I suppose we must cover our railroad a few days." [Footnote: Dispatch to McPherson, Id., p. 622.] We were left, therefore, for a little while in our exposed position, whilst the whole army made strenuous efforts to get forward supplies enough for a few days' separation from the railway. The weather had begun to favor us. The day of the affair at the Kolb farm (22d) had been the first fair day of the month, and the continuous clear skies and hot suns rapidly dried the roads. Sherman sent Captain Poe to make an engineer's examination of our position and reconnoissance in front. The report confirmed his purpose of making us the pivot in a swinging movement of the whole army. On the 29th Generals Thomas and Howard accompanied General Schofield and myself in a similar inspection, to help fix the details of the movement for the Army of the Cumberland. Crittenden's brigade of dismounted cavalry reported to me for temporary duty as infantry with my division. On the 1st of July Hascall's division was relieved by the extension of Hooker's corps, and Schofield with his whole corps in hand advanced a mile upon the Marietta road toward Ruff's Mill. Johnston's failure to attack was proof that he was preparing for retreat, and Sherman pressed the movement of his own army.

On the 2d Johnston knew that McPherson's army was marching to interpose between him and the Chattahoochee, and issued his orders for the evacuation of the Marietta lines in the night, and the occupation of the position beyond the Nickajack. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 860.] But Thomas and McPherson both followed so vigorously that the Confederate general saw that he could not cover the crossings of the river which Stoneman's cavalry was already reaching on our right, and in the night of the 4th he again retired, this time to intrenchments with both flanks resting on the river and covering the railway bridge with two or three of the principal ferries. With his usual prudence, Johnston had prepared both these lines with the aid of the Georgia militia under General Gustavus W. Smith, who, being himself an engineer, was admirably fitted to co-operate with the plans of the staff.

Again a few days had to be given to repairs of the railroad and a readjustment of the depots and means of supply, whilst careful reconnoissances of the river were made both above and below the Confederate position. Schofield's corps was placed in reserve near the railway, at Smyrna Camp ground, and on the 8th my division was assigned the duty of making a crossing of the Chattahoochee, and laying pontoon bridges at Isham's ford and ferry at the mouth of Soap Creek, [Footnote: In the official Atlas, pl. lx., two creeks are named Rottenwood. The upper one of these with paper-mills upon it is Soap Creek. The ford was sometimes called Cavalry Ford in the Confederate dispatches. For particulars of the movements at this period of the campaign, see "Atlanta," chap. xi.] about nine miles above the railway crossing of the river. Johnston does not seem to have been well served by his cavalry on this occasion, for the crossing was gained and two bridges laid with only trifling opposition, and my division was over and strongly intrenched before any concentration of the enemy was made in my front. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. pp. 85, 89, 93.] This, of course, decided Johnston to abandon the northern bank of the river, and he selected a strong position behind Peach-tree Creek as the next line of defence for Atlanta, burning the railway bridge and other bridges behind him.

Several days were occupied by Sherman in moving McPherson's command to Roswell, twenty miles above the railway, and building a trestle-bridge there, in accumulating supplies and organizing transportation for another considerable absence from the railroad. By the 17th the army was over the Chattahoochee, McPherson on the left, Schoneld next, and Thomas from the centre to the right. A general wheel of the whole toward the right was ordered, to find and drive back the enemy upon Atlanta.

Meanwhile the relations between General Johnston and the Confederate government had reached a crisis. He had regularly reported the actual movements of his army, but had carefully avoided any indication of his intentions or of his hopes or fears. When, on the 5th of July, he retreated to the position at the Chattahoochee crossing, his dispatch briefly announced that "In consequence of the enemy's advance toward the river below our left, we this morning took this position, which is slightly intrenched." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 865.] Mr. Davis replied on the 7th, expressing grave apprehensions at the situation, pointing out the dangers of the position, and saying that other places had been stripped to reinforce him, that further increase was impossible, and that they now depended on his success. [Footnote: Id., p. 867.] By an unfortunate blunder of a subordinate, the dispatch was not sent in cipher as was intended, and Johnston knew that the contents with its implied criticism was known to the telegraphers along the line and was practically public property. [Footnote:Id., p. 871] this was not soothing to the general's feelings, even when explained. His answer said that he had been forced back by siege operations, and had no opportunity for battle except by attacking intrenchments. He suggested that the enemy's purpose to capture Atlanta might be foiled by sending part of the 16,000 cavalry believed to be in Alabama and Mississippi to break up the railroads behind Sherman and force him to retreat. Davis replied with the intimation that Johnston must know that no such force was available in the West, and that it would be much more to the purpose to use the cavalry he had for that task of pressing importance. [Footnote:Id., p. 875] He sent also by letter fuller details of the stress under which General S.D. Lee was in the Department of Mississippi, showing that the hands of that officer were more than full. [Footnote: The letter, however, did not reach Johnston till after he had been relieved of command.] On the 10th Johnston had forwarded a laconic dispatch, saying, "On the night of the 8th the enemy crossed at Isham's Cavalry Ford; intrenched. In consequence we crossed at and below the railroad, and are now about two miles from the river, guarding the crossings." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 873.] On the 11th he telegraphed, recommending the immediate distribution elsewhere of the prisoners at Andersonville. [Footnote: Id., p.876]

It cannot be denied that there was a certain justification for Mr. Davis's conclusion that the circumstances foreboded the yielding of Atlanta without the desperate struggle which the importance of the position demanded. Had Johnston expressed any hopefulness, or said, what was the fact, that he was himself coming to the determnation to try the effect of a bold attack whilst Sherman's army was in motion, he would probably have been left in command. But the personal estrangement had gone so far that he confined himself rigidly to the briefest report of events, leaving the Richmond government to guess what was next to happen. His attitude was in effect a challenge to the Confederate President to trust the Confederate cause in Georgia to him absolutely, or to take the responsibility of removing him. The Hon. B. H. Hill, who was in Richmond, at Johnston's request, to learn if it was possible to reinforce him, telegraphed him on the 14th, "You must do the work with your present force. For God's sake, do it." [Footnote: Id., p. 879.] Governor Brown offered to furnish 5000 "old men and boys" for the local defence of Atlanta in the emergency, in addition to the similar number of the militia reserves already in the field. These were 'promptly accepted by Mr. Davis and the order was issued to arm them. [Footnote: Id., p. 878, and vol. lii. pt. ii. pp. 691-695, 704. The correspondence between Mr. Hill and Mr. Seddon, Secretary of War, is especially instructive as to the issue between Johnston and Davis.]

Before acting further the Confederate President sent out General Bragg to Atlanta to examine on the spot and report upon the condition of affairs. Bragg arrived on the 13th and reported that an entire evacuation of Atlanta seemed to be indicated by what he saw. The army was sadly depleted, he said, and reported 10,000 less than the return of June 10th. He could find but little encouraging. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 878.] On the following two days he visited Johnston twice and was "received courteously and kindly." "He has not sought my advice," Bragg added, "and it was not volunteered. I cannot learn that he has any more plan for the future than he has had in the past. It is expected that he will await the enemy on a line some three miles from here, and the impression prevails that he is now more inclined to fight. The enemy is very cautious, and intrenches immediately on taking a new position. His force, like our own, is greatly reduced by the hard campaign. His infantry now very little over 60,000. The morale of our army is still reported good." [Footnote: Id., p. 881.]

The receipt of this dispatch with Johnston's of the 16th seems to have decided President Davis to make a change in the command of the army, and on the 17th Hood was appointed to the temporary rank of general in the Provisional Army and ordered to relieve Johnston. [Footnote: Id., pp. 885, 887, 889.] Hood shrank from the responsibility in the crisis which then existed, and suggested delay till the fate of Atlanta should be decided; but Mr. Davis replied, "A change of commanders, under existing circumstances, was regarded as so objectionable that I only accepted it as the alternative of continuing in a policy which had proved so disastrous. Reluctance to make the change induced me to send a telegram of inquiry to the commanding general on the 16th instant. His reply but confirmed previous apprehensions. There can be but one question which you and I can entertain: that is, what will best promote the public good; and to each of you I confidently look for the sacrifice of every personal consideration in conflict with that object." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 888.]

Johnston magnanimously assisted Hood in completing the movements of the army during the 18th to the Peachtree Creek position and explained to him his plans. These were, first, to attack Sherman's army when divided in crossing that difficult stream, and, if successful, to press the advantage to decisive results. If unsuccessful, to hold the Peachtree lines till Governor Brown's militia were assembled;[Footnote: Johnston says ten thousand of these were promised him instead of five. Narrative, p. 348.] then, holding Atlanta with these, to draw the army back through the town and march out with the three corps against one of Sherman's flanks, with the confidence that even if his attack did not succeed, with Atlanta so strongly fortified he could hold it forever. [Footnote: Narrative, p. 350.]

In reading his more elaborate statement of the plans of which the above is an outline, one cannot help thinking how unfortunate for him it was that he did not give them to Mr. Davis as fully as he gave them to Hood! In answer to the pressing inquiry of the 16th for "your plan of operations so specifically as will enable me to anticipate events," he had replied, "As the enemy has double our number, we must be on the defensive. My plan of operations must therefore depend upon that of the enemy. It is mainly to watch for an opportunity to fight to advantage. We are trying to put Atlanta in condition to be held for a day or two by the Georgia militia, that army movements may be freer and wider." [Footnote: Id., p. 883.] A good understanding with his government was so essential, just then, that the most reticent of commanders would have been wise in sending in cipher the whole page in which he tells the specific details of his purposes and their alternates as he gave them to Hood. Had he done so, it is quite safe to say that he would not have been removed; but reading, in the light of the whole season's correspondence, the dispatch he actually sent, we cannot say that Mr. Davis was unreasonable in finding it confirm his previous apprehension. Had the general fully and frankly opened to Bragg the same purposes, the latter could not have sent the hopeless message which clinched the President's decision.

Johnston said in his final message to Davis that the enemy had advanced more rapidly and penetrated deeper into Virginia than into Georgia; and that confident language by a military commander is not usually regarded as evidence of competency. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 888.] There was much force in both points, but they do not touch the heart of the matter. Between Lee and his government there was always a frank and cordial comparison of views and perfect understanding; so that even in disaster it was seen that he had done the best he could and was actively planning to repair a mischief. On the other hand, they got from Johnston little but a diarist's briefest chronicle of events with no word of hopeful purpose or plan. It was not necessary that he should use "confident language," but words were certainly called for which expressed intelligent comprehension of the situation and fertility in purposed action according to probable contingencies. His advice to Hood showed that he only needed to be equally frank with the Richmond authorities. [Footnote: Mr. Davis has discussed his relations to Johnston in chapter xlviii. of his "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," vol. ii. pp. 547, etc.; but the most succinct statement of his views is found in a paper prepared for the Confederate Congress, but withheld. See his letter to Colonel Phelan, Meridian, Miss., O. R, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 1303-1311.]

The assignment of Hood to the command was, of course, in the belief that he would take a more energetic and aggressive course. He seems to have been free in his criticisms of his commander, and upon Bragg's arrival had addressed to him a letter which it is hard to view as anything else than a bid for the command. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 880.] It said Johnston had failed to use several opportunities to strike Sherman decisive blows; that yet the losses of the army were 20,000; that under no circumstances should the enemy be allowed to occupy Atlanta; that if Sherman should establish his line at the Chattahoochee, he must be attacked by crossing that river; that he had so often urged aggressive action that he was regarded as reckless by "the officers high in rank in this army, who are declared to hold directly opposite views." He concluded by saying that he regarded it a great misfortune that battle was not given to the enemy many miles north of the present position.

When Johnston learned from Hood's report [Footnote: Id., pt. iii. p. 628.](dated February 15, 1865) the nature of the latter's statements and criticisms, he notified the Richmond government as well as Hood that he should demand that the latter be brought before a court-martial; [Footnote: Id., p. 637.] but it was then April, on the very eve of the collapse of the Confederacy, and the discussion was left for continuance in the private writings of the parties and their friends. Johnston affirmed that in the only instances in the campaign in which it could be said that a favorable opportunity for battle had not been seized, Hood himself had been prominent in protesting against an engagement or had himself failed to carry out the orders given. In his service as commander of the army, Hood became involved in disputes as to fact with Hardee and Cheatham as well as with Johnston, and the result was damaging to his reputation for accuracy and candor. [Footnote: Johnston's case is stated in his "Narrative," chapters x. and xi.; Hood's in his "Advance and Retreat," chapters v. to ix. In connection with these, Hardee's Report of April 5, 1865, is of interest (Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. iii. p. 697), and his letter to General Mackall (Id., pt. v. p. 987).]

The change of commanders undoubtedly precipitated the ruin of the Confederate cause; yet we must in candor admit that the situation was becoming so portentous that human wisdom might be overtaxed in trying to determine what course to take. Of one thing there is no shadow of doubt. We of the National Army in Georgia regarded the removal of Johnston as equivalent to a victory for us. Three months of sharp work had convinced us that a change from Johnston's methods to those which Hood was likely to employ, was, in homely phrase, to have our enemy grasp the hot end of the poker. We knew that we should be kept on the alert and must be watchful; but we were confident that a system of aggression and a succession of attacks would soon destroy the Confederate army. Of course Hood did not mean to assault solidly built intrenchments; but we knew that we could make good enough cover whilst he was advancing against a flank, to insure him a bloody repulse. The dense forests made the artillery of little effect in demolishing the works or weakening the morale of the defenders, and it was essentially an infantry attack upon intrenched infantry and artillery at close range.

The action of the Confederate government was a confession that Sherman's methods had brought about the very result he aimed at. The enemy had been manoeuvred from position to position until he must either give up Atlanta with its important nucleus of railway communications and abandon all northern Georgia and Alabama, or he must assume a desperate aggressive with a probability that this would fatally reduce his army and make the result only the more completely ruinous. This was the meaning of the substitution of Hood for Johnston.

The death of General McPherson in the battle of Atlanta had been a great loss to the army, but to Sherman it was the loss of an intimate friend as well as an able subordinate. They had been closely associated under Grant in all the campaigns of the Army of the Tennessee, and their mutual attachment and confidence was as strong as their devoted loyalty to their great chief. My own acquaintance with McPherson had been slight, but yet enough to enable me to understand the warm personal regard he inspired in those who came to know him well. I met him first on the day we passed through Snake Creek Gap into Sugar Valley, before the battle of Resaca. We had to learn from him the positions of the troops already advancing toward the town, and I rode with General Schofield to his tent for this purpose. Schofield and he had been classmates and room-mates at West Point, and McPherson revealed himself to his old friend as he would not be likely to do to others. His affability and cordial good-will struck one at once. His graceful bearing and refined, intelligent face heightened the impression, and one could not be with him many minutes without seeing that he was a lovable person. An evenly balanced mind and character had given him a high grade as a cadet, and at the beginning of the war he was serving as a captain of engineers. Being appointed to General Grant's staff, he won completely the general's confidence, and his promotion was rapid, following closely behind that of Sherman.

His death was sincerely mourned, and his place as a soldier was not easy to fill. Sherman would have given the command of the Army of the Tennessee to General Logan, who was next in rank in it, but the strong opposition of General Thomas made him conclude that this would be unwise. [Footnote: See Sherman, in The Great Commanders Series, pp. 229, 332.] If he made a selection outside of the Army of the Tennessee, Hooker had first claim by seniority of rank, but both Sherman and Thomas lacked confidence in him. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 272.] When Howard was selected on Thomas's suggestion, Hooker was doubly offended, for Howard had been his subordinate at the beginning of the year, and there had been no love lost between them. Hooker now asked to be relieved from further service in Sherman's army, and he retired from active field service,--Slocum, another of his former subordinates, with whom he had a violent quarrel, being appointed to the command of his corps on Thomas's nomination. [Footnote: Id., pp. 272, 273.] Halleck, in a letter to Sherman of September 16th, gave pointed testimony to facts which showed why Hooker was personally an unacceptable subordinate. [Footnote:Id., p. 857.] Sherman insisted, with good reason, that Hooker had no real grievance, as he was left in command of his corps, and Howard's promotion was in another and independent organization, the Army of the Tennessee. He also declared that no indignity was intended or offered, and that he simply performed his own duty of selection in accordance with what he believed to be sound reasons. As to Logan, he took pains to praise his handling of the Army of the Tennessee after McPherson's death, and to emphasize his own high opinion of him as an officer and the respect in which he was held by the whole army. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 522.]

In the middle of the night of the 28th Wilson had reason to think that two divisions (Buford's and Jackson's) of Forrest's cavalry were north of Duck River upon the Lewisburg and Franklin turnpike, about Rally Hill, the rest of Hood's army on the Columbia and Shelbyville road in rear. They had driven our own horse away from the river, and the best Wilson had been able to do was to concentrate his troops about Hurt's Cross-roads, some miles further north on the same road. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. i. p. 1143.] His communication with Schofield was through Spring Hill by a cross-road, and by that route he sent a report at three o'clock in the morning of the 29th. [Footnote: Ibid.] He then had information that the enemy were laying pontoon bridges for the infantry, though the place was not accurately fixed. He thought it very clear that they were aiming for Franklin by the turnpike he was on, and said he would stay on that road and hold them back as much as he could. He indicated Spring Hill or Thompson's Station as the points on the Columbia turnpike where cross-roads would bring Schofield's couriers to him, and said he would try to get no further back than the Ridge meeting-house, due east from Thompson's Station. There he would leave the turnpike and take a still more eastern course toward Nolensville. He closed the dispatch with, "Get back to Franklin without delay, leaving a small force to detain the enemy. The rebels will move by this road toward that point." [Footnote:Ibid.]

These positions will be understood if we note that the Lewisburg and Franklin turnpike is some twelve miles in a direct line east of that from Columbia to Franklin where they cross the river, and that these roads converge toward the last-named place twenty-three miles north. Nolensville is about twelve miles northeast of Franklin and considerably nearer Nashville. As one goes north on the Lewisburg turnpike, after passing Rally Hill and Hurt's Cross-roads, the next important crossing is at Mount Carmel, where the road from Spring Hill to Murfreesboro intersects the turnpike. Three miles still further on, a road from Thompson's Station is crossed at the so-called Ridge meeting-house. All these cross-roads gave the means of regaining touch with Schofield's main column; but the cavalry commander was so dominated by the belief that Forrest was making directly for Nashville by roads still further east, that he proposed neither to join the infantry by the cross-roads, nor to adhere to the converging one leading to Franklin, but would go to Nolensville. The imperative form of his suggestion to his commanding officer to "get back" shows not only the force of this mental preoccupation, but a forgetfulness that Schofield might have other information and be under a necessity of forming other plans for the day's operations to which the cavalry must be subordinate.

The whole of Hood's force had not crossed the river, but two thirds of Lee's corps and nearly all the artillery were still in Columbia, and made their presence known by a vigorous cannonade in the early morning of the 29th. The enemy's infantry was not marching to the Lewisburg turnpike, but was seen making for Spring Hill by roads five miles east of Columbia, and Forrest was in touch with their right flank. Schofield, under orders from Thomas, was obstructing the lower fords of the river, and trying to get orders through to General Cooper, directing him to concentrate his forces and retire from Centerville. The concentration of our cavalry had been so complete that when it took an independent line of retreat it ceased, for the time, to be any efficient part of Schofield's forces, and left him without cover for his flank or means of rapid reconnoissance. For conclusive reasons he held during the day of the 29th the line from Spring Hill to the Duck River; but after ten o'clock in the morning Wilson was wholly out of the game, looking off to the east for Forrest, who had gone west from Hurt's Cross-roads and Mount Carmel to attack our infantry at Spring Hill. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. i. pp. 1144, 753, 769.]

At noon, north of the Ridge church and the road to Thompson's Station, Wilson was still of the opinion that the whole of the enemy's cavalry had gone to Nashville by eastern roads through Peytonsville, Triune, and Nolensville. [Footnote:Id., p. 1144.] At two in the afternoon he repeated the same opinion in a dispatch to Thomas, although he had heard heavy artillery firing in the direction of Spring Hill since eleven o'clock. He warned Thomas to look out for Forrest at Nashville by next day noon, but promised to be there himself before or very soon after he should make his appearance. [Footnote: Id., p. 1146.] At four o'clock he was four miles east of Franklin, still looking toward Nolensville for the enemy, who had "disappeared," and still of the opinion that Forrest had turned his left flank before he left Hurt's Cross-roads in the morning. The heavy firing he had heard all day had, however, awakened solicitude for Schofield. [Footnote: Id., p. 1145.] After nightfall he sent a scout back on the road he had travelled, nearly to the Ridge meeting-house, where was found a cavalry picket of the enemy, and a large camp was said to be discovered near by,--probably the light of the camp-fires at Thompson's Station, where they were still burning when Schofield placed Ruger's division there in the evening. [Footnote: Id., p. 342.] At ten o'clock Wilson had concluded that it was "probable that a part of the enemy's cavalry this afternoon aimed to strike your rear or flank at Thompson's Station," as he wrote to Schofield, and had marched a mile and a half toward Franklin, [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. i. p. 342.] where at the Matthews house his headquarters remained next day, when connection with the army had again been made. Nothing more than scouting parties and patrols from Forrest's column had gone north of Mount Carmel during the day. The adventures of the march had emphasized the danger that a preconceived opinion of probabilities may make an officer misinterpret such real facts as he may learn, or let very slight evidence take the place of thorough knowledge got by bold contact with the enemy. The experience also teaches how sure mischiefs are to follow the forgetfulness of the principle that, in such operations, it is the primary duty of the cavalry to keep in touch with the main body of the army, and where orders from the commanding general may be promptly received and acted on. Schofield, in fact, had no communication with his cavalry during the whole day, and none of Wilson's messages had reached him after the retreat from Hurt's Cross-roads began. [Footnote: Id., p. 343.]

Thomas did not stop at Clifton except to send us his orders, and went on to Eastport, arriving there on the morning of the 15th. From that place he reported that Hood's infantry, much disorganized, was at Tupelo, West Point, and Columbus, Miss. Forrest's cavalry, in similar condition, was about Okolona. Roads were almost impracticable, but the high water in the river made it easy to get supplies to Eastport by the largest steamers. [Footnote: Id., pp. 586, 593. General Schofield does not remember seeing General Thomas in Tennessee after December 25th ("Forty-six Years," p. 276), and this accords with my impression that Thomas did not stop at Clifton long enough for us to visit him.] As to our new movement, Mr. Charles A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, had been intrusted with the supervision of the transfer, and sent west Colonel L. B. Parsons of the Quartermaster's Department to collect a fleet of steam-boats at Louisville for the purpose. [Footnote:Id., pp. 560, 568, 586.] But meanwhile, under Thomas's orders, the fleet of transports had been collected and had come for us, and the troops were joined by Colonel Parsons when they reached the Ohio. He then took charge of the transportation by boat and by rail. [Footnote: Dana's Recollections, pp. 253, 254.] As the transfer would take ten days or more, Schofield arranged to go on in advance to close up business at Louisville and for consultations with Grant and Halleck by telegraph. I went with him to Cairo, where we took railway trains, and I was authorized to go to my home in Ohio to recuperate until he should telegraph me from Washington. The command of the corps en route was given to General Couch. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. p. 588.] As we were leaving the Military Division of the Mississippi, Colonel Doolittle was obliged to give up the command of Reilly's brigade and return to his own regiment. Reilly rejoined the corps after we reached North Carolina. The convalescents of Sherman's army and his recruits were collected in a provisional division under General Thomas Francis Meagher, took steamboats at Nashville, and made part of the same general transfer to the East. There was an amusing coincidence when the brilliant Irish "patriot" telegraphed that his fleet had started, "the Saint Patrick leading the way." [Footnote: Id., pp. 564, 600, 613.] Colonel Wright, Sherman's efficient chief of railway construction, had been ordered, a little earlier, to proceed eastward with one division of the construction corps with the object of joining Sherman at Savannah. [Footnote:Id., p. 393.] Changing circumstances, however, brought him as well as Meagher's division into our column a little later, as will soon appear. In a similar way General S. P. Carter joined us by transfer from duties at Knoxville, [Footnote: Id., p. 620.] and General George S. Greene, of the Twentieth Corps, who had been serving on a court-martial at Washington, was also temporarily attached to our command till he was able to join his own organization, which was with Sherman. [Footnote: Id., p. 623.]

The reduction of Thomas's forces could not have been altogether agreeable to him, though he no doubt preferred it to the continuance of a winter campaign under imperative orders from Washington. He had not ceased to believe that it was better to rest and refit his army till spring;[Footnote: Id., p. 621.] but Grant insisted that he "must make a campaign or spare his surplus troops," and though Thomas was a model of obedience to orders, his continued opposition of opinion, frankly expressed, naturally led to the detachment of our corps. The discussion of the subject between Grant and Halleck clearly stated the reasons which were conclusive. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. pp. 609, 610, 614; also vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 101, 859.] Thomas suffered mentally under the pressure and the criticisms of the whole campaign, and we may personally share his pain in sympathy with the noble man, whilst we admit that Grant's views were such as the situation demanded. Those who knew Thomas intimately knew that he was a man of quick feeling if of slow action; and his nature was truthfully described by his quartermaster, Colonel Donaldson (who was an old and intimate friend), in a letter to General Meigs, after a parting interview on the steamboat as Thomas left Nashville for Eastport. "He opened his heart to me," says Donaldson. "He feels very sore at the rumored intentions to relieve him, and the major-generalcy does not cicatrize the wound. You know Thomas is morbidly sensitive, and it cut him to the heart to think that it was contemplated to remove him. He does not blame the Secretary, for he said Mr. Stanton was a fair and just man." [Footnote: Id., vol. xlv. pt. ii. p. 561.]

The importance of trying to check our columns advancing from the sea-coast was seen by General Johnston as soon as he learned the situation in North Carolina. On the 3d of March, when he supposed Schofield to be continuing his movements up Cape Fear River, he had inquired of Bragg whether it were not feasible to interpose between Schofield and Hardee. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 1318, 1329.] As soon as it was known that Schofield was not marching against Hardee, Bragg sent Hoke with his division to Kinston, and on the 6th telegraphed to Johnston that my forces were advancing and were within nine miles of the town. He believed that the union with him of the troops near Goldsborough would "insure a victory." [Footnote: Id., pp. 1334.] Johnston immediately ordered all the forces he was moving towards Hardee to report to Bragg at Goldsborough for use in a quick effort to defeat us, with the purpose of uniting them with Hardee immediately afterward to strike at Sherman's advancing columns. [Footnote: Ibid..] It was boldly conceived, and was manifestly the best plan the circumstances admitted. All the detachments of the Army of Tennessee were hurried without change of cars toward Kinston. D. H. Hill had command of them as ranking officer present. It was not pleasant for him to report to Bragg, for a bitter quarrel begun in the Chickamauga campaign had never been appeased, and in giving him the order, Johnston added, "I beg you to forget the past for this emergency." [Footnote: Id., p. 1338.] From Davis downward, personal griefs had to be smothered in the crisis, and it is due to them all to remember that they did work together earnestly for their dying cause.

On the 7th of March, Hill reached Kinston with Lee's corps. Hoke's division had preceded him and advanced to Southwest Creek and occupied the lines of intrenchments earlier made along its left bank. This stream was a tributary of the Neuse River and was then unfordable. It described roughly a curve with a radius of about three miles around Kinston, and had for a long time been regarded as the principal defensive line against National troops advancing from New Berne. Several roads radiated from Kinston, crossing Southwest Creek. The Neuse road kept near the bank of the river, going east. Then came the railroad following a nearly straight line to New Berne. The Dover road forked from the Neuse road not far from the town, and took a devious way through the swamps in the same general direction. The upper Trent road ran more nearly south toward Trenton, and followed the course of the Trent River. The Wilmington road went southwesterly toward the city of that name. The several bridges over the creek were from a mile to two miles apart, but had been destroyed or dismantled, and earthworks for artillery had been prepared commanding them. The whole constituted a formidable line of fieldworks when held by an adequate force. Whitford's brigade and a detachment of cavalry had been the only Confederate force at Kinston at the beginning of our campaign, but Bragg had now assembled there Hagood's brigade, which had numbered 2000 in front of Wilmington, and a similar force of North Carolina militia under General Baker, besides Hill and Hoke. [Footnote: Hill's Report, Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 1086.] Johnston had also informed Bragg that Cheatham's corps and more than half of Stewart's were on the way by rail, under the same orders as Hill's. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. p. 1339.] These constituted in fact all of Johnston's army except Hardee's column, which was still in South Carolina.

The necessity for haste was such, however, that upon Hill's arrival in the night of the 7th, Bragg determined to attack me at once, in the belief that he was strong enough to do so successfully. Hill's corps was accordingly marched to Southwest Creek before day, and relieved Hoke's division in the works extending from the Dover road crossing to the railroad, whilst Hoke, with Clayton's division of Lee's corps besides his own, marched to the upper Trent and Wilmington bridges with orders to sweep down and attack my lines in flank and rear. The plank had been relaid on the bridges which had been held by outposts, and a new bridge had been built of felled trees between the Dover road bridge and the railroad. At the sound of Hoke's attack, Hill was to cross by the last-mentioned bridges, and fall upon our front with all the rest of the Confederate forces. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 1087.]

On our side, Colonel Wright had found that some miles of the railroad had only been partially destroyed, and as iron for six miles had been received when I reached New Berne, he was able to put seven miles of track in passable condition by the evening of the 4th. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. pp. 654, 683.] On that day I had concentrated at Core Creek, twenty miles from New Berne by the wagon roads, and the head of the rails was only one or two miles behind. On the 6th Palmer's and Carter's divisions were advanced to Gum Swamp, seven miles further, taking four days' rations, and Ruger's was to follow on the 7th. On this march I found that for five miles beyond Core Creek the railway had only been capsized, ties and rails together, and was lying in the ditch by the roadside. [Footnote: Id., pp. 706-708.] Relying on the more rapid construction this would enable Colonel Wright to make, I ordered a still further advance for the 7th, hoping to reach Southwest Creek. There we must expect to halt for several days, for the total destruction of the railroad for the last ten or twelve miles from Kinston made it probable that a mile a day was the utmost the construction corps could rebuild, to say nothing of the bridging which would also be necessary.

For our own sake, as well as to provide for getting forward large quantities of supplies for Sherman's army when we should join him, it would be necessary to organize a line of river transportation to supplement the railroad. Heavy obstructions to navigation had been placed in the Neuse River, a little above New Berne, as a defence against an iron-clad ram the Confederates had built at Kinston. As, however, she could only come down the river on a freshet, owing to her great draft, I had, upon leaving New Berne, ordered that the obstructions be removed, and light-draft steamboats and flats procured to bring supplies to some point near our camp, or to ferry troops across if I found it advisable to shift my line of operations to the north bank of the river. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 707.]

On Tuesday, the 7th, the command was in motion, Palmer's division following the railroad, except Claassen's brigade, which had been sent the previous afternoon by the Dover road to Wise's Forks, where it crosses the lower Trent road, which ran diagonally across our front toward the Neuse River. In the skirmish at Wise's Forks, and from a deserter, it was learned that Hoke had joined the Kinston forces with his division, and there were rumors of other reinforcements arriving. Advancing along the railroad, Palmer reached the drier ground near Southwest Creek and came under artillery fire from guns intrenched on the other side of the creek. The country here was wooded, and was traversed by an old road, called the British road, running parallel to the creek from half a mile to a mile from it. The lower Trent road also crossed the railroad not far from the British road crossing. Palmer halted his line in front of the British road covering all the crossings, and advanced outposts and pickets to the creek. Boughton's brigade was on the left of the railroad, and Harland's on the right. The latter detached a regiment to the Neuse road to guard against any attempt by the enemy to cross the creek beyond our right. Major Dow of my staff was also sent with a troop of cavalry to reconnoitre the banks of the river, seeking for a place where steamboats might land supplies and communicate with us. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 723-725.] Ruger's division moved forward from Core Creek to Gum Swamp.

On my left, the Twelfth New York Cavalry, Colonel Savage, reconnoitred both Trent roads, under orders to reach out as far to the south as they could, covering Claassen's position at Wise's Forks and giving early notice of any hostile movement in the vicinity. Carter's division delayed its march till it could load up with rations and then followed the Dover road to Claassen's position. On reaching Wise's Forks we found that Claassen had most of his brigade at the crossing of the British road in front, with a detachment of 300 men at Jackson's Mills, where the Dover road crossed the creek. He had smaller detachments also upon the British road on both flanks. [Footnote: Id., pt. i. pp. 976, 981, 989.] I directed General Carter to relieve Claassen's brigade with one of his, that Claassen might rejoin Palmer and make the latter strong enough to spare a detachment to test the condition of the Neuse road crossing of the creek and the presence of the enemy there. Carter sent Upham's brigade to the British road crossing to relieve Claassen, and put the other two in line across the Dover road in front of Wise's Forks, Malloy's on the right of the road and Splaine's on the left with a recurved flank. Upham seems to have marched the whole of his brigade to Jackson's Mills and to have left only a picket post at the British road. He established a skirmish line in rifle-pits close to the creek, and placed a section of artillery which was with him where it would command the bridge site on the Dover road. His picket line connected with Palmer's division on the right, and with the outpost at the British road on the left. [Footnote:Id., pp. 993, 997.] Toward evening the cavalry reported that they had found a picket post of the enemy at the bridge on the upper Trent road, had driven it off, taken up the plank of the bridge and piled them on the hither side of the creek, and had established there a picket of their own. Their scouting parties reported no enemy at the Wilmington road crossing. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 976.] The division commanders were directed to have Southwest Creek in front carefully reconnoitred, to find narrow places where an infantry crossing might be made by an improvised bridge of felled trees. [Footnote:Ibid.]

Map

My habit was to keep my own headquarters well at the front, and I had purposed moving them from Gum Swamp to Wise's Forks on the 7th, but during the day I received word that General Schofield had arrived at Beaufort from Wilmington, coming by sea. We arranged that he should come up for a consultation with me next morning, and to facilitate this, I left my headquarters with Ruger's division, and after a personal visit to Palmer and Carter, I rode back to Gum Swamp in the evening. General Schofield was to come up to the end of the track on the railroad in the morning, and I sent led horses to meet him. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 722-724.] The telegraph was made to keep pace with the progress of the railway, and from its upper station we had the aid of flag signals along the railroad bed to Palmer's headquarters. [Footnote: Id., pt i. p. 918.] The information we had received of Hoke's presence made it all the more important that we should get out of the swamps, where we could only operate by head of column, to the drier region along Southwest Creek, where the lower Trent road and the British road would give us communication between our flanks and some chance to manoeuvre. These reasons had made me push forward on the 7th, though the movement put us ten miles above the head of the rails and made it sure that we should be short of supplies. As soon as the troops were in position the few wagons with them were unloaded and hurried back, first for ammunition and then for rations. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. p. 734.] We then had no knowledge of the arrival of any part of Hood's army in North Carolina, and although my provisional corps was far short of being solidly organized, and the troops were either new or unused to field service, I felt no concern lest Hoke should take the offensive alone.

General Schofield had joined me at Gum Swamp about nine o'clock on the morning of the 8th, and after our conference we had mounted to ride to General Palmer's headquarters to see what prospect there might be for securing a crossing near the railroad which would permit preparation for rebuilding the railroad bridge. A note now came from General Carter at Wise's Forks telling of information received from a negro that a large body of the enemy had crossed Southwest Creek at the Wilmington road early in the morning. As the cavalry had a picket at the upper Trent bridge and were supposed to be patrolling beyond the Wilmington road, the information did not seem threatening, but I sent back directions to have the cavalry ordered to do their work thoroughly by instantly testing the truth of the information. Carter was also ordered to support the cavalry with a regiment of infantry. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 734.] The message from the front was followed almost instantly by another, saying that a heavy force of the enemy had penetrated between Upham's brigade and the rest of the division, almost simultaneously with a report from the cavalry that their picket had been driven from the bridge at the Trent road. As that picket was two miles in front of Upham's left on the British road, it was too evident that the duty of the horsemen had not been well done. Ruger was ordered to march his division at speed to the front, and we galloped to Wise's Forks. [Footnote: Id., pt. i. pp. 977, 994.]

The account I have before given of the enemy's dispositions for the day's work [Footnote: Ante, pp. 429, 430.] makes it easy to understand the situation as we found it. Hoke, with his own and Clayton's divisions, had turned northward on the British road after getting over Southwest Creek, and as he approached the Dover road, had deployed and advanced upon Upham's flank. The latter, upon the first intimation of an enemy's approach, had hurried the Twenty-seventh Massachusetts to the British road and placed it in line about a quarter of a mile south of the Dover road, which was, of course, his connection with the rest of the division. He also ordered to the same point the section of artillery, and directed the left battalion of his other regiment (Fifteenth Connecticut) to change front also to the south. These orders were judicious, but the odds were too great to make them successful. Far outflanked on either hand, the Massachusetts regiment was put to rout, all the horses of one of the guns were killed, and though the men cut the traces and tried to save the gun by hand, they had to abandon it, while the other retreated on the run toward the main position. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. pp. 997-999.] General Hill had crossed the creek at the improvised bridge on hearing the sound of Hoke's engagement, but finding a swamp between him and Upham's right, had to make a circuit of it, driving back our pickets in the interval between Carter's and Palmer's divisions. Turning toward the noise of Hoke's firing, he intercepted the right battalion of Upham's Connecticut regiment, and took many of them prisoners. [Footnote:Id., p. 1087.] Most of the rest of the regiment finding Hoke's division partly surrounding them, and all other retreat cut off by Hill, surrendered to Hoke. Colonel Upham and most of the Massachusetts regiment succeeded in reaching our main lines, though in confusion. All this was not done, however, without fighting, which took time, and as the whole engagement was in forest or swamp, the enemy was a good deal delayed in his movements and in rectification of lines.

When we reached the field Carter had gone in person toward Upham's position, having first sent a regiment forward on the Dover road to try to reopen communication with him. Palmer was ordered to send his reserve brigade rapidly to extend his left and assist Carter. But as there was still an interval between them, the regiment of cavalry which had come in on the left was transferred to the centre and ordered to make a strong skirmishing fight till Ruger's division could arrive on the ground. Palmer at the same time was ordered to demonstrate strongly toward the creek. Riding forward on the Dover road, I found Carter with the regiment from his division, still energetically striving to reach Upham. As the sound of the battle showed that the enemy was also in front of our centre, it was evident that we must make a concentration of our forces till the divisions were in touch with each other. I therefore directed Carter to make his main line in front of Wise's Forks as solid as possible, concentrating his artillery near the Dover road, and to limit the activity of the advanced regiment to bold skirmishing, drawing it back to the main line as the enemy advanced in force.

Hoke had evidently supposed that Upham's detachment on the British road was the flank of our principal position, and was surprised at finding strong demonstrations from the direction of Wise's Forks, now partly in his own rear. This checked his progress and made him turn upon Carter. The advanced regiment retired as ordered, and when it was within the lines the enemy was saluted with such a fire of artillery and musketry as instantly checked him. Although he repeated his efforts to force the position at the Forks several times, they all were futile, and Carter had at no time the least difficulty in holding his main line firmly.

In Palmer's division, when Hill's advance across the creek drove back the pickets and threatened to pass the left flank of Boughton's brigade, this officer drew back his left to the British road and threw up a hasty barricade there. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 992.] Claassen's brigade was sent to prolong Boughton's line to the left, and Ruger's division having come up, the connection between Palmer and Carter was secured, the latter advancing his brigades so as to make a better continuous line. The attacks of Hoke and Hill extended across Ruger's front, but nothing heavier than brisk skirmishing occurred on Boughton's line. Claassen's brigade was sent forward toward Jackson's Mill, accompanied by my aide, Captain Tracy, in order to locate the left of the enemy's line, and determine the extent of his forces in front of our left and centre. No strong opposition was met till the Dover road came in sight, where the enemy were seen moving toward Hoke's position in front of Carter. Claassen was followed back in his orderly retirement to his position on Ruger's right, and was attacked there, but easily repulsed his assailants. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. pp. 982, 990.]

Palmer had reported sharp skirmishing across his front all the way to the Neuse road on his right, and had drawn his lines back a little, so as to keep them in front of the British road, contracting his right and extending his left, as the sound of the fighting showed that the heaviest attacks were falling upon Carter. By the middle of the afternoon a continuous line of breastworks had been made along the whole of Palmer's division in front of the British road. Ruger had extended it diagonally till it joined Carter's right, the latter continuing it across the Dover road in front of Wise's Forks to a difficult swamp on the extreme left. For our left, the lower Trent road served for our communication along the front, and for our right the British road was used in like manner.

Late in the day there were indications of an attempt to turn Palmer's right on the Neuse road, and this, which added to the complexity of the situation, seems to have grown out of an excentric movement of the Confederate left under Hill. In crossing Southwest Creek to make his attack, he tells us the plan had been that when Hoke should strike our flank on the Dover road, he should cut off any retreat on the British and Neuse roads. This would be best accomplished by pushing straight from his bridges for the British road. But having made a circuit about a swamp to the rear of Upham's right, he received a note from Bragg's headquarters saying that Hoke wished he would enter the British road from the Neuse road, which implied a long circuit to their left. As Hoke had himself made the bridge by which Hill had crossed, and knew the field better than the rest by his skirmishes of the previous day, it is evident that there was an error in interpreting his wish. But as Hill was on ground unknown to him, and Bragg's dispatch directed Hoke's suggestion to be carried out, Hill obeyed, and turned his troops down the right bank of Southwest Creek, feeling the way to the Neuse road through swamps and woods. Reaching the outlet of the British road at half-past four without seeing signs of our retreat that way, and the distant firing showing that Hoke was not advancing, Hill thought it too late to venture further, and marched back by the way he had come five miles to his bridge. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 1087.] His presence had been observed by our pickets and skirmishers, and was naturally interpreted by Palmer as the advance of a new column which had crossed the creek by the Neuse road. It, of course, gave an exaggerated impression of the enemy's strength, and as prisoners had been taken belonging to Lee's corps, who reported part of Hood's old army present with Bragg in command of the whole, we had to take into account the contingency of our having on our hands the formidable force thus indicated. Hill was met at his bridge by orders to cross to the left bank and join Hoke by recrossing at Jackson's Mills and following the Dover road. He effected the junction about midnight. [Footnote: Ibid.] Hoke had been keeping up a skirmishing fight in the latter part of the day, and at night intrenched himself across the Dover road just in front of the British road. Hill, after joining him, continued the line northward, parallel to ours, and therefore crossing the British road again, recurving toward the creek. Our breastworks were made stronger, and we kept our teams hard at work bringing up ammunition and supplies. General Schofield went back to New Berne to get into communication with the rest of his department, and try to hurry forward the two old divisions of the Twenty-third Corps, who were marching to join us. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 743-751.] My own orders were to remain on the watchful defensive whilst the construction of the railroad toward us went on energetically. On Thursday, the 9th, we husbanded our resources, for our ammunition was running short and the roads through the swamp were nearly impassable. We extended our works on Carter's left, recurving them so as to cross the lower Trent road, and, though we had no troops at the moment except one regiment of Ruger's to put into these intrenchments, they were ready for prompt occupation by any we might send there if another effort were made to turn that flank. [Footnote: Id., pt. i. pp. 978, 995.] With this in view, General Ruger was directed to put one of his brigades in reserve, extending the rest of his troops to fill the vacancy so made, and covering the front with abatis and slashed timber. Pickets were advanced and every effort made to obtain information and keep close watch of the enemy's movements. About ten o'clock General Palmer reported a force moving toward the Neuse road which, after demonstrating there for some time, marched back again. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. pp. 747, 749-750.] This seems to have been an effort to repeat the movement of Hill on the previous afternoon, but this time by Hoke's division. Finding Palmer's line in good earthworks, Hoke made no attack, and returned to his position, though Bragg's order declared that "success must be achieved." [Footnote:Id., p. 1359.] While this was going on, Hill advanced his line and drove in Carter's skirmishers; but these being reinforced, quickly retook their rifle-pits, and Hill retired to his own works. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 1087.] Bragg's delay in testing conclusions with us was due, in part no doubt, to the fact that Stewart's corps of the Army of Tennessee was en route to him, and the railway was being worked energetically to bring up these reinforcements. They arrived during the day, and the final attack upon us was arranged for Friday, the 10th. Stewart's men were under the command of General Walthall, the senior division commander present. [Footnote:Id., p. 1088.]

In the night of Thursday and the early morning of Friday, the active skirmishing of the enemy was so continuous as to remind us of the days in the Georgia campaign when the intrenched lines of the opposing armies faced each other in the narrow valley near New Hope Church. [Footnote: Id., pt. ii. p. 769.] Bragg ordered Hoke's troops to be relieved by Walthall's, and to make a considerable circuit to their right, seeking to reach the lower Trent road in our rear, and, advancing upon it, attack Carter's division in reverse. The sharp skirmishing had covered these changes of position. Upon hearing the sounds of Hoke's attack, Walthall and Hill were to assist him by strong demonstrations, but, as the latter says, in deference to his report that the men were very unwilling to attack earthworks, "their experience in the late campaign [in the west] not being favorable to such an undertaking," no actual assault was ordered, but doubled skirmish lines were to advance as far as possible. [Footnote: Id., pt. i. p. 1088.]

On our side we were watchful and expectant, my orders to the divisions being that whenever one part of the line should be engaged, the rest should push forward strong skirmish lines to test the extent of the enemy's deployment, and gain the information on which I could act in reinforcing either wing from the other. General Greene, who was on his way to rejoin Sherman, volunteered for duty as a staff officer, [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 979.] as did General Stiles of my own division of the Twenty-third Corps, who was likewise returning to his proper command. [Footnote: General George S. Greene, division commander in the Twentieth Corps, had commanded a division in the Twelfth Corps, before its consolidation into the other. He was the same who was distinguished at Antietam (ante, vol. i. pp. 321-331). He graduated at West Point in 1823, and was a descendant of General Greene of the Revolutionary War, a military stock well continued in F. V. Greene of the Engineers, a general officer in the late Spanish War.] The absence of most of my own staff made their help most acceptable.

General Schofield was on his way up from New Berne, and horses were awaiting him at the end of the railway when, about half-past eleven, Hoke's attack came with much more energy and resolution than the Confederates had shown before. Ruger's reserve brigade (McQuiston's) was ordered over to the left at once, a brigade he had loaned to Palmer (Thomas's) was ordered back, and Palmer was ordered to send another brigade if the enemy was quiet in his front. Hoke's attack lapped so far over the lower Trent road as to threaten the Dover road also, and lest General Schofield should be in danger of capture, I directed Palmer to signal down the railroad track for him to await further news from us before leaving the train. [Footnote:Id., pt. ii. p. 772.]

The artillery of both Carter's and Ruger's divisions were concentrated upon Hoke, who was surprised to find our line so well prepared to meet him. For nearly an hour, however, the fighting was fierce; but it then began to flag a little, and I at once ordered McQuiston's brigade to charge, throwing the left forward upon Hoke's flank. This was decisive, and the enemy broke and fled. Walthall and Hill were now advancing against Carter's right and against Ruger, and as the line of the latter was very thin, I had to recall McQuiston in the full tide of pursuit and send him back to the centre double quick. He brought in nearly 300 prisoners, and our left was relieved of all danger. For a while my headquarters group was in a hot place. General Greene had his horse shot under him, one orderly had an arm taken off by a shell, two others were wounded, and several had horses killed.

The men of Stewart's and Lee's corps were to have co-operated with Hoke, but the difficulty of movement over such blind and wooded country caused delay which gave time for me to reinforce the centre. The artillery was hurried to the same position, and the Confederates were defeated easily, their unwillingness to assault breastworks being increased by the sight of Hoke's men in disordered flight. At half-past twelve I was able to send word to General Schofield that the road was no longer threatened by the enemy, and he joined us before the fighting at the centre was over. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 978; pt. ii. p. 772.] Bragg withdrew to the intrenchments he had occupied on the 9th. The certainty that two corps of the Army of Tennessee were represented in the attack besides the troops of Bragg's own department, added to the lack of supplies and munitions, made us quite willing to remain on the defensive and await the arrival of Couch, who was within a day's march of us with the two veteran divisions of the Twenty-third Corps. The construction of the railroad and the hurrying forward of ammunition were ordered with strenuous urgency, and messages to Couch made him force the marching to join us. [Footnote: The officer who was sent by Schofield to hasten Couch's march found my old division at the head of the column slowly filing over a rickety foot-bridge in the darkness, grumbling at the continued plodding in the mud. He shouted to them the news of our fighting and my possible need of help. The cry went up from the men, "If General Cox wants us, he can have us," and they dashed into the stream in solid column, forcing the pace till they reached the field.] Bragg retreated in the night of the 10th and was speeding back to Goldsborough by rail, for Johnston was now hastening to join Hardee, who was retreating before Sherman out of South Carolina.

The numbers which Hill and Walthall brought to Bragg were smaller than we inferred from our knowledge of the organizations present. We took prisoners belonging to four divisions of Hood's old army. Hoke's division and the brigades of Whitford, Hagood, and Baker had all been stronger in numbers than similar organizations of our own. We were necessarily wholly ignorant of the causes which had reduced the divisions coming from the West, and indeed learned of their presence in North Carolina only through the prisoners we took in the engagement and the deserters who came into our lines. As we have seen, [Footnote: Ante, p. 424.] the number of Hood's men in the State at the beginning of the month was over 9000, with other detachments on the way. Bragg's other forces were an equal number. After all the casualties of the campaign, the Army of Tennessee reported 11,442 present on April 7th, of which 8953 were "effectives." When they were paroled at Greenesborough on April 26th, 17,934 appeared and signed the papers. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. pp. 1059, 1066. In the table of the paroled, Cheatham's two divisions (his own and Brown's) are listed in Hardee's corps, and with those of Stewart's and Lee's corps, less Anderson's (late Talliaferro's) division, make the total given.] It is impossible to tell exactly what part of these were at Kinston. Hill's claim that he had but little over 1300 effectives in five brigades of Lee's corps is not credible. [Footnote: Id., p. 1088. For my criticism of his amusingly erroneous statements in regard to Antietam, see "The Nation," No. 1538, p. 462, and No. 1543, p. 71.] It is certain that Bragg knew I had three divisions and that he believed his force was the stronger. Our losses had been 1337, of which 900 were the "missing" in Upton's brigade and the cavalry. Bragg made no formal report of the campaign or of his losses in this part of it.

The world is familiar with the ringing words with which he threw away his livelihood and turned from every attractive outlook in life, when, Secession having actually come, he said to the governor of Louisiana, "On no earthly account will I do any act or think any thought hostile to or in defiance of the United States." [Footnote: Id., p. 106.] But he was also one of the clearest-sighted in seeing that when slavery had appealed to the sword it would perish by the sword. In January, 1864, he expressed it tersely: "The South has made the interests of slavery the issue of the war. If they lose the war, they lose slavery." [Footnote: Id., p. 222.] At the end of the same month he said, "Three years ago, by a little reflection and patience, they could have had a hundred years of peace and prosperity; but they preferred war. Last year they could have saved their slaves, but now it is too late,--all the powers of earth cannot restore to them their slaves any more than their dead grandfathers." [Footnote: Official Records, vol, xxxii. pt. ii. p. 280.] And in the same letter, written to a subordinate with express authority to make it known to the Southern people within our lines, he said of certain administrative regulations: "These are well-established principles of war, and the people of the South, having appealed to war, are barred from appealing for protection to our Constitution, which they have practically and publicly defied. They have appealed to war, and must abide its rules and laws." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxii. pt ii. p. 279.]

Two years later Thaddeus Stevens, as radical leader in Congress, enounced the same doctrine in no more trenchant terms. Sherman was explicit in regard to its scope, but he differed from Stevens in the extent to which he would go, as a matter of sound policy and statesmanship, in applying the possible penalties of war when submission was made. It is clear that he insisted there could be no resurrection for slavery, and that the freedmen must be protected in life, liberty, and property, with a true equality before the law in this protection; but he held that they were as yet unfit for political participation in the government, much less for the assumption of political rule in the Southern States.

In a friendly letter which General Halleck wrote to Sherman immediately after the capture of Savannah, he said with a freedom that long intimacy permitted: "Whilst almost every one is praising your great march through Georgia and the capture of Savannah, there is a certain class, having now great influence with the President and very probably anticipating still more on a change of cabinet, who are decidedly disposed to make a point against you--I mean in regard to 'Inevitable Sambo.' They say that you have manifested an almost criminal dislike to the negro, and that you are not willing to carry out the wishes of the government in regard to him, but repulse him with contempt." [Footnote: Id., vol. xliv. p. 836.] In short, it was said that his march through Georgia might have been made the means of a general exodus of the slaves, and ought to have been.

Sherman made a humorous reply, saying he allowed thousands of negroes to accompany his march, and set no limit but the necessities of his military operations. "If it be insisted," he said, "that I shall so conduct my operations that the negro alone is consulted, of course I will be defeated, and then where will be Sambo? Don't military success imply the safety of Sambo, and vice versa?... They gather round me in crowds, and I can't find out whether I am Moses or Aaron or which of the prophets. . . . The South deserves all she has got for her injustice to the negro, but that is no reason why we should go to the other extreme. I do and will do the best I can for negroes, and feel sure that the problem is solving itself slowly and naturally. It needs nothing more than our fostering care." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 36.]

The Secretary of War was broadly hinted at in Halleck's letter, but when Mr. Stanton visited Sherman at Savannah, the latter understood that his mind was disabused of any unfavorable impressions he may have had. Mr. Stanton had assembled a score of the leading colored preachers as the most intelligent representatives of their race, and examined them by written questions respecting their hopes and desires, their attitude in regard to military service, and in regard to living among the whites or separately. He learned that they generally preferred to try life in a separate community of their own, and that they were strongly opposed to the methods by which State agents were trying to enlist them as substitutes for men drafted in the Northern States. He even went so far as to ask these men whether they found Sherman friendly to the colored people's rights and interests or otherwise! The answer was that they had confidence in the general, and thought their concerns could not be in better hands. Some of them had called upon him on his arrival, and now said that they did not think he could have received Mr. Stanton with more courtesy than he showed to them. [Footnote: Id., p. 41.] Sherman's order relating to the allotment of sea-island lands to the freedmen for cultivation, and to the methods of procuring their enlistment as soldiers [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 60.] was drafted while Mr. Stanton was with him, and he affirms that every paragraph had the Secretary's approval. [Footnote: Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 250.]

In his feelings toward the men chiefly responsible for secession and the war, Sherman had never measured his words when expressing his condemnation and wrath. In a letter to General Robert Anderson, written only a few days before meeting Johnston in negotiation, he had spoken with deepest feeling of his satisfaction that Anderson was to raise again the flag at Fort Sumter on April 14th (the fatal day on which also Lincoln died), saying he was "glad that it falls to the lot of one so pure and noble to represent our country in a drama so solemn, so majestic, and so just." To him it looked like "a retribution decreed by Heaven itself." Reminded by this thought of those who had caused this horrid war, he exclaimed: "But the end is not yet. The brain that first conceived the thought must burst in anguish, the heart that pulsated with hellish joy must cease to beat, the hand that pulled the first laniard must be palsied, before the wicked act begun in Charleston on the 13th of April, 1861, is avenged. But 'mine, not thine, is vengeance,' saith the Lord, and we poor sinners must let him work out the drama to its close." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 107.] Such was the man who went to meet General Johnston on the 17th of April; and in considering what he then did, we must take into the account the principles, the convictions, and the feelings which were part of his very nature.

Still further, we must remember that he had, less than three weeks before, a personal conference with the President at City Point, and had obtained from him personally the views he held with regard to the terms he was prepared to grant to the several rebel States as well as to the armies which might surrender, and the method by which he expected to obtain an acknowledgment of submission from some legally constituted authority, without dealing in any way with the Confederate civil government. General Sherman is conclusive authority as to what occurred at a conference which was in the nature of instructions to him from the Commander-in-Chief; and the more carefully we examine contemporaneous records, the stronger becomes the conviction that he has accurately reported what occurred at that meeting.

"Mr. Lincoln was full and frank in his conversation," says Sherman, "assuring me that in his mind he was all ready for the civil reorganization of affairs at the South as soon as the war was over; and he distinctly authorized me to assure Governor Vance and the people of North Carolina that as soon as the rebel armies laid down their arms and resumed their civil pursuits, they would at once be guaranteed all their rights as citizens of a common country; and that to avoid anarchy, the State governments then in existence, with their civil functionaries, would be recognized by him as the government de facto till Congress could provide others." [Footnote: Sherman's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 327.]

When the general met Mr. Graham and others, he was aware that General Weitzel at Richmond had authorized the Virginia State government to assemble, Mr. Lincoln being on the ground. The views expressed in the famous interview at City Point had taken practical shape. In correspondence with Johnston while they were awaiting action on the first convention, Sherman referred to Weitzel's action as a reason for confidence that there would be "no trouble on the score of recognizing existing State governments." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 266.]

With the burden of the terrible news of Lincoln's assassination, Sherman went up to Durham Station to meet the Confederate general on the 17th of April. His grief was mingled with gloomy thoughts of the future, for it was natural that he as well as the authorities at Washington should at first think of the great crime as part of a system of desperate men to destroy both the civil and the military leaders of the country, and to disperse the armies into bands of merciless guerillas who would try the effect of anarchy now that civilized military operations had failed. We did injustice to the South in thinking so, but it was inevitable that such should be the first impression. As soon as we mingled a little with the leading soldiers and statesmen of the South we learned better, and the period of such apprehensions was a brief one, though terrible while it lasted.

But we must here consider what were the motives and purposes which, on his part, Johnston represented, when he came from Greensborough to meet his great opponent. To understand these we must trace rapidly the course of events within his military lines. When Petersburg was taken and Richmond evacuated, Mr. Davis with the members of his cabinet went to Danville, where he remained for a few days, protected by a small force under General H. H. Walker. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 741, 750.] Beauregard was at Greensborough, collecting detachments to resist an expedition which General Stoneman was leading through the mountains from Tennessee. [Footnote: Id., p. 751.] Johnston was at Smithfield with the main body of his forces, watching our army at Goldsborough and preparing to retreat toward Lee as soon as the latter might escape from Grant and give a rendezvous at Danville or Greensborough. The retreat from Petersburg made a union east of Danville probably impracticable. [Footnote:Id., pp. 682, 737.]

Grant's persistent and vigorous pursuit soon turned Lee away from the Danville road at Burkesville, pushed him toward Lynchburg, and destroyed all hope of union with Johnston. Davis had no direct communication with Lee after reaching Danville, and his position there being unsafe, after Grant had occupied Burkesville, he went to Greensborough. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 750, 787.] From Danville, on the 10th, he telegraphed Johnston that he had a report of the surrender of Lee, which there was little room to doubt. He also asked Johnston to meet him at Greensborough to confer as to future action. [Footnote: Id., p. 777.] The dispatch was, by some accident, prevented from reaching Johnston on the 10th, and Davis repeated it on the 11th, so that the news reached the Confederate headquarters only a day before we got it, on our march from Smithfield. On the same day (11th) Davis informed Governor Vance of the disaster, and suggested a meeting with him also. [Footnote: Id., p. 787.] He also forwarded to Johnston the suggestion of Beauregard (which he approved), that all the Confederate forces north of Augusta should concentrate at Salisbury.

The best evidence that Vance regarded the cause of the Confederacy as lost is found in his resolve to send a deputation to meet Sherman without waiting to confer with Davis. Johnston issued on the 11th his orders for the continued march of his army westward from Raleigh along the railroad, [Footnote: Id., p. 789.] and himself proceeded to Greensborough by train, to have the appointed conference. Whilst Davis and he were together on the 12th, Stoneman's cavalry, which had been in the vicinity the day before and had made a break in the Danville road, was heard of at Shallow Ford, on the Yadkin, about thirty miles west. Part of the troops at Greensborough were at once sent to Salisbury, which was about the same distance from the Yadkin ford. [Footnote:Id., p. 791.] At the same time came a cipher dispatch from Colonel Anderson of Johnston's staff, whom the latter had left at Raleigh, saying that Governor Vance was sending Messrs. Graham and Swain to meet Sherman, presumably by permission of Hardee, who was senior officer in Johnston's absence. Colonel Anderson had taken the responsibility of asking Hampton not to let them pass his cavalry outposts. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 791.] By Davis's direction, Johnston at once telegraphed Hardee to arrest the delegation and to permit no intercourse with us except under proper military flag of truce. [Footnote: Ibid.] Vance was of course informed by Hardee, and replied that he intended nothing subversive of Davis's prerogative or without consulting him. He also said that Johnston was aware of his purpose. [Footnote: Id., p. 792.] In saying further, however, that the initiative had been on Sherman's part, he was dissembling. [Footnote: See the letters, Id., p. 178.] The difficulty put in the way of his representatives in getting beyond the Confederate lines is thus accounted for, as well as his failure to remain in Raleigh on our arrival. Davis found it politic to accept the explanation, [Footnote: Id., p. 792.] but we may safely assume that the matter was discussed between him and Johnston, and that it led to its discussion with his cabinet also; for Johnston remained with him till the 14th, leaving to Hardee the direction of the army on the march, which was ordered to be pressed towards Greensborough. [Footnote: Id., pp. 796, 797.] The troops at Danville were called to the same rendezvous, and General Echols, with those in West Virginia, was ordered to make his way through the mountains to the northwestern part of South Carolina. [Footnote: Id., pp. 795, 796.]

In a formal conference with his advisers on the 13th (Thursday), all of the cabinet officers except Benjamin declared themselves of Johnston's and Beauregard's opinion, that a further prosecution of the war was hopeless; that the Southern Confederacy was in fact overthrown, and that the wise thing to do was to make at once the best terms possible. [Footnote: Johnston's Narrative, pp. 397-400.] Davis argued that the crisis might rouse the Southern people to new and desperate efforts, and that overtures for peace on the basis of submission were premature. The general opinion, however, was so strong against him that he reluctantly yielded, and, to make sure that he should not be committed further than he meant, he himself dictated, and Mr. Mallory, the Secretary of the Navy, wrote, the letter to Sherman, signed by Johnston, asking for an armistice between all the armies, if General Grant would consent, "the object being to permit the civil authorities to enter into the needful arrangements to terminate the existing war." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 206.] The form of each sentence of the letter is significant, in view of its authorship, but most so is the plain meaning of that just quoted, to make a complete surrender upon such terms as the National government should dictate. In like manner the opening sentence, "The results of the recent campaign in Virginia have changed the relative military condition of the belligerents," was a confession in diplomatic form of final defeat. Before sending the letter to Sherman, Johnston copied it with his own hand, in order, no doubt, to have a duplicate for his own protection, as well as to preserve secrecy. [Footnote: The only difference is that in his copy he put the date of the 13th at its head (the true date), whilst the original which he says he sent to Sherman (Narr., p. 400) was dated the 14th, when it would be sent from his outposts; a bit of forethought on Mr. Davis's part, which guarded against Sherman's suspicion that it had been prepared at a distance and had travelled more than a day's journey. Both of the duplicates are in the war archives, that written by Mr. Mallory having the indorsement in Sherman's own hand of its receipt on the 14th. (Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 206, note.) In the Records Sherman's indorsement of the receipt of Johnston's dispatch is "12 night." This seems to be a clerical error, and should be "noon." (See Id., pp. 209, 215, 216, and Sherman's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 346.) Mr. Davis's account is not inconsistent with Johnston's, which he had seen. (Rise and Fall, vol. ii. pp. 681, 684.)]

Sherman lost not a moment in answering, 1st, that he had power and was willing to arrange a suspension of hostilities between the armies under their respective commands, indicating a halt on both sides on the 15th; 2d, that he offered as a basis the terms given Lee at Appomattox: 3d, interpreting Johnston's reference to "other armies" which he desired the truce to include as referring to Stoneman (whom we had heard of in Raleigh as burning railway bridges on both sides of Greensborough [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 197.]), he said that Stoneman was under his command, and that he would obtain from Grant a suspension of other movements from Virginia. [Footnote:Id., p. 207.] All this was strictly within the limits of Sherman's military authority and discretion.

The 15th of April (Saturday) was a day of pouring rain, making the roads almost impassable for wagons, as they were already cut up by the retreating army and by our advance. Sherman expected a reply from Johnston early, for he had directed Kilpatrick on Friday afternoon to send his answer at once to the Confederate lines. [Footnote: Id., p. 215.] He was annoyed at the delay, and sent up Major McCoy of his staff to Morrisville on the railway, where Kilpatrick's headquarters were, taking with him a telegraph operator to open an office there. But Kilpatrick had gone to his own outposts toward Hillsborough, and his staff seem to have been in no hurry to forward Sherman's letter, so that it was delivered to Hampton at sundown of the 15th instead of the 14th. [Footnote: Id., p. 222, 233, 234.] A locomotive engine was sent to McCoy on Sunday (16th), and with it he went on to Durham, taking his telegrapher along. Some torpedoes had been found on the road below, and McCoy diminished the risk from any others, by putting some empty cars ahead of the locomotive to explode them if there should be any. He got through safely, however, found Kilpatrick at Durham, opened telegraphic communication with headquarters at Raleigh, was authorized to read and transmit by the wire Johnston's reply, and so was able before night to give his impatiently waiting chief the Confederate general's proposal to meet in conference between the lines next morning, and to return Sherman's consent. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 229-231.]

Meanwhile Kilpatrick had been sending dispatches saying he did not believe Johnston could be trusted, that his whole army was marching on, that the delay was a ruse to gain time, and that no confidence could be placed "in the word of a rebel, no matter what may be his position. He is but a traitor at best." [Footnote:Id., pp. 224, 233.] Sherman answered: "I have faith in General Johnston's personal sincerity, and do not believe he would use a subterfuge to cover his movements. He could not stop the movement of his troops till he got my letter, which I hear was delayed all day yesterday by your adjutants' not sending it forward." His faith in Johnston's honorable dealing was justified, but the delay had brought the Confederate infantry to the neighborhood of Greensborough. [Footnote: Id., p. 234. Also Johnston's Narrative, p. 401.]

On the 15th Sherman had sent both to Grant and to the Secretary of War copies of Johnston's overture and his own answer. He added that he should "be careful not to complicate any points of civil policy;" that he had invited Governor Vance to return to Raleigh with the civil officers of the State, and that ex-Governor Graham, Messrs. Badger, Moore, Holden, and others all agreed "that the war is over and that the States of the South must resume their allegiance, subject to the Constitution and laws of Congress, and that the military power of the South must submit to the National arms. This great fact once admitted," he said, "all the details are easy of arrangement." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 221.] He directed this to be sent by a swift steamer to Fort Monroe and from there by telegraph to Washington. As this dispatch was sent part of the way by telegraph, it should have reached Washington more than three days ahead of the convention signed on the 18th and carried to the capital by Major Hitchcock, who left Raleigh in the night of that day:[Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 246.] but no answer seems to have been made to it, unless it be in a dispatch of Grant on the 20th in which he directed the movement of Howard's and Slocum's armies to City Point in case Johnston surrendered. [Footnote: Id., p. 257.]

On Monday (April 17th), with the burden of the knowledge of Lincoln's assassination on his mind, Sherman went up to Durham by rail, accompanied by a few officers. There he met General Kilpatrick, who furnished a cavalry company as an escort, and led-horses to mount the party. [Footnote: Id., pp. 234, 235.] The bearer of the flag of truce and a trumpeter were in advance, followed by part of the escort, the general and his officers came next, the little cavalcade closing with the rest of the escort in due order. They rode about five miles on the Hillsborough road, when they met General Wade Hampton advancing with a flag from the other side. The house of a Mr. Bennett, near by, was made the place of conference. When Sherman and Johnston were alone, the dispatch announcing Mr. Lincoln's murder was shown the Confederate, and as he read it, Sherman tells us, beads of perspiration stood out on his forehead, his face showed the horror and distress he felt, and he denounced the act as a disgrace to the age. [Footnote: Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 349,] Both realized the danger that terrible results would follow if hostilities should be resumed, and both were impelled to yield whatever seemed possible to bring the war to an immediate end. In this praiseworthy spirit their discussion was carried on, Johnston saying that "the greatest possible calamity to the South had happened." [Footnote: Johnston's Narrative, p. 402.]

Johnston's first point was that his proposal of the 14th had been that the civil authorities should negotiate as to the terms of peace, while the armistice should continue. Sherman could not deal with the Confederate civil government or recognize it. It could only dissolve and vanish when the separate states should make their submission, and these were the only governments de facto with whom dealings could be had. Postponing this matter, they proceeded to the practical one,--the terms that could be assured to the armies of the South and to the States.

Here they found themselves not far apart. As to the troops, nothing more liberal could be asked than the terms already given to Lee. Sherman knew of Mr. Lincoln's willingness that the State governments should continue to act, if they began by declaring the Confederacy dissolved by defeat, and the authority of the United States recognized and acknowledged. He had no knowledge of any change in the policy of the government in this respect, and what he had said to Governor Vance's delegation was satisfactory to both negotiators.

But how as to amnesty? Here Sherman was also able to give Lincoln's own words, declaring his desire that the people in general should be assured of all their rights of life, liberty, and property, and the political rights of citizens of a common country on their complete submission. Lincoln wanted no more lives sacrificed, and would use his power to make amnesty complete. He could not control the legislative or the judicial department of the government, but he spoke for himself as executive. An agreement was easy here also.

What, then, as to slavery? Sherman regarded it utterly dead in the regions occupied by the Confederates at the time of the Emancipation Proclamation (Jan. 1, 1863), and Johnston frankly admitted that surrender in view of the whole situation acknowledged the end of the system which had been the great stake in the war. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 243.] The Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery, had then been accepted by twenty States, Arkansas did so three days later, and the six Northern States which had been delayed in action upon it were as certain to ratify as that a little time should roll round. [Footnote: Rickey's Constitution, p. 43.] It was therefore no figure of speech to say that slavery was dead: Sherman, Johnston, and Breckinridge knew it to be true. But Johnston urged that to secure the prompt and peaceful acquiescence of the whole South, it was undesirable to force upon them irritating acknowledgments even of what they tacitly admitted to themselves was true; further, that the subject was not included in the scope of a military convention. If slavery was in fact abolished by Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, it was for Congress and the courts so to declare it, and two soldiers arranging the surrender had no call to assert all the legal consequences which would flow from the act. Sherman yielded to this argument, not from any doubt as to the fact of freedom, but from a certainty of it so complete that he would not prolong dispute to obtain a formal assent to it. He was the more ready to do so as he insisted that he acted simply as the representative of the Executive as Commander-in-Chief, and neither could nor would promise immunity from prosecutions under indictments or confiscation-laws. He said also that whilst he agreed with Mr. Lincoln in hoping no executions or long imprisonments would occur, he advised the leading men in the Confederate Government to get out of the country.

As to the disposal of the arms in the hands of the Confederate soldiers from North Carolina to Texas, both knew that little of practical moment depended on the form of the agreement. So many arms were thrown away, so many were concealed by soldiers who loved the weapons they had carried, that even in our own ranks no satisfactory collection of them could be made. But a real and present apprehension with both officers was the scattering of armed men in guerilla bands. If the law-abiding were disarmed and those who scattered and refused to give up their weapons were at large, how could the States preserve the peace? To this point Sherman said he attached most importance. This was not an afterthought when defending his action; he wrote it to Grant in the letter transmitting the terms when they were made. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 243.] The same thought was forced home on the Confederates by their experience at the time. Before the negotiations were finally concluded, bands of paroled men from Lee's army, and stragglers were able to stop trains on the railroad on which Johnston's army was dependent for supplies, and it would have been intolerable to leave the country at the mercy of that class. [Footnote: Id., pp. 818, 819.] To keep the troops of each State under discipline till they deposited the arms at State capitals, where United States garrisons would be, and where the final disposal of them would be "subject to the future action of Congress," seemed prudent and safe; and this was agreed to. [Footnote: Id., pp. 243, 244.]

In the first day's conference it seemed clear that the generals could easily agree upon all they thought essential, except the exclusion of Mr. Davis and his chief civil officers from any part in the negotiations and making the terms of amnesty general. An adjournment to Tuesday was had to give Johnston time to consult with General Breckinridge, the Secretary of War, and for Sherman to reflect further on the amnesty question. [Footnote: Sherman's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 350; Johnston's Narrative, p. 404.] As soon as the latter reached Raleigh, he dispatched to Grant, through a staff officer at New Berne, a brief report of the "full and frank interchange of opinions" with Johnston. "He evidently seeks to make terms for Jeff. Davis and his cabinet," he said. The adjournment was mentioned with its reason; and to negative any thought that he might neglect military advantages by the delay, he said, "We lose nothing in time, as by agreement both armies stand still, and the roads are drying up, so that if I am forced to pursue, we will be able to make better speed. There is great danger that the Confederate armies will dissolve and fill the whole land with robbers and assassins, and I think this is one of the difficulties that Johnston labors under. The assassination of Mr. Lincoln shows one of the elements in the rebel army which will be almost as difficult to deal with as the main armies." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 237.]

When the two generals met again on Tuesday, General Breckinridge was with Johnston's party, and the latter requested that he might take part in the conference; but Sherman adhered to his position that he would deal only with the military officers and objected to Breckinridge as Secretary of War. Johnston suggested that he might be present simply as a general officer, but adding that his personal relations to Mr. Davis would greatly aid in securing final approval of anything to which he assented. With this understanding he was allowed to be present. Mr. Reagan, Postmaster-General, had also come with Breckinridge to General Hampton's headquarters, but did not proceed further. He was busy there, Johnston tells us, in throwing into form the terms which the general thought were fairly included in the conversational comparison of views on the previous day, with the exception of the amnesty, which was made general without exceptions. [Footnote: Johnston's Narrative, p. 404.] This must, of course, have been from notes written at Johnston's dictation.

Sherman was now informed that the Confederate general had authority to negotiate a military convention for the surrender of all the Confederate armies, and that if the terms could be agreed upon, the Davis government would disband, like the armies, and use the influence of its members to secure the submission of all the several States. Johnston, on his part, would be content with the conclusions informally reached on Monday, except that he wanted the principle inserted of amnesty without exceptions. Mr. Reagan's draft was produced and read. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 806.] It contained a preamble stating motives for the action proposed, and professed to be no more than a basis for further negotiation. A note appended to it referred to several things necessary to a conclusion of the business which might be subsequently added. The preamble, as well as this note, was no proper part of the terms, and Sherman entirely objected to any preamble of the kind, wishing to include only the things necessary to an agreement. He therefore took his pen, and then and there wrote off rapidly his own expression of the points he had intended to agree to, but explicitly as a "memorandum or basis" for submission to their principals.

They were, First, the continuance of the armistice, terminable on short notice; Second, the disbanding of all the Confederate armies under parol and deposit of their arms subject to the control of the National government; Third, recognition by the Executive of existing State governments; Fourth, re-establishment of Federal Courts; Fifth, guaranty for the future of general rights of person, property, and political rights "so far as the Executive can;" Sixth, freedom for the people from disturbance on account of the past, by "the Executive authority of the government;" the seventh item was a general rÉsumÉ of results aimed at. [Footnote: Id., p 243.] The most striking difference between this statement and that which Mr. Reagan had drawn, besides the omission of the preamble, was the express limitation of the proposed action by the powers of the National executive, with neither promise nor suggestion as to what the courts or Congress might or might not do.

In transmitting the memorandum through General Grant, Sherman wrote that the point to which he attached most importance was "that the dispersion and disbandment of those armies is done in such a manner as to prevent their breaking up into guerilla bands," whilst there was no restriction on our right to military occupation. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 243.] As to slavery, he said, "Both generals Johnston and Breckinridge admitted that slavery was dead, and I could not insist on embracing it in such a paper, because it can be made with the States in detail." [Footnote: Ibid.] He also referred to the financial question, and the necessity of stopping war expenditures and getting the officers and men of the army home to work. Writing to Halleck as chief of staff at the same time, he referred to the same topics, expressed his belief, from all he saw and heard, that "even Mr. Davis was not privy to the diabolical plot" of assassination, but that it was "the emanation of a set of young men of the South who are very devils." [Footnote:Id., p. 245.] He told Halleck that Johnston informed him that Stoneman's cavalry had been at Salisbury, but was then near Statesville, which was on the road back to Tennessee, about forty miles west of Salisbury and double that distance west of Greensborough.

A week now intervened, in which the important papers were journeying to Washington and the orders of the government coming back. On the 20th Sherman had occasion to inform Johnston of steps he had taken to enforce the details of the truce, and as evidence that he had not mistaken Mr. Lincoln's views in regard to the State governments, he enclosed a late paper showing that "in Virginia the State authorities are acknowledged and invited to resume their lawful functions." [Footnote: Id., p. 257.] The convention seemed therefore in harmony with the course actually pursued by the administration at Washington, and the negotiators were justified in feeling reassured.

Another day passed, and as other incidents in the relations of the armies needed to be communicated to Johnston, Sherman recurred again to the encouraging feature of the leave to assemble the Virginia legislature, but added some reflections on points which he thought might require more explicit treatment than they had given, and he suggested Johnston's conference with the best Southern men, so that he might be ready to act without delay if modifications should be required in the final convention. "It may be," he said, "that the lawyers will want us to define more minutely what is meant by the guaranty of rights of person and property. It may be construed into a compact for us to undo the past as to the rights of slaves, and 'leases of plantations' on the Mississippi, of 'vacant and abandoned' plantations. I wish you would talk to the best men you have on these points, and if possible, let us, in the final convention, make these points so clear as to leave no room for angry controversy. I believe if the South would simply and publicly declare what we all feel, that slavery is dead, that you would inaugurate an era of peace and prosperity that would soon efface the ravages of the past four years of war. Negroes would remain in the South and afford you abundance of cheap labor, which otherwise will be driven away, and it will save the country the senseless discussions which have kept us all in hot water for fifty years. Although, strictly speaking, this is no subject of a military convention, yet I am honestly convinced that our simple declaration of a result will be accepted as good law everywhere. Of course I have not a single word from Washington on this or any other point of our agreement, but I know the effect of such a step by us will be universally accepted." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 266.]

On the same day (21st), he was replying to a letter from an acquaintance of former days residing at Wilmington. In this reply he spoke out more vigorously his own sentiments: "The idea of war to perpetuate slavery in the year 1861 was an insult to the intelligence of the age." War being begun by the South, "it was absurd to suppose we were bound to respect that kind of property or any kind of property. . . . The result is nearly accomplished, and is what you might have foreseen." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 271.]

On the 23d he sent a bundle of newspapers to Johnston and Hardee, giving the developments of the assassination plot and the hopes that the Sewards would recover. In the unofficial note accompanying them, he said: "The feeling North on this subject is more intense than anything that ever occurred before. General Ord at Richmond has recalled the permission given for the Virginia legislature, and I fear much the assassination of the President will give a bias to the popular mind which, in connection with the desire of our politicians, may thwart our purpose of recognizing 'existing local governments.' But it does seem to me there must be good sense enough left on this continent to give order and shape to the now disjointed elements of government. I believe this assassination of Mr. Lincoln will do the cause of the South more harm than any event of the war, both at home and abroad, and I doubt if the Confederate military authorities had any more complicity with it than I had. I am thus frank with you, and have asserted as much to the War Department. But I dare not say as much for Mr. Davis or some of the civil functionaries, for it seems the plot was fixed for March 4, but delayed awaiting some instructions from Richmond." [Footnote: Id., p. 287.]

The whole tenor of this letter speaks most clearly the faith which personal intercourse with Johnston had given Sherman in his honor and his sincerity of desire that the war should end. The same had been expressed in an official note of the same date in which Sherman had said in regard to his directions to General Wilson in Georgia: "I have almost exceeded the bounds of prudence in checking him without the means of direct communication, and only did so on my absolute faith in your personal character." [Footnote: Id., p. 286.] The faith was not misplaced and was not disappointed.

The correspondence thus quoted reveals to us Sherman's thoughts from day to day, the real opinions and sentiments which he intended to embody in the convention, and his recognition of the probability that its provisions would need more explicit definition before the final acts of negotiation. It shows, too, how frank he was in warning Johnston that the terrible crime at Washington had changed the situation. It seems indisputable that this open-hearted dealing between the generals made it much easier for them to come together on the final terms, by having revealed to Johnston the motives and convictions which animated his opponent in seeking the blessing of peace as well as in applying the scourge of war.

As further evidence of what Sherman told us, his subordinates, of the terms agreed upon, I quote the entry in my diary of what I understood them to be, on the 19th, the day following the signing of the convention, after personal conversation with the general: "Johnston's army is to separate, the troops going to their several States; at the State capitals they are to surrender their arms and all public property. Part of the arms are to be left to the State governments and the rest turned over to the United States. The officers and soldiers are not to be punished by the United States Government for their part in the war, but all are left liable to private prosecutions and indictments in the courts." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. i. p. 938.]

In the evening of the 23d Sherman heard of the arrival at Morehead City of Major Hitchcock, his messenger to Washington, and he at once notified Johnston that the dispatches would reach him in the morning. He asked the latter to be ready "to resume negotiations when the contents of the dispatches are known." [Footnote:Id., pt. ii. p. 287.] When Major Hitchcock came up on a night train reaching Raleigh at six in the morning, to Sherman's great surprise General Grant came also, unheralded and unannounced. [Footnote: Id., p. 286.]

Exactly what was meant by the ninth criticism it is hard to say. It is said that the "Memorandum," if adopted, would "relieve the rebels from the pressure of our victories" and leave them "in condition to renew their efforts to overthrow the United States government and subdue the loyal States whenever their strength was recruited and any opportunity was offered." As it provided for the disarming and disbanding of every Confederate company, left our victorious troops free to garrison every State, and gave protection to individuals only so long as they were obedient to the National government, we must regard the apprehension of new efforts to subdue the loyal States as fantastic and not serious.

It was inevitable that such a manifesto to the public should be greatly exasperating to Sherman. Seeing also the manner in which it was interpreted by the newspapers, he believed that it was purposely so worded as to imply what it did not explicitly assert, and to hold him up to the nation as one little better than a traitor. He was very emphatic in saying that being overruled did not trouble him; it was the public perversion of what he had done, attributing to his "Memorandum" what the publication of its text would have contradicted, which outraged his feelings. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 335, 345.] Grant frankly adhered to his opinion that in the actual condition of affairs he could not himself advise the ratification of the terms proposed; yet he saw the injustice done Sherman, and condemned it. [Footnote: Id., pp. 410, 531.] Their relations continued as cordial as ever, and his influence was potent in preventing further ill results from following the quarrel.

The publication was followed by other acts of Mr. Stanton which increased the irritation. On the 27th of April he informed Halleck, Canby, and Thomas that "Sherman's proceedings" were disapproved, and ordered them to direct their subordinates "to pay no attention to any orders but your own or from General Grant." [Footnote: Id., vol. xlix. pt. ii. p. 484; vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 321.] This was a day after Johnston had made his final surrender under the second convention, and when Grant had been two days with Sherman. It led to Halleck's ordering Meade to pay no attention to the truce, even after the surrender of Johnston was signed, and might have caused serious results if Grant had not been very prompt in giving counter-orders to Halleck. [Footnote: Id., p. 312.] All the department commanders naturally understood Stanton's language in sending Grant to North Carolina, as superseding Sherman in command, though in fact this was not done. They concluded that if any new terms were made with Johnston the action would be in Grant's name, and his signature would verify the truce. But as Grant did not do this, and everything remained in Sherman's hands as before, the actual surrender was ignored and credit refused, by order of the Secretary of War, to the armistice declared while the paroles were being issued. Stanton took no steps to correct this, and for two weeks the strange muddle continued in the Southwest. This came to such a pass that on May 8th Sherman inquired of Grant whether "the Secretary of War's newspaper order" had taken Georgia out of his command. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 434.] Grant replied, "I know of no order which changes your command in any particular," and, in his patient rÔle of peacemaker, suggested that the necessity of prompt communication when Sherman was not in telegraphic communication with Washington had caused some irregularities. [Footnote:Id., p. 445.]

One of the minor incidents in Stanton's course of action throws so strong light on his methods and was so irritating an example of the suppressio veri that it must be mentioned. Immediately after his interview with Sherman in the early morning of the 24th, Grant had sent a dispatch to Stanton, which the latter sent to General Dix for publication in the following form: "A dispatch has just been received by this department from General Grant, dated Raleigh, 9 A. M., April 24th. He says: 'I reached here this morning, and delivered to General Sherman the reply to his negotiations with Johnston. Word was immediately sent to Johnston, terminating the truce, and information that civil matters could not be entertained in any convention between army commanders.'" [Footnote: Id., p. 311.] Taken in connection with the previous publication, this was naturally interpreted to mean that Grant had sent the "word" to Johnston, and it strengthened the current against Sherman. The dispatch as sent by Grant was this: "I reached here this morning and delivered to General Sherman the reply to his negotiations with Johnston. He was not surprised, but rather expected their rejection. Word was immediately sent to Johnston terminating the truce, and information that civil matters could not be entertained in any convention between army commanders. General Sherman has been guided in his negotiations with Johnston entirely by what he thought was precedent authorized by the President. He had before him the terms given by me to Lee's army and the call of the rebel legislature of Virginia authorized by General Weitzel, as he supposed with the sanction of the President and myself. At the time of the agreement General Sherman did not know of the withdrawal of authority for the meeting of that legislature. The moment he learned through the papers that authority for the meeting had been withdrawn, he communicated the fact to Johnston as having bearing on the negotiations had." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 293.] I have italicized the omitted parts to show how absolutely essential they were to a true statement of Sherman's attitude, and how grave was the offence against fair dealing to suppress them after the appeal to the public had been made by the first publication. The dispatch is also historically important as proof of the ideal character of Grant's disinterestedness and frank friendship for Sherman in this juncture.

Mr. Stanton's habit of impetuous action without reflection, upon first impressions and imperfect knowledge, was notorious, as was his constitutional inability to admit that he had been in the wrong. Once aroused, he was a fierce combatant, using any weapon that came to hand, inquiring only whether it would hurt his opponent. When obliged to see that he had judged wrongly, his silence was the only confession: he was seldom equal to a candid apology. If a tacit retreat was accepted by the other party, he might endeavor to compensate for the wrong in some other manner. [Footnote: On this subject General E. D. Townsend, as adjutant-general, is a most competent and conclusive witness. (Townsend's Anecdotes of the Civil War, p. 137.) Two little matters occurring at nearly the same time with the Sherman quarrel perfectly illustrate this characteristic in Stanton. General Townsend was in charge of the funeral escort of Lincoln's body, and in New York a photograph was taken of the coffin, in state, in the City Hall, with the drapery of the alcove formed of national flags and crape, with Admiral Davis and General Townsend as guard of honor at head and foot. Stanton read of it in a newspaper, and without further knowledge sent a violent and undignified reprimand to Townsend, ordering him to relieve and send back to Washington the officers on duty, and to seize and destroy the plates. A telegraphic correspondence followed, bringing in the photographers, Henry Ward Beecher, H. J. Raymond, and the military officers, with the proof that there was nothing to find fault with, but rather the desirable preservation of a memento of a memorable scene. There was a retreat, but no apology by the Secretary. (Official Records, vol. xlvi. pt. iii. pp. 952, 965, 966). The other was the permission given the Episcopal clergy in Richmond to continue Divine service in the churches if they omitted the prayer for the Confederate President in their liturgy, that being treated as a demonstration in favor of the insurgent government. General Weitzel was in command, and Mr. Lincoln was in the city when the question first arose whether, in addition to the above prohibition, the clergy should be required to insert, affirmatively, a prayer for the President of the United States. Weitzel supposed he was acting in accordance with Mr. Lincoln's direction not to be sticklish in little things, stopped at the prohibition, as was generally done by commanders in the field, on the ground that to order a form to be inserted in any liturgy where it did not exist, would be ridiculous for a government based on total separation of church and state. Stanton, hearing of it through Mr. C. A. Dana, informed Weitzel that his action was "strongly condemned," and that he was "unwilling to believe that a general officer of the United States, commanding in Richmond, would consent to such an omission of respect to the President." Weitzel asked whether the direction would apply to Roman Catholics, Hebrews, and other churches having a prescribed liturgy, and Stanton replied ex cathedra, in the affirmative, repeating his reprimand. Weitzel now appealed to the President, and the absurd controversy was stopped. Stanton seems to have acted at first in ignorance that individual ministers had no power to insert a prayer into the formal liturgy; but he could not yield when better informed, and a temperate memorial of the local clergy stating the canonical difficulty and their earnest intention to have the change made with all speed possible, is in the Records, "disapproved by order of the Secretary of War"! (Id., pp. 619, 677, 678, 684, 696, 711, 737). Perhaps the nearest historical parallel is Napoleon's order to the Russian clergy to pray for him instead of the Czar in 1812. (Fezensac, Souvenirs Militaires, 4th ed., liv. 2, chap. i. p. 233.)]

Sherman was not the man to submit to what he considered and called an outrage, and when made aware of it, he struck back with all his force. He exposed and denounced the perversions of fact and misstatements of what he had done, and demanded the publication of the original "Memorandum" with his statement of its relations to Mr. Lincoln's policy and wishes as stated by the dead President himself. Grant advised him to omit some of the expressions of his official report, but he refused and courted an official investigation, whilst he clearly stated his duty and his purpose to obey without question such orders as were given by competent authority. He was quite too large a man to be made the victim of a manifest wrong, and when once the case was fairly presented, the purity of his motives and the reasonableness of his belief that he was acting under highest authority were generally acknowledged, even by those who supported a severer policy toward the Southern States. The President and nearly all the members of the Cabinet assured him that the published bulletins had been without their knowledge, and cordially strove to soothe his wounded feelings. [Footnote: For the correspondence, see Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. pp. 302, 334, 345, 371, 410, 476, 515, 547, 576, 581, 582, 586, 662; Id., pt. i. p. 40. See also Sherman's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 375; Conduct of the War, vol. vi. p. 3.] The genuineness of character, patriotism, and subordination tempered by proper self-respect, which he exhibited, did not diminish the public regard, but rather heightened it. As to the debatable questions of policy involved in his first convention, he proudly left them to the judgment of time.

The breach of friendship between Sherman and Halleck, which was also caused by Mr. Stanton's bulletins, was especially to be regretted. Their early close relations as young officers going "around the Horn" to California have already been mentioned, as well as the warm personal correspondence between them during the Atlanta campaign. [Footnote: Ante, pp. 174-176.] He had been grateful also for Halleck's friendly conduct toward him in his period of depression in 1861, and expressed it strongly in a long letter when Atlanta had fallen and he had won his commission as major-general in the regular army. "I confess I owe you all I now enjoy of fame," he said, "for I had allowed myself in 1861 to sink into a perfect 'slough of despond.'" Halleck's friendship and encouragement had put him in the way of recovering from this. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xxxviii. pt. v. p. 791.] But now his faith in human nature was rudely shocked by finding, apparently, this friendly hand joining in the hardest blows at his fame and honor.

In the first of Stanton's bulletins concerning him, Sherman found copied the dispatch from Halleck giving the rumor of Davis's great "plunder," and the hope of the Confederate leaders to "make terms with Sherman or some other commander," by which they would be permitted to escape out of the country with this treasure. [Footnote: Id., vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 286.] The sting of this was in the apparent insinuation that Sherman might be bought. It naturally roused him to explosive wrath. Had Mr. Stanton quoted the final sentence of Halleck's dispatch, it would have shown that the latter intended no such thing. It concluded, "Would it not be well to put Sherman and all other commanding generals on their guard in this respect?" [Footnote: Id., vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 887.] The apparent insinuation was in the Secretary's bulletin by the omission of this sentence from the quoted dispatch. Had Sherman seen the dispatch as Halleck wrote it, he would not have been angered by it.

But on the 28th there appeared in the New York papers another dispatch of Halleck to Stanton, dated the 26th, and saying that his subordinates were ordered "to pay no regard to any truce, or orders of General Sherman suspending hostilities, on the ground that Sherman's agreements could bind his own command and no other." [Footnote: Id., p. 953.] This was upon receipt of a dispatch from Beauregard stating "that a new arrangement had been made with Sherman." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 953.] In the same dispatch Halleck suggested that orders be telegraphed through General Thomas to General Wilson, at the head of a strong cavalry column in Georgia, to mind no orders of Sherman, but, with other commanders in the Gulf States, to "take measures to intercept the rebel chiefs and their plunder," now estimated, rather indefinitely, at "from six to thirteen millions."

The folly of such publications was egregious, and justified Sherman's sarcasm that if anybody was conniving at Davis's escape, it was the officer who gave them to the public. It was, however, the direction to disregard his new truce, embracing Johnston's troops alone and based on their actual surrender, that stirred anew his indignation. He had made a short inspection tour down the coast after starting his columns northward, and saw the dispatch in newspapers he received at Morehead, May 4th, on his return there by steamer from Savannah. In writing General Grant, he characterized Halleck's action as an insult. [Footnote: Id., vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 388.] Fortunately, he had met at Savannah an officer of General Wilson's staff, Captain L. M. Hosea, who had made an adventurous journey across half Georgia to open communications, [Footnote: Id., p. 371.] and in sending a steamboat up to Augusta with supplies for Wilson, he had hurried Captain Hosea back with such full information as enabled Wilson to observe scrupulously the final convention with Johnston whilst vigorously pushing his efforts to capture Davis. These efforts were successful on the 10th. [Footnote:Id., vol. xlix. pt. i. pp. 515, 526.]

Sherman's sense of military honor was violated and shocked by the orders disregarding his truce, which were "cordially approved" by the Secretary of War. [Footnote: Id., vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 967.] Grant suggested that Halleck's action was so connected with Mr. Stanton's orders that it might not seem so bad on fuller information, [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 410.] but Sherman's sense of injury was such that in passing Richmond on the 8th he refused Halleck's offered hospitality, saying that after the dispatch of the 26th of April friendly intercourse was impossible. [Footnote: Id., p. 435.] Halleck's was the "soft answer which turneth away wrath," and it is due to him to remember it. "You have not had during this war, nor have you now, a warmer friend and admirer than myself. If, in carrying out what I knew to be the wishes of the War Department in regard to your armistice, I used language which has given you offence, it was unintentional and I deeply regret it. If fully aware of the circumstances under which I acted, I am certain you would not attribute to me any improper motive. It is my wish to continue to regard and receive you as a personal friend. With this statement I leave the matter in your hands." [Footnote: Id., p. 454.]

But what had occurred seemed to Sherman to be so ingeniously fitted together as parts of a malignant plan, that he replied, "I cannot consent to the renewal of a friendship I had prized so highly till I can see deeper into the diabolical plot than I now do." [Footnote: Ibid.] His words were all the bitter expression of a heart wounded beyond endurance by wrongs which seemed too palpable and plain for discussion or explanation. In the distribution of commands on the peace establishment made soon afterward, Halleck went to the Pacific coast and did not live long. It is to be feared that no opportunity for a full understanding between him and Sherman occurred, though the latter was as placable as he was impetuous; and when he found, as he soon did, that his fame and reputation had not suffered permanent injury, he ignored the past so far, at least, as to show that he harbored no lasting enmity.

Yet Halleck was probably right in saying that he had done nothing but what he deemed his duty, and with no unfriendly purpose toward Sherman. His dispatch of the 26th of April was only one of a series, and it was made to have a different effect, taken by itself, from what it would have had if read in its connection with the others. There is no reasonable doubt that Stanton's angry purpose had been to humiliate Sherman by practically superseding him in command. Halleck knew this and went to Richmond, where he assumed command on the 22d, with full knowledge of the sentiment which then ruled the War Department. [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 891.] In the afternoon of the same day, Grant, on his way to North Carolina, telegraphed him that the truce would be ended as soon as he could reach Raleigh, and ordered him to send Sheridan with the cavalry toward Greensborough, sending also a corps of infantry along as far as Danville. [Footnote:Id., p. 888.] This assumed that by the time these troops could enter Sherman's theatre of operations the truce would have been terminated; for Sheridan was then at Petersburg, and the Sixth Corps at Burke's Station. [Footnote: Id., p. 895.] The cavalry could not be ready to march before the 24th (at the earliest) and did not start in fact till the 25th or 26th. [Footnote: Id., pp. 931, 947.] Neither it nor the infantry got beyond Danville or entered North Carolina before they were halted by Grant's order to Halleck of the 26th, received in the morning of the 28th. [Footnote: Id., pp. 954, 997.] No interference with Sherman's truce, either the first or the second, actually occurred. Halleck knew that the first truce would be ended as soon as the two days' notice could expire after Grant reached Raleigh, and long before his troops could come into contact with Johnston's. But he was also moving them by Grant's order, and must not only obey, but must assume that the first truce was no longer in question. It was not necessary or proper for him to explain fully to his subordinates all he knew of Grant's journey and purpose. For their direction it was enough to say they were not to regard the truce which had been made on the 18th and was currently spoken of as "Sherman's truce." Had Sherman known of Grant's order to Halleck and the assumed situation on which it was based, he would not have regarded Halleck's language an insult. Without such knowledge it looked very much like it.

Halleck, however, had to face the question how his subordinates must act if, on coming near the enemy, Johnston should claim a new armistice. He shared the War Department opinion that the negotiation was not sincere on the part of the Confederates, but was a ruse to gain time for Davis's escape with the imaginary "plunder." A pretended armistice is an old and familiar stratagem in warfare. It would seem that Halleck fully believed that Grant would assume actual command, on reaching Sherman (as he had commanded when with Meade during the past campaign), and concluded that any real armistice again made would be in Grant's name. Any other would be a sham or would have been made before Grant was present. Under such circumstances he could not be blamed for telling his subordinates that only Grant's authority or his own must bind them. He was mistaken, in fact, for Grant's arrival was not even known to Johnston, and Sherman concluded the final convention as if Grant had still been in Washington. The curtness of telegrams often creates ambiguities, and when Sherman saw in print Halleck's dispatch of the 26th separated from the rest of the series, he naturally gave to it the meaning which hurt him so. Had he known the rest of the story, he would have seen no treachery to old friendships. The sin was in the unprecedented publications which embroiled everything. In truth, Halleck's order to Meade was more guarded in form than the language of his dispatch to Stanton, for Meade was only told to ignore "any agreements made by General Sherman before the arrival of Lieutenant-General Grant." [Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvi. pt. iii. p. 941.]

A curious theoretic question was raised by Halleck's incidental statement that an armistice by Sherman could only bind his own army. Sherman said he must defend his truce at all hazards till it was duly terminated. Each was right in a sense, but fortunately the laws of war and military regulations would prevent practical difficulty arising. If Sheridan had advanced to Greensborough, Sherman would have met him there, and by virtue of his superior rank would have assumed command and responsibility for the united forces. Besides the orders and instructions from the President he already had, he would have to act in view of any authentic instructions or information which Sheridan might bring. On the other hand, if Halleck had accompanied his own forces, his seniority would have made Sherman his subordinate in the common field of operations; but as commander, he would have to respect, at his own peril, all the rights which Johnston had acquired under the principles of international law. The situation had perplexities only so long as the generals were playing at cross-purposes by reason of imperfect knowledge. Their intelligence and character were such that duty would have been plain to both as soon as they came together.

Stanton made no public explanation of his conduct, but in a conversation with General Howard, he asserted that Sherman's order to his troops announcing the armistice, by saying that when ratified it would "make peace from the Potomac to the Rio Grande," had put the government on the defensive, and made it seem proper to publish reasons for disapproving the terms. [Footnote:Id., vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 476.] This does not touch the question of the wisdom or folly of the matter published, or of its form. Sherman's reason for mentioning the prospect of a general and speedy peace was that the condition of his army under the news of Lincoln's assassination was such that he felt it necessary to soothe his excited soldiery with the hope of soon marching home in triumph, thus turning their thoughts from the vengeance which would have been inevitable if fighting were to be resumed. Instead of appreciating this, Mr. Stanton seems to have jumped to the conclusion that it was an act of vanity or of political ambition which was to be squelched per fas aut nefas, and in his passionate and hasty action he compromised the whole administration.

We who were Sherman's subordinates in the field knew so well his integrity and patriotism that we sympathized strongly with his indignation at the appeal to popular sentiment against him. Yet the sense of duty to the country and to the government prevented thoughtful men from being blind partisans of our chief. Without full means of judging of the possible effect of the first convention, if carried out, some of us were disposed to believe that there must have been a mistake on his part, since we were not able to believe that the Secretary of War would publish his "nine reasons" if they had no solid support and were not approved by the President and Cabinet. My personal opinion I wrote in my diary at the time, and I reproduce it to show the contemporaneous sentiment of one who was both a warm supporter of the government and a warm friend of the general. What I have written above will also show how far further investigation and fuller knowledge have modified my judgment. "Friday, April 28th.... Some of the Northern papers are very bitter on Sherman for the terms first offered by him, and it is manifest from the dispatches sent by the Secretary of War to New York to be published there, that the new administration is willing to give Sherman a hard hit. He made a great mistake in offering to Johnston the terms he did, but he has done the country such service that the administration owed it to him to keep the thing from the public and to come kindly to an understanding with him, instead of seeming to seek the opportunity to pitch upon him as if it desired to humble him. In conversation this morning he showed that he felt their conduct very sorely, but I hope he will keep out of controversy with them in regard to it. He complains with justice that they have refused to give any instructions to guide military officers as to the policy to be adopted, and then, when these are forced to act, seem to take pleasure in repudiating what the officers have done, and in humbling them or exposing them to popular odium."

We saw more of the domestic form of this social anarchy than of farm labor, for the outdoor work could wait, whereas the indoor work could not. The same difficulty was everywhere, however, and the intelligence of the community soon hit upon temporary expedients. Such men as Mr. Gilmer and Judge Dick took the lead in advising the colored people to avoid their apprehended risk of compromising their freedom, by hiring out temporarily to work for others than their old masters. By thus changing about, the consciousness of working under a voluntary contract was stronger, and the uneducated brain was less puzzled to tell whether any change of situation had really come. We did our best to dispel the notion that wealth and idleness were to follow emancipation, and to encourage the freedmen to resume industrious labor as the foundation of real freedom and independence. [Footnote: See General Schofield's Order No. 46; Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 503.] The peaceful character of the colored people was shown even in what they supposed was a great revolution in their favor. There was no rioting or angry disturbance,--no effort to accomplish anything by force. They abandoned for the time their usual employments, and congregated in their quarters or in groups about the streets, waiting for some great thing to happen. There was, of course, plenty of talk and some excitement, but even this gradually diminished; and as they began to realize that without work there would be no food, they made such bargains as suited them, and the affairs of the plantation and of the house began to move on. The owners of property did not hope for profits; they expressed themselves earnestly as anxious only that such crops might be raised as would save the community, white and black alike, from absolute destitution. I know of prominent examples of well-known men offering the farm hands all that they could raise for that season if they would only go to work and plant something which could still ripen into food. The season was advancing, and a little delay was very dangerous. The last chance for a crop in that year would soon be gone. The influence and advice of sagacious and prudent men was never more useful, for society seemed to be resolved into its original elements when all authority but the military went for nothing. As soldiers, we refrained from meddling in civil affairs, but it was understood that we should preserve the peace and allow no force to be used by others. It was a time when everybody felt the need of being patient and conciliatory, and the natural authority of known character and wisdom asserted itself. Everybody soon went to work to make a living, and the burning problems of political and social importance were postponed.

A serious inconvenience was immediately felt in the lack of a circulating medium. The Confederate currency was at once made worthless by the failure of the rebellion, and there was nothing to take its place. The extent to which its depreciation had gone was amusingly shown by a printed notice and list of prices I found posted in a country tavern, already some months old. In it the price of a dinner was put at ten dollars, and other meals and accommodation in proportion. Still this currency had served for business purposes, and it being gone, the community had to go back for the time to primitive barter.

We had opportunity to notice to what great straits the people had been reduced for two years in the matter of manufactured goods of all kinds. Factories of every sort were scarce in the South when the war began, and resources of every kind were so absorbed in the war that there was no chance for new ones to spring up. Carriages, wagons, and farm implements went to decay, or could only be rudely patched up by the rough mechanics of the plantation. The stringent blockade shut out foreign goods, and the people were generally clothed in homespun. In many houses the floors were bare because the carpets had been cut up to make blankets for the soldiers. Ladies made their own shoes of such materials as they could find. They braided their own hats. They showed a wonderful ingenuity in supplying from native products the place of all the articles of use which had formerly been imported from foreign lands or from the North. Taste asserted itself, perhaps all the more in such discouraging circumstances, and feminine refinement and love of adornment worked marvels out of the slenderest materials. A home-made straw hat ornamented with feathers of barnyard fowls and domestic birds was often as jaunty and as pretty as any Parisian bonnet. Simple dyes were made to give to coarse cotton stuffs a lively contrast or harmony of pure colors as effective as the varied and elaborate fabrics from the European looms. In some respects this self-dependence heightened the personal advantages of those who excelled in ingenuity, in taste, and in skill; for the clothes indicated better the character of the wearer than those which are made on one pattern in the shop of a fashionable mantua-maker.

Adversity has such uses and such compensations that I should hardly reckon the poverty of the Southern States during 1864-65 as a burden greatly felt in private life. All such things are comparative, and where all the people undergo the same privations, the odious comparisons and jealousies between richer and poorer disappear in a measure. A simple life full of great enthusiasms is one a philosopher may find much satisfaction in, and has, many a time, been pictured as an ideal calculated to bring out the best qualities of men and women and therefore to make life more truly enjoyable. I greatly doubt if Southern people, in looking back on the war time, find anything to regret in the simple fare and plain dress of the enforced economy of that period. The real griefs and burdens, if I am not mistaken, came from other sources. Among thoughtful people there must have been from the summer of 1863 serious doubts of the possibility of a successful outcome of their struggle, and a growing and unhappy conviction that the fearful waste of life and treasure would be in vain. They must have had grave misgivings also as to the righteousness of a cause which championed an institution condemned by the whole world and in conflict with the general progress of Christendom. To see their best and bravest consumed in the fire of successive battles, and to be waiting only till the slaughter should make it impossible to keep armies in the field, must have been a grief and a suffering which made all physical deprivations seem small indeed.

I think I cannot be mistaken in the judgment I formed at the time, that to the great body of the Southern people it was a relief that the struggle was really over; that they breathed more freely and felt that a new lease of life came with peace. They had been half conscious for a good while that it must end so, and they were in the mood to be at least resigned, if not readily to profess the pious conviction that "it was all for the best." With the reactions and political exasperations that came later, I have here nothing to do. My purpose has been to reproduce, as far as my memory serves, the scenes and the surroundings of that last military duty of the great war. Why it was that the mellowness of spirit which seemed then so prevalent could not have ripened without interruption or check into a quicker and more complete fraternization, belongs to another field of inquiry. The military chronicler stops where he was mustered out.

A summer ride which a party of us took to the battlefield of "Guilford-Old-Court-House" may be worth noting as an encouragement to believe that our descriptions of the scenes of our own engagements need not become unintelligible even in the distant future. Among the combats of our Revolutionary War, Guilford Court House ranks high in importance; for the check there given to the invading British army under Lord Cornwallis by the Continental forces under General Greene was the turning-point in a campaign. Greensborough is the present county-seat of Guilford County, and the "Old Court House," a few miles distant, has disappeared as a village, a few buildings almost unused being the only mark of the old town. Natural topography, however, does not change its material features easily, and in this case a cleared field or two where the forest had formerly extended seemed to be the only change that had occurred in the past century. With General Greene's official report of the battle in our hands, we could trace with complete accuracy every movement of the advancing enemy and his own dispositions to receive the attack. We could see the reasons for the movements on both sides, and how the undulations of surface and the cover of woods and fences were taken advantage of by either commander. Military principles being the same in all times, we found ourselves criticising the movements as if they had occurred on one of our own recent battlefields. It brought the older and the later war into almost startling nearness, and made us realize, as perhaps nothing else could have done, how the future visitor will trace the movements in which we have had a part; and when we have been dust for centuries, will follow the path of our battalions from hill to hill, from stream to stream, from the border of a wood to the open ground where the bloody conflict was hand to hand, and will comment upon the history we have made. It pointed the lesson that what is accurate in our reports and narratives will be recognized by the intelligent critic, and that the face of the country itself will be an unalterable record which will go far to expose the true reasons of things,--to show what statements are consistent with the physical conditions under which a battle was fought, and what, if any, are warped to hide a repulse or to claim a false success. Nature herself will thus prove the strongest ally of truth.

NOTE.--General Cox was the spontaneous choice of the "Union Party" of Ohio for Governor, and was nominated at its Convention held in Columbus, June 21,1865, while he was still engaged in his military duties in North Carolina. At a ratification meeting, held in the evening after the Convention, Senator Sherman said, speaking of the ticket: "It is headed by a gentleman who is not only a soldier, but a statesman and scholar,--a man of the highest and purest character,--a man who, in all the walks of life, will be a model for us all. I thank you for that nomination,--although I believe the people made it before the Convention met." At a reception in honor of General Sherman given in Columbus, July 13, 1865, the general himself was called on to speak. After mentioning Grant, whose fame was secure, and McPherson, his beloved companion in arms, he said: "And here is General Cox, who is your candidate for Governor,--a man who did his whole duty from first to last and did it well and will do it to the end."

General Cox was elected by a handsome majority, served one term, returned to the practice of the law, and in 1869 was appointed Secretary of the Interior, by General Grant. Retiring to private life at the end of twenty months, he occupied many positions of trust and honor: President of the Toledo and Wabash Railroad, Member of Congress from the Toledo District, President of the Cincinnati University, Dean of the Cincinnati Law School, etc. His reading was extensive; his scholarship profound. In microscopic research he attained world-wide distinction and he received the Gold Medal of Honor at the Antwerp Exposition of 1891, for excellence in micro-photography.

He was thrice honored with the degree of LL.D., the last time by Yale College, in June, 1877. As an indication of the esteem in which he was held by those among whom he went as an armed invader, it should be mentioned that one of the degrees was conferred by the University of North Carolina, in June, 1870.

He was a member of the American Philosophical Society, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Royal Microscopical Society, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, the Cobden Club, and a number of others.

His contributions to the magazines, historical, literary, and scientific, were numerous, and his series of critical and biographical reviews in "The Nation," from the beginning of its publication to the summer of 1900, constitutes a most valuable and interesting commentary on public men and affairs and military operations at home and abroad.

His public addresses, many of which were published in pamphlet form, were marked for their literary finish, their wealth of learning and suggestion, their deep philosophical insight, and their lofty patriotism.

He had little leisure for writing books, but has contributed to the literature of the war several articles in "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War"; the volumes on "Atlanta," and "The March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville," in the Scribner War Series; "The Second Battle of Bull Run," in which he took issue with the findings of the Second Court of Inquiry in the Fitz-John Porter case; "Franklin," a detailed account of that battle, together with the events leading up to it and the controversies following it; the last half of Force's "Sherman" in the Great Commander Series; and the above "Military Reminiscences." However much men may differ with his conclusions, none who knew him personally ever questioned his candor and sincerity, and his disposition to be absolutely fair in his treatment of others.

W. C. C.

Rosecrans, in Correspondence with McClellan, Nov. 19, 1861, asking for Changes in Officers, etc. Official Records, vol. v.p. 657.

"General Cox is the only reliable man here;" i. e., of the brigadiers with him at Gauley, Schenck having gone home sick.

McClellan, to Army Headquarters, after South Mountain and Antietam,Oct. 5, 1862. Official Records, vol. xix. pt. ii. p. 383.

"MAJOR-GEN. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.

In compliance with your instructions, General Cox has been ordered to report to you for duty on the Kanawha. General Cox's gallant services in the battle of South Mountain and at Antietam, during which, after Reno's fall, he commanded an army corps, contributed greatly toward our success in those hard-fought engagements. He has been recommended by General Burnside, his immediate commander, for promotion. Although I am now to lose the services of this valuable officer with this army, it is no more than an act of justice to him that I should concur in the recommendation of General Burnside, which I do most cordially and earnestly, and request that the promotion be made at once.
(Signed) GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, Maj.-Gen."

Schofield to Sherman, after the Atlanta Campaign. Official Records, vol. xxxix. pt. ii. p. 366.

"HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF THE OHIO,
DECATUR, GA., Sept. 12th, 1864.

MAJOR-GEN. W. T. SHERMAN, Commanding Military Division of the Mississippi.

GENERAL,--I have the honor to recommend for promotion the following named officers of my command for gallant and meritorious services during the campaign just ended:

Brigadier-General J. D. Cox is now the senior Brigadier-General of Volunteers in active service. He has held various important commands during the war and was appointed Major-General in 1862, but his name was withdrawn from the list sent to the Senate for confirmation, because of the limitation by law of the number of Major-Generals authorized to be appointed. General Cox commanded the 23d Army Corps for some time previous to the assignment of Major-General Stoneman to that command. During the summer's campaign he has commanded the third division of that corps under my immediate personal observation. I have no hesitation in saying that I have never seen a more able and efficient division commander. General Cox is possessed of a very high order of talent and superior education. As a commander he is discreet, energetic, and brave. As a just reward for long, faithful, and efficient service, and as an act of justice to the army and the country, I earnestly recommend that Brigadier-General J. D. Cox be appointed Major-General of Volunteers.

I earnestly hope all the appointments above recommended may be made. Should the number of vacancies in the grades of Major-General and Brigadier-General not justify the appointment of so large a number from this army, I respectfully request that the officers who may not be appointed may receive the Brevet of the rank for which they are recommended. Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) J. M. SCHOFIELD,
Major-General Commanding."

Sherman to Halleck, after the Atlanta Campaign. Official Records, vol. xxxix. pt. iii. p. 413.

"HEADQUARTERS, MIL. DIV. OF THE MISS.
IN THE FIELD, GAYLESVILLE, ALA., Oct. 24,1864.

GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Chief of Staff, etc.

GENERAL,--I always designed to canvass the claims to promotion of all aspirants in the army, so as to save the President the invidious task of judging among so many worthy men, all of whom can only be known to him by the record. But events and movements have followed each other so rapidly that my army commanders have not been able to attend to the matter, but have sent into my office the detached papers of each. These I herewith inclose, indorsed with my own individual opinion. I have not General Thomas' list, but will instruct him to send it direct from Nashville, where he now is. If necessary [sic] to promote to divisions and brigades the officers now exercising the rank of major-general and brigadier-general, it be necessary to create vacancies, I do think the exigencies of the country would warrant the muster out of the same number of generals now on the list that have not done service in the past year.

The following persons should be promoted to the rank of major-general: . . .

Army of the Ohio: Brig.-Gen. J. D. Cox to be major-general....

All these are actual division commanders, men of marked courage, capacity, and merit, who are qualified to separate commands....

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
(Signed) W. T. SHERMAN,
Major-General."

Schofield to Thomas, after the Battles of Franklin and Nashville. Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. p. 273.

"HEAD QUARTERS, ARMY OF THE OHIO,
FRANKLIN, TENN., Dec. 19, 1864.

MAJ.-GEN. GEORGE H. THOMAS, Commanding Dep't of the Cumberland.

GENERAL,--I have the honor to enclose herewith a letter to Maj.-Gen. Halleck, Chief of Staff, urging the promotion of Brig.-Gen. Cox, and to urge that it may be forwarded with your indorsement. Unless General Cox can obtain the promotion which he has so often earned, he will soon quit the service, which would be an irreparable loss to my command.
I am, general, Very Respectfully,
Your obed't serv't,
(Signed) J. M. SCHOFIELD, Maj.-Gen."

Schofield to Halleck, after the Battles of Franklin and Nashville. Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. p. 273.

"HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF THE OHIO,
FRANKLIN, TENN., Dec. 19, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Chief of Staff, U. S. Army, D. C. GENERAL,--I desire earnestly to ask your attention, and, through you, that of the President and Secretary of War, to the claims of Brigadier-General J. D. Cox to promotion. It is unnecessary to recite, in detail, the services of so distinguished an officer. He has merited promotion scores of times by skilful and heroic conduct in as many battles. He is one of the very best division commanders I have ever seen, and has often shown himself qualified for a higher command.

Permit me to say that in overlooking the merits of such an officer as General Cox, the Government has, unintentionally of course, committed an act of great injustice, and one which must soon deprive the country of his services. An officer cannot exercise for three years a command which he is universally admitted to be eminently qualified for, and yet be denied the corresponding rank, while his juniors, notoriously less deserving, are promoted, without feeling such mortification and chagrin as must drive him from the army.

Excuse, General, the earnestness with which I refer to this matter. I do not exaggerate the merits of the case; on the contrary, I do not half state it.
I am, General, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. M. SCHOFIELD,
Major-General."

Thomas to Halleck, after the Battles of Franklin and Nashville. Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. p. 274.

[Indorsement] "HEAD Q'RS, DEP'T OF THE CUMBERLAND.
IN THE FIELD, TENNESSEE, Dec. 20, 1864.

Respectfully forwarded, earnestly recommending the promotion of Brig.-Gen. J. D. Cox to the grade of Major-General. His services on the Atlanta campaign entitle him to the promotion asked for, and at the battle of Franklin he was eminently distinguished for personal courage as well as for the skilful management of his command.

(Signed) GEORGE H. THOMAS,
Maj.-Gen. Com'g."

Thomas to Halleck, Dec. 23, 1864, again recommending General Cox for Promotion. Official Records, vol. xlv. pt. ii. pp. 234, 235.

"HEADQUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, 23D ARMY CORPS.
ON GRANNY WHITE PIKE, December 17, 1864.

MAJ. J. A. CAMPBELL, Ass't Adj't-Gen., Army of the Ohio.

MAJOR,--I have the honor to claim for my command the capture of eight pieces of the enemy's artillery, in the charge made by the first brigade last evening. The four pieces captured by the Eighth Tennessee Infantry, as stated by Colonel Doolittle in the accompanying dispatch, were not put under guard at the moment, and a guard was subsequently put over them and the pieces claimed by McArthur's division, Sixteenth Corps.

J. D. Cox,
Brigadier-General Commanding."

[Inclosure] "H'DQ'RS, 1ST BRIGADE, 30 Div., 23d ARMY CORPS. IN THE FIELD, December 17, 1864.

CAPT. THEODORE Cox, Ass't Adj't-General.

SIR,--I have the honor to report that in the charge on the enemy's works yesterday, my brigade captured eight pieces of artillery, light twelves, instead of four as reported verbally. The four pieces claimed by McArthur's division, Sixteenth Corps, were taken by the 8th Tennessee, who drove the enemy from them. The 12th Kentucky took the other four pieces. CHAS. C. DOOLITTLE, Col. 18th Michigan Inft'y, Commanding."

[First Indorsement] "HEAD Q'RS, ARMY OF THE OHIO, FRANKLIN, TENN., Dec. 19th, 1864.

Respectfully forwarded to Head Quarters Department of the Cumberland.

(Signed) J. M. SCHOFIELD, Major-General."

[Second Indorsement] "H'DQ'RS DEP'T OF THE CUMBERLAND, DUCK RIVER, TENN., Dec. 23, 1864.

Respectfully forwarded to Maj.-Gen. H. W. Halleck, Chief of Staff, recommending that Brig.-Gen. J. D. Cox be promoted to the grade of Major-General.

(Signed) GEO. H. THOMAS,
Maj.-Gen. U. S. Vols., Commanding."

RECOMMENDATION FOR CORPS COMMAND

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF NORTH CAROLINA, WILMINGTON, N. C., February 24, 1865.

LIEUT.-GEN. U. S. GRANT, Commanding Armies of the United States. City Point, Va.

GENERAL,--I respectfully request that the troops in this department which do not belong to the Twenty-third Army Corps may be organized into an army corps, and that Maj.-Gen. Alfred H. Terry be assigned to its command. Also that Maj.-Gen. J. D. Cox may be assigned to the command of the Twenty-third Army Corps.

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. M. SCHOFIELD,
Major-General."
[Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. p. 559.]

[Letter of same date.]

"... I have asked for the assignment of General Cox and General Terry to corps commands, both because the strength of my command renders it desirable, and because it will enable me to leave either the one or the other in command of the column which I may not be with at any time." [Footnote: Ibid.]

"HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF THE OHIO,
GOLDSBOROUGH, N. C., March 22, 1865.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.

Near a month ago I wrote you a letter requesting that Maj.-Gen. J. D. Cox be assigned to the command of the Twenty-third Army Corps, and that the remaining troops in this department be organized into a corps in command of Maj.-Gen. A. H. Terry. Having received no reply, I presume that my letter did not reach you; therefore I beg leave to renew the request. But if it be not deemed advisable to organize a corps for General Terry, I nevertheless respectfully request that Major-General Cox may be assigned to the command of the Twenty-third Corps.
J. M. SCHOFIELD,
Major-General."

[Indorsement] "GOLDSBOROUGH, N. C., March 23, 1865.

I approve this. I know that General Cox is a good officer, and General Terry has the best possible reputation. General Schofield will want two corps organizations as soon as possible.
W. T. SHERMAN,
Major-General, Commanding."
[Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. ii. pp. 960, 961.]

"CITY POINT, VA., March 25, 1865.

HON. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington.

General Schofield recommends and I approve the appointment of General Cox to the command of the Twenty-third Corps. He also asks the organization of the balance of the troops in his department into a corps under General Terry. This will be of great advantage to his command. I would suggest that Terry's corps be called the Tenth.

U. S. GRANT,
Lieutenant-General."
[Footnote: Id., pt. iii. p 18.]

"GENERAL ORDERS No. 49.

WAR DEP'T, ADJ'T-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, March 27, 1865.

By direction of the President, the following assignments are hereby made:

I. Maj.-Gen. A. A. Humphreys, to the command of the Second Army Corps.

II. Maj.-Gen. J. G. Parke to the command of the Ninth Army Corps.

III. Maj.-Gen. J. D. Cox to the command of the Twenty-third Army Corps.

IV. All other troops in North Carolina not belonging to corps in General Sherman's army will constitute the Tenth Army Corps, of which Maj.-Gen. A. H. Terry is assigned to the command.

By command of the Secretary of War,
E. D. TOWNSEND,
Assistant Adjutant-General."
[Footnote: Official Records, vol. xlvii. pt. iii. p. 34.]

Cox, Theodore, brother of above, vol.
  aide-de-camp, at South Mountain and Antietam;
  lieutenant in 11th Ohio and aide-de-camp by appointmentt;
  at skirmish before Knoxville;
  at Knoxville;
  adjutant general on General Cox's staff;
  accuracy and business system of;
  issues orders for good conduct of troops on shipboard.

Crane, Orrin J., major 7th Ohio, at Antietam.

Cranor, Jonathan, colonel 40th Ohio, in West Virginia

Crawford, Samuel W., brigadier general United States Volunteers, at Antietam.

Creighton, Wm. R., lieutenant colonel 7th Ohio,
  comes in with Tyler after surprise at Cross Lanes;
  reproaches himself with cowardice;
  record of gallantry, until killed at Ringgold, Georgia

Crittenden, Eugene W., colonel commanding cavalry
  brigade in 23d army corps, reports to General Cox at Olley's Creek

Crittenden, Thos. L., major general United States Volunteers, in E. Tennessee.

Crome, G. L., lieutenant McMullin's battery;
  killed at South Mountain

Crook, Geo., captain 4th U. S. Infantry, colonel
  36th Ohio, at Cross Lanes;
  Summersville;
  personal description of;
  captured at Cumberland;
  first vote; at Lewisburg, West Virginia;
  defeats Heth;
  attached to Kanawha division;
  reports to Pope at Warrenton, Virginia;
  commanding brig, in Kanawha division;
  supports Scammon;
  at South Mt;
  attached to Sturgis' division at Antietam;
  carries ford of Antietam above Burnside bridge;
  promoted brig, general;
  ordered to Clarksburg, West Virginia;
  commands Kanawha division;
  marches from Clarksburg to Gauley Bridge;
  at Gauley Bridge;
  transferred to Rosecrans' command in Tennessee;
  commends discipline of Kanawha division,

Cross Lanes, West Virginia,
  7th Ohio surprised at and routed;
  consultation of Rosecrans and Cox at.

Cutler, Hon. Wm. P.,
  M. C. from Marietta, Ohio, expresses popular distrust of Lincoln's ability.

DALTON, Georgia,
  geography of vicinity;
  impregnable to attack from north or west;
  operations about;
  strong character of defensive works.

Dana, Chas. A.,
  Assistant Secretary of War;
  cipher dispatches to Stanton about Rosecrans and his officers;
  visits Burnside at Knoxville;
  reports to Grant;
  judgment of army officers at Chattanooga;
  advises Stanton concerning interview between Lincoln and confederate peace commanders;
  concerning prayers for the President in Episcopal churches at Richmond.

Dandridge, E. Tennessee, affair at;
  a surprise all around;
  both armies retreat.

Davis, David, Justice of U. S. Supreme Court,
  change in views regarding trial by military commissions in Indiana;

Davis, Henry Winter, M. C. from Maryland,
  dines with General Cox in Washington;
  opposes re-election of Lincoln;
  witty and scathing denunciation of L.

Davis, Jefferson, President Confederate States Army, advises
  with Lee about successor to Bragg;
  differences with Beauregard and Johnston;
  finally appoints Johnston;
  urges aggressive action;
  correspondence with Johnston;
  plans thwarted by long discussion;
  begs Johnston to retreat no further;
  receives no encouragement from him;
  sends Bragg to Atlanta to examine and report on condition of affairs;
  relieves Johnston and appoints Hood;
  convinced Hood needs intellectual guidance;
  urges Hardee to hold Charleston, and stop Sherman on line of Combahee River;
  startled by Beauregard's confession of inability to stop Sherman;
  notes difference between B.'s estimate of forces available and official returns;
  goes to Danville on fall of Richmond;
  thence to Greensborough, North Carolina;
  orders arrest of Governor Vance's peace commanders;
  advised by all his generals and cabinet that further prosecution of war was hopeless;
  authorizes Johnston to negotiate with Sherman;
  holds last cabinet meeting at Charlotte;
  unanimous decision that confederacy is conquered;
  assents to Johnston's surrender;
  reputed "plunder" nearly all paid out to Johnston's troops and his personal escort;
  tries to escape beyond Mississippi;
  captured S. E. of Macon.

Davis, Jeff. C., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding division in Army of the Cumberland;
  movement on Rome;
  occupies Rome;
  attached to McPherson's command temporarily;
  assault on Kennesaw.

Dawes, Ephraim C., major 53rd Ohio,
  analysis of opposing forces in Atlanta campaign.

Dawes, Rufus R., lieutenant colonel 6th Wisc.,
  at Antietam;
  "Service with the Sixth Wisconsin," cited.

Day, D. W. H., captain and assistant quartermaster,
  accompanies General Cox on winter ride to E. Tennessee;
  selects wagons and teams;
  marks fords;
  keeps teams moving;
  secures tents and flies for army headquarters;
  in charge of horses and mules sent from E. Tennessee to Kentucky for pasture;
  energy commended.

Dayton, Ohio,
  assaults on soldiers at, not punished by local courts;
  how punished.

DeCourcey, John F., colonel 16th Ohio,
  in West Virginia campaign fall of '62;
  moves on Cumberland Gap.

Defensive Tactics,
  generally better in rough country.

Dennison, Wm., Governor of Ohio,
  prepares State for war;
  appoints McClellan major general;
  sends two regiments to Washington;
  incessant work;
  urges McClellan to occupy West Virginia in force;
  at Washington;
  mediates between Lincoln and McClellan;
  supported by Cox in Ohio senatorial contest;
  postmaster general;
  entertains General Cox.

De Trobriand, P. R., colonel 55th New York,
  says New York 7th furnished 300 officers for Union army.

De Villiers, Chas. A.,
  brigadier major on General Cox's staff;
  captured outside of lines at Scary Creek;
  escapes and reports for duty at Gauley;
  hazardous ride to report occupation of Cotton Mountain by Floyd;
  crosses New River, scales cliffs and assaults enemy on Cotton Mountain.

Devin, Thos. C., colonel 6th New York Cavalry,
  ordered to report to General Cox.

Dick, Robt. P., resident of Greensborough, North Carolina,
  in whose grove army headquarters were established, since appointed U. S. District Judge;
  advises colored people to hire out to others than their old masters.

Dickson, Wm. M.,
  cited as to Key's influence over McClellan.

Discretion,
  to be exercised by subordinate on detached service in obeying orders issued without full knowledge of his position.

Doddridge, cashier of a Charleston, West Virginia bank,
  Union man;
  paymaster in Union army.

Dodge, Grenville M., major general United States Volunteers,
  commands 16th Corps;
  builds bridge over Chattahoochee at Roswell.

Donaldson, James L., colonel United States Volunteers, chief quartermaster at Nashville,
  describes Thomas's feelings after Nashville campaign.

Doolittle, Chas. C., colonel 18th Michigan,
  commanding post at Decatur, repulses Hood;
  joins General Cox at Stevenson;
  chief of staff for General Cox;
  takes command of Reilly's division 23d army corps;
  carries enemy's intrenchments and captures eight guns at battle of Nashville;
  and returns to his own regiment when 23d Corps goes to Washington.

Doubleday, Abner, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding division, at Antietam.

Douglas, Stephen A.,
  speech at Columbus after fall of Ft. Sumter;
  pledges support of Dem. party to Lincoln's administration.

Dow, Tristram T., major 112th Ill.,
  appointed inspector general on Cox's staff;
  reconnoitres fords before Kinston;
  carries message from Schofield to Hoke.

Draft,
  preferred to system of raising new regiments and letting old ones die out;
  Sherman cited;
  act providing for;
  weakened by commutation clause;
  insignificant numbers drafted in Ohio.

Drayton, Thos. F., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at South Mountain

Duke, Basil W., brigadier general Confederate States Army, history
  of Morgan raid cited.

Dunham, Robert T., captain and assistant adjutant-general on
  General Geo. W. Taylor's staff at Bull Run
  bridge,

Dunker Church, on battlefield of Antietam,

Durell, Geo. W., captain battery D Pennsylvania Artillery,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Duryea, Abram, brigadier general United States Volunteers, at
  Antietam.

Early, Jubal A., brigadier general Confederate States Army, at
  Antietam.

East Tennessee,
  plans for Union advance into, Rosecrans';
  approved by McClellan;
  FrÉmont's;
  ignorance of topography: combination of the two adopted;
  fails because separate columns defeated and driven back by Jackson before concentration effected;
  occupation of E. Tennessee urged by Lincoln on all general officers in the West;
  Burnside's plan;
  proposes railroad from Danville to;
  Chattanooga best base for supplies;
  confederate forces in;
  map of;
  rejoicing of people at Burnside's coming;
  terror and indignation when he was ordered to leave and join Rosecrans;
  military operations in;
  Sherman's horror of;
  importance of holding;
  impossibility of supplying army in, by mountain roads;
  terrible destruction of draft animals;
  privations of army in, during winter of;
  almost unanimous re-enlistment, in spite of hardships;
  absence of forage;
  fearful blizzard;
  sufferings of troops;
  bitterness of feeling between loyalists and secessionists.

East Tennessee troops,
  unwillingness to serve away from home;
  discipline lax, courage and devotion unexcelled;
  1st Cavalry;
  1st Infantry;
  6th Infantry;
  East Tennessee University, at Knoxville, fortified;

Echols, John C., brigadier general Confederate States Army, pursues
  Lightburn down the Kanawha;
  supersedes Loring in command of West Virginia forces;
  resumes positions abandoned by Loring;
  retreats before General Cox;
  ordered to make his way from West Virginia into N. W. part of South Carolina,

Effective Total,
  meaning of, in confederate reports;
  leads to habitual underestimate of their forces by confederate commanders.

Elliott, Washington L., colonel 47th Ohio, in
  West Virginia;
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Mossy Creek

Ellsworth Zouaves, equal in drill to West Point cadets,

Emancipation Proclamation, how received in McClellan's army.

Enyart, David A., lieutenant colonel 1st Kentucky,
  routs confederate militia at Boone courthouse, West Virginia;
  crosses Kanawha, scales cliffs and helps capture Cotton Mountain

Episcopal Clergy, at Richmond,
  ordered by Stanton to pray for the President of the U. S.

Evans, N. G., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  in Maryland campaign;
  at Antietam.

Ewell, Benj. S., colonel Confederate States Army,
  on Johnston's staff;
  sent to Richmond to explain Johnston's position;
  reports to Johnston.

Ewell, R. S., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  division of, at Antietam,

Ewing, Hugh, colonel 30th Ohio,
  in Kanawha Division;
  reports to Pope at Warrenton, Virginia;
  at South Mountain

Executive Power,
  exercised in spite of adverse judicial decisions,

Ezra Church, battle of,

Fairchild, Harrison S., colonel 89th New York,
  at South Mountain; at Antietam.

Fayette courthouse, West Virginia,
  advanced post;
  Union troops.

Ferrero, Edw., colonel 51st New York,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam;
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Ft. Sanders.

Field Intrenchments,
  development of;
  facility in making;
  costliness of assaulting;
  at New Hope Church;
  at Cold Harbor; at Ezra Church;
  confederate troops refuse to assault breastworks;
  at Kinston.

Fitch, E. P.,
  quartermaster on General Cox's staff;
  arrives at Alexandria with trains and baggage of Kanawha Division;
  at Antietam; chief quartermaster District of West Virginia

Flat-top Mountain, West Virginia,
  barrier to approach from S. W. Virginia;
  advance of Kanawha Division to;
  key point for movement to S. West Virginia;
  description of;
  abandoned by U. S. troops.

Floyd, John B.,
  unites with Wise to drive Union forces out of Kanawha valley;
  surprises and routs 7th Ohio at Cross Lanes;
  mysterious inaction thereafter;
  defeated at Carnifex Ferry;
  differences with Wise;
  marches to Fayette courthouse;
  and occupies Cotton Mountain, from which he shells Gauley Bridge;
  driven off the Mountain by General Cox;
  escapes capture by reason of Benham's inactivity;
  indirectly commends General Cox's administration of Kanawha District.

Foraging,
  easily degenerates into pillaging and arson;
  Blair and Howard recommend its prohibition;
  Sherman promises to stop it after reaching North Carolina;
  vigorous measures of General Cox to repress;
  country near Raleigh stripped bare by Slocum's "bummers".

Force, Manning F.,
  lieutenant colonel 20th Ohio;
  brig, general, married sister of General Pope's wife.

Foreign Intervention, threatened. 485.

Forrest, Nathan B., brigadier general cavalry Confederate States Army,
  captures Col. Bloodgood's command near Nashville;
  compared with Morgan;
  successful handling of mounted troops;
  Mower promoted for reputed defeat of;
  ordered to join Hood, captures Athens, repulsed at Pulaski;
  ordered to raid Western Tennessee;
  causes panic and destruction of three steamboats and stores at Johnsonville;
  joins Hood at Florence;
  covers Hood's turning movement east of Columbia;
  attacks at Spring Hill;
  absence seriously felt by Hood at battle of Nashville;
  commands rearguard on Hood's retreat;
  at Okolona.

Forts,
  masonry and earthworks discussed.

Ft. Anderson, Cape Fear River,
  attacked by "Montauk" and gunboats;
  captured by General Cox.

Ft. Fisher,
  captured by General Terry;
  where described.

Ft. Sanders, Knoxville, E. Tennessee,
  named after General W. P. Sanders;
  described;
  assault on, by Longstreet's forces, repulsed.

Ft. Sumter,
  bombardment announced in Ohio Senate;
  occasions popular uprising, without distinction of party;
  flag raised again by Anderson.

Foster, Abby Kelley,
  shouts "Glory to God" when bombardment of Sumter announced.

Foster, John G.,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers;
  succeeds Burnside in E. Tennessee;
  assigns General Cox to command 23d army corps;
  Sturgis to cavalry corps;
  demonstrates to Grant impossibility of winter campaign;
  disabled by fall of horse;
  gives veteran furlough to several regiments;
  concentrates at Knoxville;
  sends horses and mules to pasture in Kentucky;
  permanent winter quarters;
  retires from command on account of ill health;
  again explains to Grant, at Nashville, impossibility of winter campaign in E. Tennessee.

Foster, John W. colonel United States Volunteers,
  operations in E. Tennessee;
  at Mossy Creek

Fourth U. S. Artillery, battery B,
  at Antietam.

Fox's Gap, in South Mountain,
  captured by Kanawha Division under General Cox.

Franklin, battle of,
  undeceives Thomas as to Hood's intentions;
  where described.

Franklin, F. E., major 37th Ohio,
  at Princeton, West Virginia

Franklin, Wm. B., major general United States Volunteers,
  ordered to join Pope;
  slow in moving;
  assigned position near Alexandria;
  relieved on charges preferred by Pope;
  reinstated at McClellan's request;
  with 6th army corps, held in reserve, at Antietam.

Frazer, John W., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  captured with 2500 men by Burnside at Cumberland Gap.

Frederick, Maryland,
  confederate army concentrates near;
  evacuated by;
  a loyal city;
  demonstration on arrival of Union troops;
  grand army encamped near.

FrÉmont, John C., major general United States Volunteers,
  commands Mountain Department;
  appointment on political grounds;
  plan for advance on E. Tennessee;
  modifies it on Rosecrans' suggestion;
  separate columns defeated before concentration effected;
  relieved of command;
  not again assigned to duty.

French, Samuel G., major general Confederate States Army,
  joins Johnston's army at Kingston, Georgia

French, W. H.,
  captain and commissary on Burnside's staff.

French, Wm. H., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam.

French's Mill, West Virginia,
  operations near.

Frietchie, Barbara,
  a fictitious character.

Frink, Chas. S.,
  surgeon major, General Cox's division;
  treats General Cox for illness due to exposure after battle of Nashville.

Frizell, Jos. W.,
  lieutenant colonel 11th Ohio;
  traps confederate cavalry near Hawk's Nest, West Virginia

Fry, Jas. B., colonel and assistant adjutant-general U. S. A.,
  on Lincoln's reasons for certain military appointments;
  provost-marshal-general at Washington;
  ably administers draft laws.

Furnace,
  for tent, field construction.

Gallup, Geo. W., lieutenant colonel 14th Kentucky commanding brigade in 23d army corps,
  at Johnsonville, Tennessee

Garfield, Jas. A.,
  in Ohio Senate;
  resolves to enter army;
  defeated in election for colonel of 7th Ohio;
  appointed colonel of 42nd Ohio;
  in Big Sandy valley;
  Rosecrans' chief of staff;
  sums up answers of general officers and urges Rosecrans to advance;
  influence of his report;
  sent to Washington with Rosecrans' report after battle of Chickamauga;
  questioned by Stanton;
  tells General Cox the story of Chickamauga;
  leaves army to enter Congress;
  chairman of commission on military affairs;
  regard for Rosecrans;
  letter to Chase about R.'s inaction at Murfreesborough;
  defended;
  entertains General Cox in Washington;
  draws out his guests.

Garland, Samuel, Jr., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  killed at South Mountain

Garnett, Robt. S., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Beverly, West Virginia;
  retreats after battle of Rich Mountain;
  killed near Carrick's Ford;
  lacking in enterprise.

Garrard, Israel, colonel cavalry United States Volunteers,
  in East Tennessee;
  at Decatur and Stone Mountain, Georgia

Garrard, Kenner, brig, general,
  commanding cavalry division in McPherson's army;
  movement on Rome;
  reports confederate cavalry at Kennesaw superior in numbers;
  destroys Georgia RAILROAD east of Atlanta;
  in pursuit of Hood.

Garrett, John W., President B. and Official Records R. Co.,
  suggests dictatorship of McClellan.

Gauley Bridge, West Virginia,
  key point of Kanawha valley;
  captured by General Cox with 1500 stand of arms and munitions of war;
  importance of position;
  map of;
  how fortified;
  Rosecrans' headquarters;
  cannonaded from Cotton Mountain by Floyd;
  bridge reconstructed;
  burned on Lightburn's retreat;
  supplies forwarded to, by batteaux on upper Kanawha;
  Lightburn's abandonment of, criticised;
  reoccupied by General Cox.

Geary, John W., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Wauhatchie;
  assaults Rocky Face, at Dug Gap, repulsed with loss.

Georgia,
  map of northern.

Gibbon, John, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  high opinion of volunteers;
  deficient knowledge of military history;
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Gibbs, Ira B.,
  lieutenant and com's'y on General Cox's staff;
  shoots Serg. Joyce of 2nd Kentucky for refusing to obey orders;
  courtmartialed and acquitted;
  excused from attending execution of a mutineer.

Gibson, Horatio G., captain 2nd Ohio Artillery,
  at South Mountain

Giddings, Hon. Joshua R., consul general at Montreal,
  makes light of plot to releases confederate prisoners.

Gilbert, Samuel A., colonel 44th Ohio,
  in second Kanawha campaign;
  marches his brigade 60 miles in 52 hours, in E. Tennessee

Gillmore, Quincy A.,
  brigadier general commanding District of Kentucky;
  resists Pegram's raid and drives him out of Kentucky

Gilmer, Jeremy F., major general Confederate States Army, Davis' Chief of Engineers,
  sent to advise with Beauregard.

Gilmer, John A.,
  one of Governor Vance's peace commanders.

Goldsborough, North Carolina,
  place of meeting of Sherman's and Schofield's armies.

Goodrich, E. R.,
  lieutenant colonel, and chief comm's'y on Burnside's staff.

Goodrich, Wm. B.,
  colonel commanding brigade in Greene's division at battle of Antietam;
  killed at Antietam.

Gordon, Geo. H., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam.

Graham, Milton,
  lieutenant colonel 11th Kentucky Cavalry

Graham, Wm. A., ex-Governor of North Carolina,
  heads Vance's peace delegation;
  candidate for Vice President on ticket with Scott;
  mentioned.

Granger, Gordon,
  captain and mustering officer at Camp Dennison;
  states reasons why theoretical knowledge of regular army officers so small;
  appointed major general United States Volunteers;
  at Chickamauga;
  sent to relief of Knoxville;
  dissatisfaction of Grant and Sherman;
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Dandridge.

Granger, Robt. S., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  sent to reinforce Col. Doolittle at Decatur;
  posted at Stevenson;
  suffers pontoon bridge to fall into hands of Hood;
  ordered to Decatur again.

Grant, U. S., major general United States Volunteers,
  high opinion of volunteers;
  accepts emancipation policy as best;
  policy of attrition;
  captures Vicksburg;
  "copious worker and fighter, but a very meagre writer";
  growing faith of administration in;
  in command of Division of the Mississippi;
  approves substitution of Thomas for Rosecrans;
  reticent and averse to controversy;
  hears in silence and decides;
  good story about Washington;
  at Chattanooga;
  culmination of good fortune;
  sends Granger and Sherman to relief of Knoxville;
  characteristics;
  visits army in E. Tennessee;
  reticence;
  riding-school story;
  sees for himself condition of troops and mountain roads;
  reports destitution and impracticability of supplying army by mountain roads;
  correspondence with General Foster;
  asks promotion of Sherman, McPherson, and W. F. Smith;
  embarrassments about cipher dispatches;
  objects to Stoneman;
  correspondence with Schofield;
  appointed lieutenant general and goes to Washington;
  scatters army at Chattanooga, to secure supplies and forage;
  puts Sherman in charge of Western armies and assumes command in Virginia;
  plans simultaneous advance of eastern and western armies;
  slow to learn unprofitableness of assaulting intrenched positions;
  on appointments of brigadiers in Sherman's army;
  confidence in McPherson; secures his rapid promotion;
  dissatisfied with Thomas;
  reasons for his feeling;
  favors winter campaigns by Sherman and Thomas;
  plans advance on Selma and Mobile;
  orders Schofield and 23d corps sent to Washington;
  praises Sherman's readiness for further operations;
  sends Schofield to carry out new plan of campaign in North Carolina;
  unselfish attitude toward Sherman;
  relieves Butler and opposes his further assignment to command;
  receives confederate peace commanders at his headquarters;
  congratulates Sherman;
  outlines his own plans;
  prevents Lee's union with Johnston;
  recommends Schofield's appointment as brigadier in regular army and permanent assignment of Cox and Terry to corps commands;
  brings administration's disapproval of Sherman-Johnston convention to Sherman;
  considerate treatment of Sherman;
  returns to Washington;
  condemns injustice to Sherman;
  smooths away causes of Sherman's irritation.

"Grape Vine Telegraph,"

Great Smoky Mountains,
  picturesque character of.

Greene, Geo. S., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam;
  in 20th Corps and on court-martial at Washington;
  goes to North Carolina, with General Cox and volunteers as staff officer at Kinston;
  commands provisional division of returning officers and men belonging to Sherman's army.

Grigsby, A. J., colonel commanding Winder's brigade, Jackson's division,
  at Antietam.

Guerillas, in West Virginia,
  annoyance by and suppression of.

Guilford-Old-Court-House, North Carolina,
  and battlefield visited.

Gunn, W. A.,
  locates line for railway from Danville to E. Tennessee

Guthrie, J. V., colonel 1st Kentucky,
  correspondence with General Cox, App. Army;
  in West Virginia

Guyandotte, West Virginia,
  taken by 2nd Kentucky;
  occupied.

Habeas Corpus, writ of,
  used to release minors enlisting without parents' consent;
  U. S. officers directed not to recognize, unless issued by U. S. Courts.

Hagood, Johnson, brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Ft. Anderson, N. C;
  routed at Town Creek by General Cox, losing two cannon and 400 prisoners;
  repulsed at Kinston.

Halleck, Henry W.,
  commands Western Department;
  authorizes Pope to send for General Cox's Kanawha Division;
  commits defence of Washington to McClellan;
  sacrifices Pope;
  owed his appointment as commander in chief largely to Pope;
  expected to take command in the field;
  but does not, and remains bureau officer until close of war;
  responsible in part for McClellan's slow pursuit of Lee in Maryland;
  sends McClellan peremptory orders to advance after Antietam;
  persistently favors regular army officers over volunteers;
  directs Burnside to advance into E. Tennessee;
  correspondence with Burnside shows forgetfulness and lack of appreciation;
  inconsistency between official and private letters to Rosecrans;
  fails to understand distances and difficulties of transportation in E. Tennessee;
  indecision of character;
  wrong interpretation of Burnside's reports and action;
  thinks personal presence of Grant with Army of Potomac indispensable;
  criticises Meade;
  friendly relations with Sherman;
  correspondence with;
  on enormous waste of cavalry horses;
  tells Sherman he is accused of hostility to the blacks;
  assigned to command Department of Virginia;
  orders Meade to pay no attention to Sherman's truce;
  forfeits Sherman's life-long friendship by his orders and dispatches after Sherman-Johnston convention;
  goes to Pacific coast at close of war and dies soon after;
  disclaims personal hostility to Sherman;
  explanation of his attitude;
  notes complete submission to U. S. authority at Richmond.

Hamilton, Schuyler,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers;
  resigns.

Hammond, John W.,
  lieutenant colonel 65th Indiana at battle of Nashville.

Hampton, Wade, brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at the Monocacy;
  at South Mountain;
  appointed lieutenant general to outrank Wheeler;
  opposed to Vance's peace negotiations;
  retires from Raleigh;
  arranges for interview bet. Johnston and Sherman;
  refuses to be included in Johnston's capitulation.

Hancock, Winfield S., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam;
  sent from 6th Corps to command Richardson's division 2nd Corps;
  classmate of McClellan.

Hanson, Chas. S., lieutenant colonel 20th Kentucky,
  captured at Lebanon, Kentucky

Hardee, Wm. J.,
  lieutenant general Confederate States Army;
  succeeds Bragg in temporary command Army of Georgia;
  declines permanent command;
  quoted by Davis;
  sent to reinforce Polk;
  forces increased;
  at Dallas;
  at battle of Atlanta;
  controversy with Hood;
  at Jonesboro;
  impeaches Hood's statement of his losses;
  transferred to Savannah;
  evacuates Charleston;
  rumored junction with Bragg;
  fails to reach Wilmington;
  forces of;
  low estimate contradicted by official reports;
  reports to Bragg at Goldsborough;
  at Averasborough;
  commands army in absence of Johnston;
  arranges details of capitulation with Schofield;
  reputation and character of;
  end of war only a question of time after first year;
  humorous report of General Cox's treatment of old woman asking for provisions;
  reported Salkehatchie swamps impassable when Sherman was marching through them at rate of 13 miles a day;
  determines to go abroad for a time.

Hardie, Jas. A.,
  colonel United States Volunteers and inspector general

Harker, Chas. G., commanding brig, in Newton's division 4th army corps,
  at Rocky Face;
  relieves Hanson's brigade at Resaca;
  wounded at Resaca.

Harland, Edw., colonel 8th Conn.,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam;
  commanding brigade in Palmer's division at Kinston.

Harper's Ferry,
  attacked by Jackson;
  and taken;
  A. P. Hill left in charge of.

Harrison, Benj., colonel 70th Indiana,
  detailed to stump State of Indiana in 1864.

Hartranft, John F., colonel 51st Pennsylvania,
  at Antietam;
  in E. Tennessee;
  repulses McLaws at Campbell's Station

Hartsuff, Geo. L.,
  captain and assistant adjutant-general on Rosecrans' staff;
  appointed brigadier general, wounded at Antietam and appointed major general;
  assigned to command 23d army corps;
  sent to arrange plans with Rosecrans for simultaneous advance;
  commands District of Kentucky;
  directed to capture Morgan raiders;
  disabled by old wounds;
  attends to office business at Knoxville;
  decides to retire;
  inspector general on Schofield's staff, in charge of paroling Johnston's army;
  telegraphs "Johnston's army dissolving and raising the devil".

Harvie, Edwin J.,
  inspector general on General Johnston's staff.

Hascall, Milo S.,
  commands District of Indiana;
  removed on Governor Morton's application;
  commands 3rd division 23d army corps;
  in E. Tennessee;
  transferred to 2nd division same;
  near New Hope Church;
  distinguished services throughout campaign, never recognized;
  not favored by Governor Morton;
  at Kolb's farm;
  moves to Cox's position south of Olley's Creek;
  at Decatur, Georgia;
  resigns on account of Governor Morton's hostility and Hovey's promotion over him.

Hatch, John P., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  calls for three cheers from Pope's army on learning that McClellan was in command again;
  Pope's dissatisfaction with;
  takes position on Cox's left in defences of Washington.

Haupt, Herman, colonel and military superintendent of railways,
  at Alexandria, Virginia,

Hawley, Jos. R., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commands coast District of North Carolina

Hayes, Rutherford B., lieutenant colonel 23d Ohio,
  Judge Adv. at trial of Gibbs;
  at Princeton, West Virginia;
  criticised by General Reno;
  charge of pillaging brought out in Presidential campaign;
  wounded at South Mountain;
  letter in regard to discipline of Kanawaha Division

Hazen, Wm. B., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Chattanooga;
  ordered in arrest by Sheridan at Dandridge;
  good qualities and faults of;
  released on mediation of General Cox.

Heintzelman, Samuel P., major general United States Volunteers,
  temporarily commanding Franklin's corps.

Henderson, Thos. J., colonel 112th Ill., commanding brig, in Cox's division 23d army corps,
  absence on account of illness;
  brevet brigadier general;
  in advance up right bank Cape Fear River

Heth, Henry, brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  in West Virginia;
  at Pearisburg;
  at narrows of New River;
  French's;
  defeated by Crook at Lewisburg, West Virginia

Hill, Ambrose P., major general Confederate States Army,
  at Bull Run bridge;
  at Harper's Ferry;
  at Antietam.

Hill, Benj. H.,
  goes to Richmond to ask that Johnston be reinforced;
  correspondence with Seddon;
  visits Union army to obtain body of son and confer with Sherman.

Hill, Chas. W., brigadier general Ohio Valley Infantry,
  in West Virginia

Hill, Daniel H., major general Confederate States Army,
  left to guard Richmond;
  rearguard in Maryland;
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam;
  commanding at Augusta, Georgia, ordered to join Johnston in North Carolina;
  reports to Bragg at Kinston;
  captures many prisoners from Upham's brigade;
  attack on hastily intrenched line repulsed;
  forces of, at Kinston.

Hines, Jonathan D., major 12th Ohio,
  in charge of scouts in W, Virginia;
  on reconnoitring expeditions;
  in charge of sentinels in rear on retreat from Big Sewell Mountain

Hines, Thos. H.,
  captain cavalry in Morgan's raid.

Hitchcock, Ethan A., major general United States Volunteers,
  chairman committee to revise Articles of War, and army regulations.

Hitchcock, Henry, major and assistant adjutant-general on General Sherman's staff,
  carries "Memorandum" between Sherman and Johnston to Washington;
  brings back disapproval--and Grant.

Hobson, Edw. H., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in Morgan raid.

Hoffman, Wm.,
  colonel and comm's'y of prisoners at Washington.

Hofmann, J. Wm., lieutenant colonel 56th Pennsylvania,
  succeeds to command of brigade, at Antietam.

Hoke, Robt. F., major general Confederate States Army,
  at Federal Point, North Carolina;
  retreats when General Cox threatens Wilmington;
  opposes advance of General Cox at Kinston;
  routs Upham's brigade of new troops;
  repulsed by Carter;
  repulsed again with heavy loss;
  offer to exchange prisoners declined.

Holden, Wm. W., leader of Union element in North Carolina,
  joins Graham's peace delegation,
  mentioned.

Holmes, Wm. W., major, surgeon 12th Ohio,
  brigadier surgeon on General Cox's staff;
  dies of consumption.

Holmes Co., Ohio,
  armed resistance to draft.

Hood, John B., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam;
  mentioned;
  rosy picture of condition of Johnston's army;
  corps increased;
  at Resaca;
  at New Hope Church;
  repulses Hooker's assault;
  attacks advanced brigades of Hooker's and Schofield's corps at Kolb's farm;
  succeeds Johnston, and assumes aggressive;
  criticism of Johnston;
  involved in disputes with Hardee and Cheatham as well as Johnston;
  reputation for accuracy and candor damaged;
  appointment gives satisfaction to Union army;
  unsuccessful attacks on Union forces at Peachtree Creek;
    Atlanta;
    Ezra Church;
  at Jonesboro;
  evacuates Atlanta;
  reports refusal of his army to attack intrenched positions;
  forces of, Aug. 1st;
    Sept. 20th;
  absurd minimizing of his losses in battle;
  depression in his army;
  changes his subordinate officers;
  plans to renew struggle;
  recrosses Chattahoochee;
  fails to injure Sherman's communications;
  futile October campaign;
  plans for invasion of Tennessee;
  repulsed at Decatur, Alabama;
  delays crossing the Tennessee River;
  ordered by Beauregard to resume offensive at once;
  adopts tactics of skirmishing advance while looking for ways to turn Schofield's position;
  terrible repulse at Franklin, where described;
  takes position at Nashville;
  at battle of Nashville;
  escapes owing to cold rainstorms and impassable roads;
  severe losses at Franklin, Nashville, and on retreat;
  forces of Jan. 20, 1864;
  part of his army present at battle of Kinston, North Carolina;
  constitutes bulk of those who capitulated with Johnston.

Hooker, Jos., major general United States Volunteers,
  assigned to command Porter's corps;
  afterwards, McDowell's;
  in pursuit of Lee;
  at South Mountain;
  Burnside's stinging reply to untrue report of, note;
  ordered to extreme right at Antietam;
  his march;
  at battle of Antietam;
  wounded and retires;
  sent with two corps to reinforce Rosecrans at Chattanooga;
  at Tunnel Hill;
  assault on Rocky Face, fails;
  at Snake Creek Gap;
  at Resaca;
  ordered to cross Oostanaula at Newtown;
  instead, takes route assigned to Schofield and delays latter;
  does same at crossing of Etowah;
  assaults confederate lines at New Hope Church repulsed;
  movements near;
  repulses attack by Hood's corps at Kolb's farm;
  reports whole of Johnston's army in his immediate front;
  reinforced;
  at Peachtree Creek;
  offended at Howard's promotion to command Army of Tennessee;
  unacceptable to Halleck, retires from active service.

Hopkins, Henry H.,
  notorious secessionist in Kanawha valley;
  controversy with General Cox over escaped slave.

Hosea, Lewis M.,
  captain on General Wilson's staff, adventurous ride through Georgia and
    back to carry dispatches to Sherman.

Hovey, Alvin P., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Dalton;
  at Rocky Face;
  handling of division not satisfactory to Schofield;
  who asks his removal;
  Sherman declines to remove;
  at Snake Creek Gap;
  at Resaca;
  hindered by Hooker on march to Cassville;
  movements near New Hope Church;
  tenders resignation as division commander;
  its acceptance recommended by Sherman;
  promoted to be major general by brevet, on political grounds;
  Sherman's indignation;
  honored above other brigadiers in same corps who outranked him and
    were rendering distinguished service.

Howard, Oliver O., major general United States Volunteers,
  commands 4th army corps;
  at Tunnel Hill;
  at Rocky Face;
  at Dalton;
  at Resaca;
  comes to support of Cox;
  holds position captured by Cox;
  crosses at Resaca;
  turns confederate right at Pickett's Mill;
  at Olley's Creek;
  at Peachtree Creek;
  commands Army of the Tennessee;
  at battle of Ezra Church;
  at Jonesboro;
  accompanies Sherman's march to the sea;
  turns Johnston's left at Bentonville;
  on march to Raleigh.

Howe, Albion P., captain 4th U. S. artillery,
  in West Virginia

Humes, Rev. Thos. W., S. T. D.,
  loyalty and learning;
  President of E. Tennessee University;
  author of "The Loyal Mountaineers of Tennessee".

Humphreys, Benj. G., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  assaults Ft. Sanders.

Hunter, David, major general United States Volunteers,
  sent to inspect army at Chattanooga;
  report concerning Grant.

Hurlbut, Stephen A.,
  appointed major general

Illinois Troops,
  19th Infantry;
  65th Infantry;
  112th Infantry;
  5th Cavalry;
  Barker's Cavalry;
  Schambeck's Indiana Cavalry

Inactivity in field, evil results of.

Indiana Troops,
  6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 14th, and 15th Infantry;
  33rd Infantry;
  51st Infantry;
  63rd Infantry;
  65th Infantry;
  70th Infantry;
  23d Cavalry

Information of enemy's strength, how gained.

Inspector General, important duties of.

Intemperance in army officers, evils of.

Interference with lines of march of other columns condemned;
  illustrations.

Irvine, James, colonel 16th Ohio,
  fails to intercept remnant of Garnett's force.

Irwin, Wm. H., colonel 49th Pennsylvania,
  commanding brigade at Antietam.

Jackson, Thos. J. ("Stonewall"),
  defeated at Kernstown;
  defeats Milroy at McDowell;
  Banks in Shenandoah valley;
  captures Manassas Junction, burns Bull Run bridge;
  at Antietam.

Jackson, Wm. H., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  commanding division in Forrest's cavalry

Jenifer, W. H.,
  colonel at Princeton, West Virginia

Jenkins, A. G.,
  colonel of cavalry under Floyd;
  trapped by Frizell at Hawk's Nest;
  cavalry raid in West Virginia;
  opposed by Cranor;
  covers Loring's retreat;
    and Echols';
  abandons Tyler Mountain;
  forces of.

Jenkins, Micah, brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Wauhatchie;
  in E. Tennessee

Johnson, Andrew, Mil. Governor of Tennessee,
  asks to have E. Tennessee troops returned to their homes;
  Governor of Tennessee

Johnson's Island, Sandusky Bay,
  military prison;
  plot to release confederate prisoners at, defeated;
  description of, and surroundings;
  treatment of prisoners.

Johnson, Richard W., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in Tennessee;
  at Battle of Nashville.

Johnston, Jos. E., lieutenant general Confederate States Army,
  resigns commission in U. S. army;
  McClellan's principal opponent;
  urged by Longstreet to unite with him near Knoxville;
  ordered to assist Polk near Meridian;
  prevented from doing either by demonstration of Thomas;
  appointed as successor to Bragg;
  expected to assume aggressive;
  objects;
  prolonged discussion;
  lack of enterprise;
  bent on defensive campaign;
  demands reinforcements;
  unsatisfactory relations with Davis;
  forces opposed to Sherman;
  skilful avoidance of battle in the open;
  fails to anticipate McPherson's move;
  fortifies Resaca, abandons Dalton;
  evacuates Resaca;
  careful defensive;
  decides to give battle near Adairsville;
  concludes not to;
  retreats to Kingston and Cassville;
  issues orders to join battle at Cassville;
  revokes them on statements of Hood and Polk that Union left (General Cox) enfiladed their position;
  retreats across the Etowah;
  abandons New Hope lines;
  lets go Pine Mountain;
  withdraws left flank behind Mud Creek;
  abandons lines about Marietta;
  retires behind Chattahoochee;
  relations with confederate administration reach a crisis;
  gives Davis no encouragement that he will hold Atlanta or attack enemy;
  had he revealed his plans would have been retained;
  demands that Hood be courtmartialed;
  removal equivalent to a Union victory;
  attacks at Peachtree Creek and Atlanta made in accordance with his plans;
  underestimate of his forces;
  assumes command in the Carolinas;
  forces at his disposal;
  foresees importance of checking Schofield's advance;
  orders Bragg to strike at General Cox;
  attacks Slocum at Bentonville;
  repulsed;
  losses at Averasborough and Bentonville;
  at Raleigh;
  requests armistice;
  confers with Davis;
  declares further prosecution of war hopeless;
  sends dispatch to Sherman requesting conference;
  distress when advised of Lincoln's assassination;
  admits slavery is dead;
  will surrender all armies east of Mississippi;
  notified of termination of truce;
  signs capitulation on terms granted to Lee;
  form of parole;
  asks for loan of confederate animals and enough arms to enforce discipline;
  capitulation includes all east of Chattahoochee River;
  reply to Sherman's farewell letter;
  orders to Hampton;
  sends Hardee to confer with Schofield about details;
  meets Schofield and Cox;
  unable to approximate number of troops to be paroled;
  praises Sherman and his army;
  "no such army since days of Julius Cassar";
  gives up struggle without bitterness;
  denounces assassination of Lincoln;
  scrupulous integrity illustrated;
  moves southward with his troops.

Jomini,
  importance of his books to theoretical training of an officer.

Jones, David R., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Jones, John R., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Antietam.

Jones, Samuel, major general Confederate States Army,
  commanding in E. Tennessee;
  forces of;
  retreats and burns bridges;
  resumes the aggressive;
  driven out of E. Tennessee

Judah, Henry M., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding division in 23d army corps;
  on Morgan raid;
  at Dalton;
  at Rocky Face;
  near Resaca;
  on march to Cassville;
  hindered by Hooker;
  relieved.

Kanawha Division,
  training of;
  marching powers;
  hardiness and self-reliance;
  composition of;
  marches 90 miles over rough mountain roads in 3-1/2 days;
  transferred to Washington;
  train of, supplies 9th army corps with rations;
  two regiments report to Pope at Warrenton;
  two resist Jackson at Bull Run bridge;
  rest occupy defences about Washington;
  united again;
  temporarily attached to 9th Corps;
  takes advance from Washington to South Mountain;
  reviewed and praised by General Reno;
  wrongly accused of straggling and pillaging;
  at the Monocacy;
  captures Fox's Gap and turns confederate position at South Mountain;
  opposed to more than double its number;
  fine conduct of;
  losses at South Mountain;
  captures 600 prisoners;
  on march to Antietam;
  divided just before battle of Antietam;
  at Antietam;
  ordered to Clarksburg, West Virginia;
  leaves Army of the Potomac.

Kanawha River,
  course and character of;
  advance of General Cox up;
  impracticability of invading E. Virginia by this line;
  unpublished letters and dispatches relating to campaign in;
  abandoned by Lightburn;
  annexed to Department of the Ohio;
  recovered and occupied by General Cox.

Kautz, August V., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  pursues Morgan raiders.

Kearney, Philip, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  killed at Chantilly.

Keith, F. M., major 117th Ohio,
  defends Hamilton, Ohio, against Morgan raiders.

Kelley, B. F.,
  colonel 1st West Virginia;
  takes Philippi, West Virginia;
  character and services of;
  under McClellan;
  commands upper Potomac;
  guards B. & Official Records R.

Kelley, Wm., jailer at Charleston, West Virginia,
  denounced.

Kennedy, Robt. P.,
  lieutenant and assistant adjutant-general on Scammon's staff.

Kentucky Troops,
  1st Infantry;
  2nd Infantry;
    threatened mutiny;
    mentioned;
  14th Infantry;
  16th Infantry;
  20th Infantry;
  24th Infantry;
  5th Cavalry;
  9th Cavalry;
  11th Cavalry;
  Simmonds' battery in West Virginia;
  attached to Kanawha division;
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Ketchum, Edgar, lieutenant signal corps U. S. A.,
  at Cape Fear River

Key, Thos. M.,
  Democratic leader in Ohio Senate;
  thought people gone stark mad;
  supports war measures;
  aide-de-camp on McClellan's staff;
  satisfied slavery ought to be abolished;
  influence over McClellan.

Kilpatrick, Judson, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding cavalry at Resaca;
  covers Union left at Bentonville;
  on march to Raleigh;
  clatters through Raleigh;
  thinks Johnston not to be trusted;
  furnishes escort for Sherman on way to meet Johnston;
  attached to Schofield's command.

Kimball, Nathan, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding division in 4th army corps;
  displaced by assignment of Couch to the corps.

Kinglake's Crimean War,
  published in 1863;
  read with interest by General Cox;
  inspires him with hope and confidence in Union army.

Kingsbury, Henry W., colonel 11th Conn.,
  at Antietam;
  killed at Burnside bridge.

Kinston, North Carolina,
  situation of;
  field works before;
  battles of;
  confederate ironclad in Neuse River destroyed;
  map of vicinity;
  occupied by Union forces;
  base of supplies.

Knights of the Golden Circle.

Knoxville, E. Tennessee,
  situation and fortifications;
  invested by Longstreet.

Kolb's (Culp's) Farm,
  battle of.

Kountz, W. J.,
  captain in charge of water transportation on Kanawha.

La Grange, Oscar H., colonel 1st Wisc. Cavalry,
  at Sevierville, E. Tennessee;
  captured by Wheeler at Dalton.

Lane, P. P., captain in 11th Ohio,
  bridges Elk River at Charleston, West Virginia;
  manages ferries across Kanawha, improvises ferryboats, etc.;
  later colonel of regiment.

Laurel Mountain,
  fortified and held by Garnett.

Lawton, Alex. R., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Antietam;
  wounded.

Leavitt, Humphrey H., Judge U. S. District Court. Cincinnati,
  hears Vallandigham habeas corpus case and refuses writ;
  good effects of his decision;
  issues writs of habeas corpus for release of minors enlisting without parents' consent.

Lee, FitzHugh, brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at South Mountain

Lee, Robt. E.,
  resigns commission in U. S. Army;
  appointed major general and commander in chief of Virginia forces;
  plans invasion of West Virginia;
  arrives at Lewisburg, West Virginia, and takes command of army;
  at Big Sewell Mountain;
  retires to Meadow Bluff;
  admits quieting effect of Cox's administration in Kanawha valley;
  moves into Maryland;
  accurate information as to Cox's transfer to Washington;
  unites with Jackson;
  concentrates near Frederick, Maryland;
  copy of orders for Maryland campaign falls into McClellan's hands;
  escapes disaster by McClellan's slowness;
  withdraws to Sharpsburg;
  plans with reference to McClellan's lack of aggressiveness;
  force greatly inferior to McClellan's for two days before battle;
  enabled to concentrate whole army except one division;
  left wing almost destroyed at Antietam;
  had no better success than western generals when opposed to Grant;
  orders Loring to clear Kanawha valley;
  learned that General Cox was ordered to return to Kanawha valley within three days after order was issued;
  defeated at Gettysburg;
  suggests Beauregard as successor to Bragg;
  declines to assume command of Bragg's army;
  deference and cordiality in dealings with confederate administration;
  urges union of Johnston and Longstreet and aggressive campaign;
  becomes as cautiously defensive as Johnston;
  general in chief of Confederate States Army;
  sees net closing around him;
  too weak to extend lines at Petersburg;
  unable to unite with Johnston;
  surrender reported to Davis and Johnston.

Lee, S. D., lieutenant general Confederate States Army,
  in Department of the Mississippi;
  at Jonesboro;
  ordered to Atlanta;
  commands Hood's old corps;
  at Flint River;
  at Columbia;
  wounded at Nashville, turns command over to D. H. Hill.

Lee, Samuel P., rear admiral U. S. N.,
  in command of river fleets co-operating with Thomas;
  transports A. J. Smith's corps to Eastport.

Letcher, John, Governor of Virginia,
  proclaims secession of State, transfers Virginia troops to Confederate States Army.

Liberty of speech,
  abused by Vallandigham and followers.

Lightburn, Jos. A. J., colonel 4th West Virginia;
  character of;
  protects line of supplies, Kanawha division;
  suppresses guerillas;
  left in command of Kanawha district, when General Cox was transferred to Washington;
  Lee learns forces of;
  destroys stores and bridges, and retreats down valley;
  retreat panicky and unnecessary;
advances up valley under General Cox;
relieved of command of division.

Lincoln, Abraham, President of U. S.,
  restores McClellan to command;
  embarrassed by dissensions of officers;
  grants all of McClellan's requests;
  distrusted by his party;
  Emancipation Proclamation;
  visits battlefield of Antietam;
  urges McClellan to follow up his success;
  military sagacity;
  exceeds authority in appointing major and brig, generals;
  proclamation against treasonable practices;
  commutes Vallandigham's sentence;
  practically revokes his own proclamation and Burnside's order No. 38;
  ardent wish to relieve loyal E. Tenneseeans;
  quaint description of Grant;
  congratulates Burnside;
  authorizes him to hold E. Tennessee;
  anxious about B.'s safety;
  approves B.'s conduct in E. Tennessee;
  makes promotions on political grounds;
  congratulates Sherman;
  popular estimate of, better than politicians';
  policy as to confederate States on submission announced to and followed by Sherman;
authorizes Virginia legislature to assemble;
  recalls permission;
  policy opposed and criticised by Stanton;
  funeral cortÉge photographed, in New York City Hall;
  in Richmond, when Stanton orders prayers for the President of the U. S. to be read in churches.

Logan, John A., major general United States Volunteers,
  at Huntsville, Alabama;
  commands 15th army corps;
  sent to Illinois to stump State;
  why not promoted to command Army of the Tennessee;
  praised by Sherman for his handling of that army at battle of Atlanta.

Long, Eli, colonel 4th Ohio Cavalry,
  on relief expedition to Knoxville,

Longstreet, James, major general Confederate States Army,
  unites with Jackson against Pope;
  at Boonsboro, Maryland;
  at South Mountain;
  withdraws to Sharpsburg;
  at Antietam;
  no more successful than western generals when transferred to the West;
  sent to reinforce Bragg;
  at Chickamauga;
  moves on Knoxville;
  invests city;
  assaults Ft. Sanders;
  repulsed;
  raises siege and retires toward Virginia;
  at Rutledge, E. Tennessee;
  at Morristown;
  lack of clothing and supplies;
  attacks Union forces at Dandridge;
  admits defeat at Sevierville;
  plans of campaign;
  forces, opposed to Schofield;
  ordered to rejoin Lee's army;
  later to join Johnston;
  again to report to Lee.

Loomis, Cyrus O., colonel 1st Mich, Artillery in West Virginia

Loring, Wm. W.,
  brigadier general Confederate States Army, in West Virginia;
  reinforces Lee;
  sent to Stanton;
  commanding all West Virginia forces;
  ordered to push things in West Virginia;
  attacks Siber, and is repulsed;
  drives Lightburn out of Kanawha valley;
  retreats on arrival of General Cox;
  relieved from command;
  forces of.

Love, John, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  defends Vernon, Indiana, against Morgan raiders.

Lowe, John W., colonel 12th Ohio,
  at Scary Creek, West Virginia;
  killed at Carnifex Ferry.

Lowe, Wm. W., colonel 5th Indiana commanding 3rd Cavalry Division,
  protects railway in rear of Sherman's advance.

Lyons, Lord, British Ambassador,
  reports plot to release confederate prisoners;

Lytle, Wm. H., colonel 10th Ohio;
  wounded at Carnifex Ferry.

McArthur, John, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at battle of Nashville.

McCallum, Dan'l C., superintendent of transportation,
  inspects Nashville and Chattanooga railroad;
  suggests needed improvements.

McClellan, Geo. B.,
  consulted by Governor Dennison;
  personal appearance;
  appointed major general Ohio Valley Infantry;
  inspects Ohio State arsenal;
  selects site for Camp Dennison;
  takes General Cox's regiments to West Virginia;
  appointed major general in regular army;
  victory at Philippi credited to;
  moves against Garnett;
  Pegram surrenders to;
  appointed commander Army of the Potomac;
  rhetorical dispatches contrasted with personal demeanor;
  characteristic faults shown in first campaign;
  relieved from command of all other forces except Army of Potomac;
  at Alexandria, Virginia;
  greets General Cox cordially, explains importance of his duties;
  discusses Peninsular campaign;
  dress and popular bearing;
  in command again;
  cheered by Pope's army;
  habitual overestimate of Lee's army;
  victim or accomplice of secret service;
  false estimates fatal to success;
  predicted Pope's defeat;
  responsible for delay in Franklin's movement;
  Porter and Franklin reassigned to their commands and McDowell
    relieved at his request;
  plenary powers;
  slow advance in pursuit of Lee;
  secures copy of Lee's orders;
  loses his advantage by delay;
  at South Mountain;
  breaks up organization of his army on eve of battle;
  examines battlefield under fire;
  does not appreciate importance of time;
  personally selects positions for different divisions;
  plan of battle at Antietam;
  dilatory habits and orders responsible for failure to crush Lee;
  no co-ordination of corps movements;
  orders Burnside to attack;
  unjust criticism of 9th Corps advance;
  fails to support 9th Corps when attacked by fresh troops from
    Harper's Ferry;
  talks with General Cox;
  politics;
  consults his officers about emancipation proclamation;
  issues General Order No. 163;
  tempted to assume dictatorship;
  chafes at Lincoln's suggestion to follow up victory;
  defeats Lincoln's plans without openly antagonizing;
  compared to Marshal Daun;
  weakened morale of army;
  removed from command;
  "Own Story" exposes his weakness;
  confidential relations with Burnside;
  favoritism toward Porter;
  jealous of Burnside;
  unjust reprimand of B. in unsigned dispatch;
  effect of reprimand on their relations;
  not assigned to duty again;
  superior to any other commander of Army of Potomac until Grant came.

McCook, Alex. McD.,
  inspector and mustering officer at Camp Jackson;
  colonel 1st Ohio Inf;
  opinion on expediency of Rosecrans' advance.

McCook, Daniel, major and paymaster U. S. A.,
  mortally wounded in fight with Morgan raiders.

McCook, Edw. M., brigadier general U. S. Cavalry,
  at Sevierville, E. Tennessee;
  rejoins Thomas;
  covers left flank at Varnell's;
  defeated by Wheeler;
  useful scouting in Atlanta campaign.

McCook, Robt., colonel 9th Ohio;
  at Carnifex Ferry;
  Cross Lanes;
  character of;
  brigade attached to Cox's command;
  "Battle of Bonticou";
  at Gauley Bridge;
  advance on Fayette courthouse

McCoy, James C., major and aide-de-camp on Sherman's staff,
  opens communication with Johnston.

McDowell, Irvin, major general United States Volunteers,
  maps country about Washington;
  disliked by McClellan;
  under McC.'s orders at Washington;
  absence from his command before second battle of Bull Run,
    disarranges Pope's plans;
  relieved at McClellan's request;
  requests Court of Inquiry;
  unscrupulously maligned;
  ordered before a courtmartial.

McElroy, Jas. N.,
  captain and assistant adjutant-general on General Cox's staff;
  appointed major 20th Ohio;
  lieutenant colonel, returns to duty on General Cox's staff as inspector general.

McLaws, Lafayette,
  major general Confederate States Army;
  at Antietam;
  in E. Tennessee;
  commands troops on evacuation of Charleston.

McLean, N. H.,
  major and assistant adjutant-general at Cincinnati;
  accused of disloyalty and sent to Pacific coast;
  Burnside's protest.

McMullin, Jas. R., captain 1st Ohio Battalion;
  attached to Kanawha division;
  at South Mountain

McPherson, Jas. B.,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers;
  assigned to command Army of the Tennessee;
  Sherman's right before Dalton;
  goes through Snake Creek Gap, without opposition;
  fails to take Resaca, or break railroad;
  captures position commanding railroad bridge at Resaca, and compels its evacuation;
  march to Kingston;
  crosses the Etowah;
  moves on Dallas;
  repels fierce assault;
  swings over to Ackworth;
  seeks to interpose between Marietta and the Chattahoochee;
  moves to Roswell and crosses Chattahoochee;
  attacked on front and left flank at Atlanta;
  death of, a great loss to army and personal loss to Sherman;
  affability and high character.

McQuiston, John C., colonel 50th Ohio,
  commanding brig, in Ruger's div, 23d army corps at Kinston;
  captures 300 prisoners.

McRae, D. K., colonel 5th North Carolina,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Mackall, W. W., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  chief of staff to Bragg and Johnston;
  removed from that position by Hood.

Magilton, Albert L., colonel 4th Pennsylvania res.
  commanding brigade at Antietam.

Magrath, A. G., Governor of South Carolina,
  says fate of confederate involved in Sherman's march from Savannah;
  mentioned.

Mahone, Wm., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at South Mountain

Mallory, S. R., Secretary of Navy in Davis' cabinet,
  writes letter sent by Johnston to Sherman inviting conference;
  at last cabinet meeting;
  reaches his home after capitulation.

Malloy, A. G., colonel 17th Wisc,
  commanding brigade in Carter's division at Kinston.

Mansfield, Jos. K. F., major general United States Volunteers,
  assigned to command Banks' (12th) corps;
  at Antietam;
  mortally wounded;
  movements and losses of his corps.

Manson, Mahlon D., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  pursues Morgan raiders;
  commands 2nd division 23d army corps;
  relieved by White;
  in temporary command of corps;
  turns command over to General Cox;
  at Resaca;
  severely injured.

Marcy, Randolph B.,
  father-in-law of General McClellan and chief of staff;
  responsibility for Burnside's reprimand.

Marietta, Georgia,
  military operations near;
  map of vicinity.

Marshall, Humphrey,
  brigadier general Confederate States Army

Martial Law,
  when proper, outside field of military operations;
  declared in S. Ohio counties during Morgan raid.

Martin, Wm. T., major general Confederate States Army,
  in E. Tennessee;
  defeated at Sevierville;
  ordered to join Johnston with cavalry;
  at Calhoun and Resaca.

Mason, John S., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding camps at Columbus;
  ordered to suppress draft riots;
  precautions against plots to release confederate prisoners.

Massachusetts Troops,
  21st;
  27th;
  8th Artillery,

Matthews, Stanley,
  lieutenant colonel 23d Ohio,

Maury, Dabney H., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Mobile.

Maynard, Horace,
  M. C. from E. Tennessee;
  asks to have E. Tennessee regiments returned to their homes;
  influential  representative,

Meade, George G., brigadier general,
  at Antietam;
  succeeds to command of 1st Corps;
  appointed major general;
  inactivity after Gettysburg and consequences;
  excessive caution.

Meagher, Thos. F., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding provisional division of Sherman's convalescents and new recruits;
  leaves his command without authority;
  relieved;
  spicy correspondence concerning;
  command turned over to General Carter.

Measles,
  a dangerous camp disease,

Meigs, Montgomery C., quartermaster general,
  nearly correct estimate of Lee's forces;
  at Chattanooga;
  never saw such roads;
  reports strength of position and confidence of army;
  approves seizure of railroads by Sherman.

Merrill, W. E.,
  colonel and eng., in charge of railroad defences;
  on construction and use of blockhouses.

Michigan Troops,
  18th;
  25th;
  1st Artillery

Military Executions,

Militia,
  contained more well-drilled regiments than regular army at outbreak of war.

Militia, Ohio,
  lack of uniforms and equipment;
  elect their own officers;
  should have been officered by young regular army officers;
  re-enlistment of;
  high character of;
  called out during Morgan raid;
  and to resist attempt to release confederate prisoners.

Miller, D. R.,
  house and barn at Antietam,

Milligan, Lambdin P.,
  condemned to death for treasonable practices by military commission;
  discharged by U. S. Supreme Court.

Milroy, Robt. H.,
  brigadier general in West Virginia;
  defeated by Stonewall Jackson;
  ordered to Kanawha valley;
  character of;
  promotion urged by Governor Morton;
  lack of transportation;
  at Beverly;
  controversy with Col. Cluseret;
  lacked judgment.

Minors,
  enlisting without parents' consent, how released,

Missionary Ridge,
  depressing effect of loss on confederacy;
  natural strength of;
  no commander would have ordered front attack.

Monocacy River,
  skirmish at.

"Montauk," monitor,
  excellent practice in bombardment of Ft. Anderson, North Carolina,

Moor, August, colonel 28th Ohio,
  in West Virginia;
  at Raleigh courthouse;
  at Princeton;
  at Wolf Creek;
  French's;
  commanding 2nd brigade Kanawha division;
  at the Monocacy, captured;
  paroled;
  valuable hint.

Moore, Orlando H., colonel 25th Michigan,
  repulses Morgan's attack on Green River bridge;
  commanding brigade in 23d army corps;
  at Columbia;
  in movement up right bank, Cape Fear River

Morehead, John M., ex-Governor of North Carolina,
  entertains Schofield and Cox at Greensborough;
  war experiences of family.

Morell, Geo. W., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam,

Morgan, Edwin D., major general United States Volunteers,
  resigns.

Morgan, Geo. W., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  Cumberland Gap expedition;
  bad condition of command;
  E. Tennessee and Kentucky troops discontented;
  in Kanawha valley;
  ordered to Cincinnati.

Morgan, John H., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  raid into Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio;
  captured and imprisoned in Ohio penitentiary;
  escapes;
  futility of raid from military standpoint;
  wholly unauthorized.

Morris, Thos. A.,
  brigadier general commanding Indiana brigade;
  takes Philippi, West Virginia;
  pursues Garnett;
  captures cannon and wagons.

Morton, Oliver P., war Governor of Indiana,
  favors Milroy's promotion;
  urges appointment of Rosecrans to succeed Buell;
  dominant influence in Indiana appointments and promotions;
  asks for detail of army officers to stump State.

Mott, Samuel R., colonel 118th Ohio,
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Mossy Creek

Mountain Department,
  constituted, and FrÉmont placed in command;
  abolished when FrÉmont relieved.

Mountain Howitzers,
  use of.

Mower, Jos. A., brigadier general U. S. A.,
  recommended by Sherman to succeed Sooy Smith in cavalry command;
  promoted major general on mistaken report that he had defeated and killed Forrest.

Mumma House,
  at Antietam.

Myers, Jas. H., captain 23d Indiana Bat.,
  at Cheney's.

Nagle, James, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Nashville,
  situation and lines of communication;
  fortified and garrisoned;
  conditions before battle of;
  map of part of battlefield;
  Schofield and Wilson's attack at.

Neff, Geo. W., lieutenant colonel 2nd Kentucky,
  captures Guyandotte, West Virginia;
  taken prisoner at Scary Creek;
  defends Camp Dennison against Morgan raiders.

New Berne, North Carolina,
  base of supply for Sherman's army.

New Hope Church,
  fighting at;
  formidable character of works.
New Jersey,
  Taylor's brigade, disorderly retreat from Bull Run bridge;
  honorable exceptions;
  13th Infantry at Antietam.

Newspaper Correspondents,
  difficulties of officers in field with;
  "write down" some;
  and make fictitious reputations for others.

Newton, John, major general United States Volunteers,
  assigned to command Sheridan's division, 4th army corps;
  at Rocky Face, Georgia

New York Seventh Regiment,
  equal in drill to West Point cadets;
  furnished 300 officers for other volunteer regiments.

New York Troops,
  51st;
  6th Cavalry, attached to Kanawha division temporarily;
  12th Cavalry, at Kinston;
  4th Heavy Artillery, reports to General Cox.

Night retreats,
  not to be commended, panicky conditions.

Noble County, Ohio,
  resists the draft.

Non-Combatants,
  usual treatment of;
  losses and perils of, in field of operations;
  straits of.

Officers,
  qualifications of good;
  business training helpful to;
  Union, usually serving in grades above their rank;
  unfit, retained upon roster, deprived capable, of their just reward;
  best qualities not learned at school;
  good subordinates not always fit for high command.

Official Returns,
  preferable to general estimates of commanding generals;
  of confederate forces in North Carolina confessedly defective.

Ohio Democrats,
  at first opposed to putting down secession;
  revulsion of feeling after bombardment of Sumter;
  nominate Vallandigham for Governor.

Ohio Senate,
  when bombardment of Sumter announced;
  members drill on State House terrace.

Ohio State Election, fall of '63,
  excitement attending;
  soldiers vote in;
  overwhelming defeat of Vallandigham;
  good effect of, felt throughout North.

Ohio Troops,
  in general;
  1st;
  3rd;
  4th;
  5th;
  7th;
  8th;
  9th;
  10th;
  11th;
  12th;
  13th;
  14th and 15th;
  16th;
  17th;
  18th;
  19th;
  20th;
  21st;
  22nd;
  23d;
  26th;
  28th;
  30th;
  34th;
  37th;
  40th;
  42nd;
  44th and 47th;
  50th;
  52nd;
  61st;
  89th, 91st, and 92nd;
  93rd;
  100th;
  103rd;
  104th;
  115th;
  118th;
  125th;
  Cavalry, see BURDSALL, LONG, and PFAU;
  Artillery, see BARNETT, COCKERILL, and McMULLIN.

Osterhaus, Peter J., brig, general,
  promoted major general on political grounds;
  returns to 15th army corps, and serves throughout war.

Paine, Chas. J., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding div of colored troops at Federal Ft., N C..

Palmer, Innes N., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Beaufort, North Carolina;
  Batchelder's Creek;
  Gum Swamp;
  in front of British Road;
  ordered to support Carter;
  and demonstrate toward Southwest Creek;
  exaggerated impression of enemy's strength;
  at second battle of Kinston;
  division incorporated with Carter's under command of latter;
  commands District of Beaufort.

Palmer, John M.,
  major general United States Volunteers;
  at Tunnel Hill;
  in Snake Creek Gap;
  at Resaca;
  crosses river at Resaca, following Howard;
  deprived of Davis' division;
  complains;
  corps reunited;
  at Peachtree Creek

Parke, John G.,
  Burnside's chief of staff;
  character and services;
  appointed major general;
  assigned to command 9th army corps;
  sent to Vicksburg with corps;
  returns and goes on sick leave;
  leads 9th army corps to Cumberland Gap;
  chief of staff in E. Tennessee;
  in command 9th army corps;
  meeting with Grant;
  at Dandridge;
  resists Longstreet's advance toward Knoxville;
  health impaired;
  resumes staff position.

Paroles,
  for Johnston's army prepared by Schofield;
  General Hartsuff takes charge of their issue;
  difficulty of ascertaining number required;
  number actually paroled;
  speedy accomplishment of.

Parsons, L. B., colonel quartermaster's department,
  supervises transfer of 23d army corps from Clifton, Tennessee, to Washington.

Partisan Rangers,
  organized under confederate auspices, little better than guerillas,
  methods of, condemned by Stuart;
      Lee;
      and Rosser

Patrick, Marsena B., brig, general,
  reports to General Cox in lines about Washington;
  appointed provost marshal with extended powers to prevent straggling
  at Antietam

Peachtree Creek, battle of;
  planned by Johnston, fought by Hood

Pearisburg, Virginia, operations near

Pegram, John, lieutenant colonel,
  held position at Rich Mountain;
  attacked in rear by Rosecrans;
  surrenders to McClellan.

Peirpoint, F. H., Governor of West Virginia;
  holds rebel sympathizers as hostages for safety of Union men;
  courts established by, ignored;
  calls for help in West Virginia

Pemberton, John C., lieutenant general Confederate States Army,
  surrenders Vicksburg.

Peninsular Campaign,
  discussed by McClellan.

Pennsylvania Troops,
  10th res. infantry;
  51st;
  8th Cavalry;
  Bat. D.

Perry, Hon. Aaron F.,
  attorny for Burnside in Vallandigham habeas corpus case.

Pfan, Philip, captain 3rd Ohio ind. cavalry,
  at Princeton, West Virginia

Phelps, Walter, Jr., colonel 22nd New York,
  at Antietam.

Philippi, West Virginia,
  captured by Morris.

Pickett's Mill, Georgia,
  operations at.

Pine Mountain, E. Tennessee,
  difficulties of ascent.

Piper's house,
  at Antietam.

Pleasanton, Alfred, brigadier general
  commanding cavalry division Army of Potomac;
  at South Mountain;
  classmate of McClellan.

Poe, Orlando M., lieutenant of topographical engineers on coast survey.
  assists Governor Dennison in organizing regiments;
  engineer on Burnside's staff, E. Tennessee;
  removes heavy pontoon bridge from Loudon to Knoxville;
  fortifies Knoxville;
  describes privations during siege;
  praises Cox's movement retiring left wing at Dalton;
  fortifies Allatoona;
  examines Cox's position south of Olley's Creek

Poffenberger, J.,
  house and barn at Antietam.

Political Appointments,
  mostly lawyers;
  political leaders naturally foremost in enlisting men;
  President selected from these officers for 3 months service;
  not bad, if method adopted to get rid of known incompetents;
  evils in actual practice;
  condemned by Governor Tod;

Polk, Leonidas, lieutenant general C. S, A.,
  opposes Sherman in Mississippi;
  urges Johnston's appointment as successor to Bragg;
  commands Army of the Mississippi;
  reinforced;
  urges reconciliation of Johnston with Davis;
  ordered to reinforce Johnston;
  concentrates at Rome;
  at Resaca;
  position between Dallas and New Hope Church;
  killed at Pine Mountain;
  underestimate of his own forces.

Pontoons, canvas,
  unequalled for field use, but unfit for permanent bridges.

Pope, John, captain,
  consulted by Governor Dennison;
  commands Army of Virginia;
  orders ridiculed;
  drafted under direction of Stanton;
  admits bad taste of;
  hostility of Army of the Potomac;
  General Cox ordered to join, with Kanawha division;
  disliked by McClellan;
  retires within defences of Washington after second Battle of Bull Run;
  army affronts him by cheering McClellan;
  character and mistakes of;
  unfair treatment of;
  general conduct of campaign skilful;
  plans disarranged by McDowell's absence from his command and Porter's inactivity;
  slow movement of Peninsular Army to his relief;
  prefers charges against Porter and Franklin;
  permanently retired from active service;
  orders on assuming command disapproved by Lincoln and McClellan;
  sarcastically criticised by Fitz-John Porter;

Porter, David D., rear admiral with fleet off Cape Fear;
  visited by Schofield and Cox;
  transports Sherman from City Point to New Berne.

Porter, Fitz-John, major general United States Volunteers,
  inaction before second battle of Bull Run;
  relieved from duty and corps assigned to Hooker;
  reinstated at McClellan's request;
  on march, South Mountain to Antietam;
  classmate and intimate friend of McClellan;
  in reserve at Antietam;
  with John W. Garret at McClellan's headquarters;
  letters to Burnside forwarded to Washington;
  sarcastic comments in, most damaging evidence against Porter;
  becomes unfriendly to Burnside;
  notoriously favored by McClellan;
  extraordinary effort to make a record against Burnside;
  erroneous report in regard to withdrawal of Burnside's corps at Antietam;
  ordered before a court-martial;
  cashiered.

Porterfield, G. A.,
  colonel commanding confederate forces at Philippi, West Virginia

Potter, Robt. B., colonel 51st N.Y.,
  at Antietam;
  president military commission to try Vallandigham;
  commanding division in 9th army corps, returns from Vicksburg ill and unfit for service;
  commands 9th army corps temporarily.

"Present for Duty,"
  only fair basis of comparison between Union and Confederate armies;
  See EFFECTIVE TOTAL.

Presstman, Stephen W., major and church engineer on Johnston's staff,
  marks out defences at Resaca.

Prices in Confederacy in 1864.

Princeton, West Virginia,
  battle of.

Privations of officers,
  when marching without baggage.

Probate Court, Hamilton Co., Ohio,
  tries to arrest U. S. officers for contempt of court.

Promotions,
  affected by politics;
  should be based on merit alone;
  evil tendency of opposite policy;
  those recommended by Sherman for promotion on account of distinguished services in Atlanta campaign could not be advanced because vacancies had already been filled by appointments made on political grounds.

Pugh, Geo. E.,
  counsel for Vallandigham;
  visits V. in Canada.

Raglan, L'd,
  dependence on what Wellington would have done.

Railroads,
  in Kentucky and Tennessee seized and administered by Sherman in interests of his army;
  system of defences for.

Raleigh, North Carolina,
  occupied by Union troops;
  abject terror of inhabitants;
  guarded by General Cox;
  measures taken to prevent outbreak on news of Lincoln's assassination.

Raleigh courthouse, West Virginia

Ransom, Robt., major general Confederate States Army,
  in E. Tennessee;
  transferred to cavalry command.

Rawlins, John A., brigadier general United States Volunteers, chief of staff for General Grant,
  sent to St. Louis to hurry reinforcements to Thomas.

Raymond, H. J.,
  correspondence with Stanton about photograph of Lincoln cortÈge in City Hall, New York.

Reagan, John H., p. m. general in Davis' cabinet,
  excluded from conference between Sherman and Johnston;
  draft of agreement presented by Johnston and rejected by Sherman;
  at last cabinet meeting;
  captured with Davis.

Rear-guard,
  place of honor on retreat.

Regimental Histories,
  value to the historian limited to actual experience of regiment, camp gossip about other commands and generals usually worthless.

Regular Army officers,
  should have officered volunteer regiments at the start;
  professionals usually more likely to succeed than amateurs;
  lacked, however, experience in high command or large operations;
  few above rank of captain fit for field service;
  theoretical knowledge comparatively small;
  contempt for books;
  study of strategy and grand tactics, begun after war broke out;
  familiar with post and garrison duty and army regulations;
  slavish adherence to French precedents;
  marked conservatism prevented adoption of new and improved weapons;
  indifference and lack of patriotism;
  unwillingness to go beyond orders;
  spontaneity drilled out of;
  superiority to volunteer officers limited to knowledge of company and battalion drill, army regulations and administration;
  keeping up separate organization with its grades, belittled actual command in military operations, and resulted in grading regular officers who had done little or nothing, above volunteers who had worthily commanded divisions and corps.

Reilly, Jas. W., colonel 104th Ohio,
  commanding brigade in 23d army corps, at siege of Knoxville;
  at Resaca;
  at Cheney's;
  forces crossing of Olley's Creek at Cheney's;
  intrenches three miles from continuous line of Union intrenchments;
  in temporary command 3rd division 23d army corps;
  promoted on recommendation of General Cox;
  at Spring Hill, Tennessee;
  gets leave of absence, after Franklin;
  rejoins corps in North Carolina;
  commands Cox's division when latter assumes command of corps;
  resigns on account of ill health.

Reno, Jesse L., major general United States Volunteers,
  commands 9th army corps;
  praises marching of Kanawha division;
  observes affair at the Monocacy;
  approves Cox's advance on Fox's Gap;
  comes to Cox's position just before sunset;
  killed a few minutes afterward;
  succeeded by General Cox in command of corps;
  classmate of McClellan.

Resaca,
  fortified and occupied by Johnston;
  map of;
  natural strength of position;
  battles around;
  evacuated by Johnston.

Reynolds, D. H., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Resaca.

Reynolds, Jos. J.,
  in command of Cheat Mountain district;
  repulses attack by Loring;
  at Romney;
  opinion as to expediency of Rosecrans' advance.

Rhind, Alex. C., commander U. S. N.,
  at Kinston.

Rice, Henry M., senator from Minnesota,
  questions power of President to appointment additional major and brig, generals.

Rich Mountain, West Virginia,
  fortified by Garnett;
  held by Pegram;
  battle of.

Richardson, Israel B., major general United States Volunteers,
  supports cavalry advance toward Antietam;
  at Antietam;
  mortally wounded.

Richmond, Lewis,
  lieutenant colonel and assistant adjutant-general on Burnside's staff, leaves E. Tennessee.

Ricketts, Jas. B., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam.

Ricks, Augustus J., lieutenant on staff of General Cox, since Judge of U. S. District Court N. District of Ohio,
  vivid account of celebration of Lee's surrender in Sherman's army.

Rifled Guns,
  superiority over smooth-bores.

"Rigors of Climate,"
  laughable excuse for going South in August.

Ripley, Roswell S., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Antietam.

Rockcastle River, Kentucky,
  picturesque character of.

Rocky Face, Georgia,
  description of;
  natural defence of Dalton;
  northern extremity carried by Newton;
  sharp and rugged character of ridge.

Rodman, Isaac P., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in Maryland campaign;
  at South Mountain;
  first position at Antietam;
  ordered to cross at ford below Burnside's bridge;
  killed at Antietam;
  on left at Antietam.

Rosecrans, Wm. S.,
  captain and engineer on McClellan's staff;
  appointed brigadier general in regular army;
  at Rich Mountain, West Virginia;
  succeeds McClellan in Department of West Virginia;
  comes to Gauley and assumes chief command;
  defeats Floyd at Carnifex Ferry;
  characteristics of;
  at Big Sewell Mountain;
  on the retreat;
  in camp near Gauley;
  mode of dealing with privates;
  strong excitement when Floyd seized Cotton Mountain;
  plan for capturing Floyd's army;
  foiled by Benham's inactivity;
  plans expedition into E. Tennessee;
  physical obstacles;
  winter quarters at Wheeling;
  sends reinforcements to Buell;
  attitude in regard to escaped slaves;
  new plan for advance into E. Tennessee;
  turns over command to Fremont;
  sent to conduct Blenker's division to Fremont;
  regards Porter as McClellan's confidential adviser;
  appointed major general;
  directed to move on Chattanooga;
  inability to agree with Burnside;
  unwillingness and inaction;
  secures opinions of division commanders;
  Garfield's summing up;
  dissatisfaction of administration;
  forces of, opposed to Bragg;
  inactivity enables Bragg to send reinforcements to Johnston;
  on promotion as a reward for merit;
  again urged by Stanton and Halleck to advance;
  querulous disposition;
  drives Bragg out of Tennessee;
  plans, after reaching Chattanooga;
  demoralized by defeat at Chickamauga;
  relations with Burnside;
  relieved from command;
  sends Garfield to Washington with his report;
  conduct at Chickamauga;
  described by Dana;
  House resolution of thanks fails in Senate;
  resents Garfield's letter to Chase;
  plans for supplying army at Chattanooga;
  sent to Missouri;
  sends A. J. Smith with two divisions to Thomas.

Ross, L. S., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Olley's Creek;
  driven off by Reilly and Cameron.

Rosser, Thos. L.,
  colonel 5th Virginia Confederate States Army;
  condemns "Partisan Rangers" in Virginia

Rousseau, Lovell H.,
  appointed major general;
  repulses Forrest at Pulaski;
  at Murfreesborough.

Rucker, E. W., colonel Confederate States Army,
  commanding brigade in Chalmers' cavalry division at battle of Nashville;
  wounded and captured.

Rue, Geo. W., major 9th Kentucky Cavalry,
  in Morgan raid.

Ruffin, Thos. Jr.,
  colonel 13th North Carolina

Ruffner, Lewis,
  prominent Union man in West Virginia

Ruger, Thos. H., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  transferred from 20th army corps to 2nd division 23d army corps;
  joins at Johnsonville, Tennessee;
  at Columbia;
  Franklin;
  assigned to command new division 23d army corps;
  on march from Columbia to Clifton;
  brevet major general;
  reports to General Cox at Beaufort, North Carolina with new division;
  at Gum Swamp;
  at battle of Kinston;
  repulses Hoke's attack;
  mentioned.

Rullett and Clipp houses,
  at Antietam.

Sale, John B., military secretary of General Bragg,
  takes special message to Johnston.

Salisbury, North Carolina,
  confederate treatment of prisoners at;
  prison pen described.

Sanders, Wm. P., colonel 5th Kentucky cavalry,
  raid into E. Tennessee;
  pursuit of Morgan raiders;
  defeated at Richmond;
  turns tables on Scott at Lancaster;
  made brigadier general;
  resists Wheeler in E. Tennessee;
  splendid conduct before Knoxville;
  mortally wounded.

Sanitary Commission reaches E. Tennessee with needed supplies.

Saunders, E. D.,
  assistant adjutant-general on Gen Cox's staff;
  killed while riding at his side;
  loss severely felt.

Savage, Jas. W., colonel 12th New York Cavalry,
  at Kinston.

Scammon, E. P., colonel 23d Ohio,
  at Canfex Ferry;
  history and characteristics;
  succeeds to command of Schenck's brigade;
  at Fayette courthouse;
  at Flat Top Mountain;
  at Princeton;
  at French's;
  commands 1st brigade Kanawha division;
  at Bull Run bridge;
  at the Monocacy;
  supports Pleasanton;
  attached to Rodman's division;
  at Antietam;
  promoted;
  commands division in Kanawha valley;
  at Fayette courthouse;
  heads off Morgan at Pomeroy, Ohio

Scary Creek, West Virginia,
  skirmish at.

Schenck, Robt. C., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in West Virginia;
  movements near Gauley;
  efforts to intercept Floyd;
  leaves West Virginia on account of ill health;
  under Fremont in Mountain Department;
  appointed major general;
  political acquaintance and influence secures confirmation;
  commands District of Maryland with West Virginia annexed;
  attitude toward Lincoln.

Schleich, Newton,
  brigadier general Ohio Valley Infantry.

Schofield, John M.,
  appointed major general in 1862, not confirmed;
  reappointed as of first date;
  opposition to confirmation;
  appointed to command Army of the Ohio;
  arrives at Knoxville;
  instructed to drive Longstreet out of E. Tennessee;
  impossibility of making campaign explained;
  remains on defensive;
  reports to Sherman;
  instructed to join him;
  even temper;
  permanently assigned to command 23d army corps;
  unites with Sherman's army;
  left wing of army before Dalton;
  manoeuvres at Dalton;
  dissatisfied with Hovey;
  asks to have him removed;
  praises Cox's movement, retiring left wing;
  orders advance at Resaca;
  advances on extreme left from Resaca to Cassville;
  hindered by Hooker's getting on his line of march;
  concentrates at Cartersville;
  appoints Hascall commander 2nd division in place of Judah;
  again hindered by Hooker;
  movements south of the Etowah;
  disabled by fall of horse;
  turns command over to General Cox;
  resumes command;
  question of rank with Butterfield;
  outflanks confederate army and compels abandonment of New Hope lines;
  at Kolb's farm;
  demonstrates on extreme right;
  says importance of position gained by General Cox, south of Olley's Creek, cannot be overestimated;
  at Smyrna;
  across the Chattahoochee;
  builds wooden bridge;
  wide circuit east of Atlanta;
  attacked by Cheatham at Atlanta;
  at Rough and Ready;
  at Decatur, Georgia;
  turns command of corps over to General Cox during October;
  classmate and roommate of McPherson;
  commands all troops in Chattanooga and vicinity;
  objects to being relegated to Department command;
  resumes command of Army of the Ohio;
  wants corps filled up to its quota;
  reports to Thomas;
  commands all forces assembling at Pulaski;
  at Columbia;
  limited to careful defensive;
  holds on at Columbia under orders from Thomas;
  deprived of benefit of cavalry;
  earnestly demands General Cox's promotion;
  at battle of Nashville;
  in pursuit of Hood;
  asks to have 23d corps transferred to eastern army;
  corps filled up;
  at Clifton, Tennessee;
  transferred with corps to Washington;
  appointed to command Department of North Carolina;
  headquarters on steamer "Spaulding," controversy over;
  efforts to flank Hoke out of position on Federal Point;
  approves General Cox's discretion in not obeying orders;
  asks permanent assignment of General Cox to 23d Corps command, and General Terry to new corps
  in advance on Kinston;
  in temporary command of Sherman's army;
  promoted to brigadier general in regular army;
  on march to Raleigh;
  commands District of North Carolina;
  prepares paroles and arranges details of capitulation of Johnston's army;
  loans horses to the needy and issues rations to Johnston's troops;
  proclaims an end of slavery;
  confers with Hardee at Greensborough.

Schurz, Carl,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers

Scofield, Levi T., lieutenant 103rd Ohio,
  topographer on General Cox's staff.

Scott, Thos. M., brig, gen, Confederate States Army,
  raid into southern Kentucky;
  defeated by Sanders at Lancaster.

Scott, Winfield, General U. S. A.,
  mistake in discouraging service of regular army officers with volunteer regiments.

Seddon, Jas. A., Secretary of War, Confederate States Army,
  correspondence with Johnston;
  correspondence with B. H. Hill.

Sedgwick, John, major general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam;
  severely wounded.

Separate Commands,
  evils of, in same field of operations;
  ridiculed by Napoleon.

Sevierville, E. Tennessee,
  cavalry combat at.

Seward, Wm. H., Secretary of State,
  goes with Lincoln to meet confederate peace commander's.

Seymour, Truman, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam.

Shackelford, Jas. M., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in Morgan raid;
  captures Morgan and most of his command;
  operations in E. Tennessee

Shelter Tent,
  substituted for all other kinds;
  advantages of.

Sheridan, P. H.,
  first vote;
  appointed major general United States Volunteers;
  reasons for opposing Rosecrans' advance in Tennessee;
  at Chickamauga;
  at Missionary Ridge;
  in E. Tennessee;
  at Dandridge;
  personal appearance;
  slow development as a commander;
  builds bridge which lands on an island;
  retreats to Strawberry Plains;
  transferred to eastern army;
  part assigned in final round-up of Lee's army.

Sheriff of Hamilton Co., Ohio,
  directed to arrest U. S. officers for contempt of court;
  comical perplexity.

Sherman, Hon. John,
  senator from Ohio;
  correspondence with Wm. T.

Sherman, Wm. T.,
  appointed colonel of regulars;
  high opinion of volunteers
  studies evolutions of the line after Bull Run;
  acquiesces in Emancipation policy;
  urges draft to fill up regiments in the field;
  commands Department of the Tennessee;
  hastens to Chattanooga;
  marches to relief of Burnside;
  horror of E. Tennessee;
  dissatisfied with Granger;
  good dinner at Burnside's headquarters, explanation of;
  Meridian expedition;
  promoted to command Mil. Division of the Mississippi;
  visits Schofield at Knoxville;
  urges confirmation of his appointment as major general;
  correspondence with Halleck;
  modest estimate of his own powers;
  studies problem of supplying his army in the field;
  takes possession of railroads from Louisville to Nashville and Nashville to Chattanooga;
  cuts down personal and headquarters baggage to bare necessities and sets example himself;
  accurate judgment of opposing forces;
  concentrates for Atlanta campaign;
  forces of;
  personal appearance and characteristics;
  cordial relations with Thomas;
  orders for operations about Dalton;
  satisfied Johnston's position could not be carried by assault;
  orders demonstrations to cover McPherson's movement;
  congratulates Schofield on Cox's movement retiring left wing;
  declines to relieve Hovey;
  presses after Johnston when he evacuates Resaca;
  unwilling to give up hope of general engagement;
  compelled by results to avoid assaults on intrenched positions;
  losses on campaign compensated by arrival of Blair's (17th) corps;
  recommends acceptance of Hovey's resignation;
  indignation at promotion of Hovey and Osterhaus;
  foresees probable necessity for attack at Kennesaw;
  uneasy at stretching of lines;
  hopes to break through enemy's lines;
  orders demonstrations on both flanks and assaults by two columns in middle
  both assaults fail;
  might have succeeded if followed up;
  recognizes importance of position gained by General Cox on right flank forces confederates to give up Atlanta or assume desperate aggressive;
  closes in on Jonesboro;
  occupies Atlanta;
  steady diminution in forces of;
  offers promotion to any one who will capture or kill Forrest;
  odd mistake, resulting in promotion of General Mower;
  orders citizens to leave Atlanta;
  leaves of absence and furloughs freely granted;
  orders certain officers to report to governors of Indiana and Mo. for duty--on the stump;
  courteous treatment of subordinates;
  would have given Logan command of Army of Tennessee but for Thomas' opposition;
  praises L.'s handling of that army at battle of Atlanta;
  sends back troops to protect railroads against Hood's raid;
  leaves 20th army corps to garrison Atlanta;
  plans March to the Sea;
  pursuit of Hood;
  tires of countermarching to protect his communications;
  praises Cox's management of 23d army corps;
  recommends his promotion to be major general;
  urges Halleck to send reinforcements to Thomas;
  orders Schofield to report to Thomas with 23d Corps;
  cuts communications and starts on March to the Sea;
  plans campaign from Savannah, north;
  inspiring quality of his leadership;
  unselfish relations to Grant;
  opposes bill providing for another lieutenant general;
  knows Carolina campaign involves great risks;
  where described;
  general outline;
  captures Columbia;
  effects junction with Schofield and Terry, confident he can whip Lee and Johnston combined;
  battles of Averasborough and Bentonville;
  losses at;
  leaves Schofield in command, goes to City Point to consult Lincoln and Grant;
  endorses Schofield's request that Cox be assigned to permanent command of 23d Corps and Terry, of new corps;
  prohibits foraging after reaching Goldsborough;
  moves upon Raleigh;
  extravagant demonstrations of army, on learning of Lee's surrender;
  receives Governor Vance's peace delegation;
  negotiates informally for withdrawal of North Carolina from confederacy;
  on Johnston's request agrees to an armistice;
  stringent orders against pillage and arson;
  fears outbreak of army on hearing news of Lincoln's assassination;
  measures to prevent;
  announces first step toward disbandment of confederate armies;
  attitude before war on slavery question;
  emphatic statements that if the South loses the war it loses slavery;
  freedom for the blacks to be secured, but they are unfit to assume political rule;
  set no limits on their following the army, except military necessity;
  representative colored men had confidence in him;
  allots Sea-island lands to freedmen for cultivation with Stanton's approval;
  wrath against men chiefly responsible for secession and war;
  conference with Lincoln only three weeks before he met Johnston;
  understood his policy to involve guaranty of rights as citizens, as soon as rebels laid down their arms, and recognition of existing State governments as de facto to prevent anarchy;
  aware that Weitzel had authorized Virginia legislature to assemble with Lincoln's consent;
  not aware that permission was revoked;
  meets Johnston with heavy burden of Lincoln's assassination on his mind;
  expresses full confidence in Johnston's sincerity;
  sends full copies of Johnston's overture and his reply to Grant and Stanton;
  no notice taken of them;
  witnesses Johnston's distress when advised of Lincoln's assassination;
  declines to deal with confederate government;
  will recognize de facto State governments only;
  gives Johnston Lincoln's views;
  regards slavery as utterly dead, but does not insist on irritating acknowledgments;
  reasons for depositing arms at State capitals;
  loses nothing by delay, while negotiations in progress;
  drafts memo or basis of agreement to be submitted to respective principals;
  sends it to Grant;
  urges on Johnston a public declaration that slavery is dead and predicts an era of good feeling to follow;
  says war to perpetuate slavery was an insult to the intelligence of the age;
  warns Johnston of intense feeling at the North over Lincoln's assassination;
  changes the situation;
  notifies Johnston of termination of truce and demands surrender of his army on terms given to Lee;
  resents Stanton's distrust as evidenced in orders to Grant to direct operations against the enemy;
  supposed the memo reflected Lincoln's ideas and purposes;
  asks Grant to remain until capitulation finally signed;
  farewell letter to Johnston;
  field order No. 65;
  deeply wounded by Stanton's press dispatches condemning his conduct;
  first heard of Davis' "plunder" through Grant;
  takes immediate steps to prevent his escape with it;
  imputation of Stanton that he could be bribed;
  strikes back at Stanton in letter to Grant and in his report;
  popular regard for, soon asserts itself;
  life-long friendship for Halleck destroyed by latter's "plunder" dispatch, and orders to disregard his truce;
  refuses H.'s proffered hospitality, and denounces "diabolical plot" to ruin him;
  says he will defend his truce at all hazards;
  theoretic discussion of his right and ability to do so;
  sympathy of his subordinates;
  leaves Raleigh, visits Charleston and Savannah;
  notes complete submission to U. S. authority in Savannah.

Siber, Edward, colonel 37th Ohio,
  at Raleigh courthouse;
  retreats before Loring;
  operates on south bank of Kanawha.

Sigel, Franz, major general United States Volunteers,
  commands 11th Corps;
  Pope's proposal to consolidate Kanawha division with, and put all under Hooker.

Sill, Joshua W.,
  ordnance officer at Camp Dennison;
  character and heroic death at Stone's River

Simmonds, Seth J., captain Kentucky battery,
  attached to Kanawha division;
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam.

Simonton, Chas. H., colonel commanding brigade Confederate States Army,
  captured at Town Creek by General Cox.

Sisters of Charity,
  in hospitals at Camp Dennison.

Skirmishing Advance,
  described.

Slack, John Jr.,
  deputy U. S. Marshal at Charleston, West Virginia

Slavery,
  question, most troublesome in all border States;
  admitted to be dead as result of war;
  Sherman urges upon Johnston frank acknowledgment of fact, as likely to usher in era of good feeling;
  end of, in North Carolina, proclaimed by Schofield.

Slaves,
  common belief among, that property of whites was to be taken away and divided among them;
  difficulties in getting them to work;
  embarrassments of housekeepers.

Slemmer, Adam J., major 16th U. S.,
  at Ft. Pickens;
  inspector general on Rosecrans' staff;
  good qualities.

Slocum, Henry W., major general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam;
  succeeds Hooker in command of 20th Corps;
  left to garrison Atlanta;
  commands Army of Georgia, composed of 14th and 20th Corps;
  march past 23d Corps at Goldsborough;
  chaffing between soldiers;
  at battles of Averasborough and Bentonville;
  on march to Raleigh;
  "bummers" of, forage country bare near Raleigh;
  marches through Raleigh.

Smith, Andrew J., major general United States Volunteers,
  ordered to reinforce Thomas at Nashville;
  delayed in starting;
  at Nashville;
  at battle of Nashville;
  supports cavalry in pursuit of Hood;
  ordered to Eastport;
  at Clifton awaiting transportation.

Smith, Benj. F., leading lawyer and "new state man,"
  in West Virginia;
  U. S. District Atty., father of Major Smith of Confederate States Army;
  demands return of son's escaped slave, refused by General Cox;
  acts as advocate for return of others' slaves.

Smith, E. Kirby, major general Confederate States Army,
  threatens Cincinnati;
  commanding in trans-Miss, department.

Smith, Gustavus W., major general Confederate States Army,
  commands Georgia militia and prepares line of defence on Nickajack Creek, and Chattahoochee.

Smith, Wm. F., major general United States Volunteers,
  at Antietam;
  consulted by McClellan as to what he should do about Emancipation Proclamation;
  chief engineer, Army of the Cumberland;
  opens new line of supply for Chattanooga;
  transferred to Eastern Army;
  on the James.

Smith, W. P.,
  master of transportation on Kanawha River

Smith, Wm. Sooy, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  selected by Grant to command cavalry of Western army;
  ordered to co-operate with Sherman's column;
  fails to do so.

Soldier Vote,
  in Ohio State election, 1863;
  in 1864.

Southern People,
  complete submission immediately after the war;
  reaction and political exasperation.

South Mountain,
  passes of;
  battle of.

Spears, Jas. G., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  in Morgan's command;
  at Blain's Cross-roads;
  assigned to 23d army corps

Spies,
  army, false reports of Lee's strength;
  worse than useless to McClellan;
  conscious, or unconscious, purveyors of false news.

Splaine, Henry, colonel 17th Massachusetts,
  commanding brigade in Carter's division at battle of Kinston, North Carolina.

Sprague, Wm., Governor of R. I.,
  on McClellan's favoritism for Porter.

Staff Officers,
  services hidden from view, chances for promotion less than those of line officers;
  qualifications and appointment of.

Stafford, Leroy A., colonel 9th La.,
  commanding brigade at Antietam.

Stager, Anson, colonel,
  suerintendent of military telegraphs at Washington.

Stahel, Julius,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers.

Stanley, David S.,
  appointed major general United States Volunteers.

Stanley, Timothy R., colonel 18th Ohio,
  at Chattanooga;
  in Ohio Senate at outbreak of war.

Stanton, Edwin M., Secretary of War,
  first meeting with;
  disapproves of restoring McClellan to command;
  pleasant leavetaking;
  maintains right of President to appoint additional major and brigadier generals;
  reports six major generals at home with no assignments to duty;
  informs himself about conditions of things in Rosecrans' army;
  dismisses telegraph operator for revealing cipher to Grant's engineer;
  adopts new cipher known only to operators;
  this system criticised;
  asks Sherman to detail certain officers to stump northern States;
  impatience with Thomas before battle of Nashville;
  cordial manner with General Cox;
  petulance about Schofield's use of hospital steamer for headquarters;
  inquires about Sherman's treatment of the negro;
  approves his allotment of sea-island lands to the freedmen;
  dispatch to Dix, reflecting on Sherman;
  false implications of;
  refutation;
  nine criticisms of Sherman-Johnston Convention considered;
  objections, really to Lincoln's policy;
  position against amnesty not sustained by the people;
  orders Sherman's subordinates not to obey his orders;
  ignores capitulation, while paroles were being issued;
  suppressio veri;
  mutilates Grant's dispatch for publication;
  constitutional inability to admit that he was in the wrong;
  publishes Halleck's "plunder" dispatch in garbled form;
  evident purpose to humiliate Sherman;
  makes no public explanation;
  tells Howard that Sherman had put administration on the defensive;
  regarded Sherman's convention and dispatch as acts of vanity to be put down.

Starke, Wm. E., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Harper's Ferry;
  killed at Antietam.

Steedman, James B., brig, gen, United States Volunteers,
  questioned by Stanton about Rosecrans and Thomas;
  at Chickamauga;
  ordered to Tuscumbia to destroy Hood's bridge of boats;
  later ordered to Cowan and Nashville;
  at Nashville;
  at battle of Nashville;
  ordered to Decatur, Alabama

Sterl, Oscar W., colonel 104th Ohio,
  commanding Reilly's old brigade in 23d army corps, in movement up right bank of Cape Fear River.

Sterling, Jas. T., lieutenant colonel 103rd Ohio,
  accompanies General Cox on winter ride to E. Tennessee;
  at Dandridge;
  at skirmish before Knoxville;
  inspector general on General Cox's staff, resigns for business reasons.

Stevens, Isaac J., major general United States Volunteers,
  killed at Chantilly.

Stevens, Thaddeus,
  radical leader in Congress.

Stevenson, Carter L., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  in E. Tennessee

Stewart, Alex. P., major general Confederate States Army,
  at Tunnel Hill;
  on way to join Bragg at Kinston, North Carolina;
  arrives in time for second battle.

Stiles, Israel N., colonel 63rd Indiana,
  succeeds Henderson in command of brigade in 23d army corps;
  at battle of Nashville;
  volunteers as staff officer at battle of Kinston;
  commands brigade in Rugers division;
  commands post at Raleigh;
  garrison under, strengthened to prevent outbreak after news of Lincoln's assassination.

Stone's River, battle of,
  resemblance to Antietam.

Stoneman, Geo, major general United States Volunteers,
  reports to Grant for duty;
  assigned to command 23d army corps;
  why relieved from command in Army of Potomac;
  arrives at Knoxville;
  personal appearance;
  disliked by Grant;
  in pursuit of Longstreet;
  at Mossy Creek;
  placed in command of cavalry;
  on march, Resaca to Cassville;
  movements near the Etowah;
  enters Allatoona and reports ability to hold it;
  aids General Cox in holding position south of Olley's Creek;
  crosses Chattahoochee;
  good work from Chattanooga to Chattahoochee;
  raid from E. Tennessee into North Carolina

Straggling,
  in Army of Potomac;
  in confederate army;
  measures to prevent;
  in Kanawha division

Strategy,
  principles of, easily learned;
  same in all times.

Strawberry Plains, E. Tennessee,
  strategic importance of;
  railroad bridge at, alternately destroyed and rebuilt;
  hardships of troops at;
  threatened by Longstreet.

Streight, Abel D., colonel 51st Indiana commanding cavalry brigade,
  captured with his brigade near Rome, Georgia

Strickland, Silas A., colonel 50th Ohio,
  commanding brigade in Cooper's division 23d A.C., at Columbia.

Strong, Jas. H., lieutenant colonel on Foster's staff,
  accompanies General Cox on winter ride to E. Tennessee;
  advocates General Cox's appointment to field command.

Stuart, J. E. B., major general Confederate States Army,
  praises fighting of 11th and 12th Ohio, at Bull Run bridge;
  learns of Cox's transfer from West Virginia to Washington on day he left Parkersburg;
  at the Monocacy;
  covers movements of Lee's army in Maryland;
  at South Mountain;
  at Antietam;
  ride around McClellan's army arouses false ambition in cavalry commanders.

Sturgis, Samuel D., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding division in 9th army corps;
  at South Mountain;
  first position at Antietam;
  carries Burnside bridge;
  on the left before Sharpsburg;
  in pursuit of Morgan raiders;
  commands cavalry, corps in E. Tennessee;
  skirmish at Mossy Creek;
  "takes a toddy";
  at Sevierville;
  reports hopeless condition of roads;
  sent to Memphis to operate against Forrest.

Summers, Geo.,
  ex-M. C. and prominent citizen of West Virginia;
  compelled by force and imprisonment to take oath of allegiance to Confederacy;
  offers to take oath of allegiance to U. S.

Sumner, Edwin V., major general United States Volunteers,
  commands left wing (2nd and 12th Corps) in Antietam campaign;
  none of his command in 2nd battle of Bull Run;
  placed in centre at Antietam;
  his corps ordered to support Hooker;
  left practically without command;
  misconception of Hooker's position;
  died March 21, 1863.

Supplies for army in Chattanooga,
  how forwarded;
  for Sherman's army, arrangements for forwarding.

Susini, famous basso,
  helps celebrate fall of Vicksburg.

Swain, David L., ex-Governor of North Carolina,
  in Vance's peace delegation to Sherman;
  mentioned.

Swinton, Wm., newspaper correspondent,
  threatens and proceeds to "write Cox down"; inconsistency exposed.

Taylor, Geo. W., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  fatally wounded at Bull Run bridge.

Taylor, Richard, lieutenant general Confederate States Army,
  orders Forrest to raid Western Tennessee;
  informs Beauregard of reinforcements moving to Thomas;
  offers to send all of Hood's army, except French's division, to Beauregard.

Temple, O. P., Chancellor, Knoxville, Tennessee,
  author of "East Tennessee and the Civil War".

Tents,
  preferable to houses for army officers.

Terry, Alfred H., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  captures Ft. Fisher;
  at Federal Point;
  unable to force Hoke's position opposite Town Creek;
  enters Wilmington after Cox's flanking movement compels evacuation;
  follows Bragg northward;
  assigned to command new corps designated as the 10th;
  on march to Raleigh;
  commands central district of North Carolina

Test Oaths, little value of;
  illustrated by case of Summers.

Thirteenth Amendment to U.S. Constitution, abolishing slavery,
  ratified by requisite number of States.

Thomas, Geo. H., major general United States Volunteers,
  reasons for opposing Rosecrans' advance in Tennessee;
  saves day at Chickamauga;
  succeeds Rosecrans in command of Army of the Cumberland;
  House resolution of thanks;
  at Chattanooga;
  sends part of his own supplies to army in E. Tennessee;
  commands centre of Sherman's army in Atlanta campaign;
  personal appearance and characteristics;
  cordial relations with Sherman;
  at Tunnel Hill and Dalton;
  at Resaca;
  from Resaca to Kingston;
  changes Hooker's line of march so as to interfere with Schofield;
  supports Hooker at New Hope Church;
  suggests necessity of contracting and strengthening lines about Marietta;
  visits Cox's position south of Olley's Creek;
  follows up Johnston's retreat from Marietta vigorously;
  at Peachtree Creek;
  at Jonesboro;
  warned to protect Chattanooga and Bridgeport;
  advises Sherman to turn Wilson loose;
  reinforced and put in command of all forces not taken by Sherman;
  cheerful over prospects;
  disturbed by Forrest's raid;
  does not concentrate rapidly; reinforcements delayed;
  wrong impression as to Hood's intentions;
  at battle of Nashville;
  prizes in battle and in pursuit of Hood;
  proposes going into winter quarters;
  ordered to send 23d army corps to Grant;
  urges promotion of General Cox;
  personal movements in Tennessee;
  mental suffering under unjust criticism.

Thomas, Minor T., colonel 8th Minn.,
  commanding brig, in Ruger's division at battle of Kinston.

Thompson, M. Jeff., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  prisoner at Johnson's Island.

Tillson, Davis, brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  commanding post at Covington, Kentucky;
  commanding heavy artillery at Knoxville.

Tod, David,
  Governor of Ohio;
  bewails system of military appointments;
  warns persons resisting the draft to desist;
  calls out militia to oppose Morgan;
  advised of Hamilton Co. sheriff's attempt to arrest U. S. officers;
  calls out militia to defeat plots to release confederate prisoners.

Toland, J. P., lieutenant colonel 34th Ohio.

Tompkins, C. Q., colonel Confederate States Army,
  ex-U. S. officer;
  home near Gauley;
  courteous treatment of family;
  residence of, used as headquarters by Rosecrans.

Toombs, Robt., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Antietam.

Tourtelotte, John E., colonel 4th Minn.,
  commanding brig, at Allatoona.

Town Creek, North Carolina,
  confederate position at, captured by General Cox with two guns and 400 prisoners.

Townsend, E. D., adjutant general U. S. A.,
  anecdotes of Stanton;
  in charge of funeral escort of Lincoln's body.

Tracy, Edw. E., lieutenant 104th Ohio,
  aide-de-camp on General Cox's staff;
  wounded at Utoy Creek;
  appointed Governor of Dayton Soldiers' Home;
  personal appearance and characteristics;
  anecdote;
  reconnoissance with Claassen's brigade at Kinston.

Transfers of officers from one army to another not generally good administration.

Treasonable practices,
  President's proclamation against;
  Burnside's order No. 38;
  Burbridge's order No. 42;
  practically annulled.

Treat, Richard B.,
  brigadier quartermaster on General Cox's staff;
  adjutant general;
  transferred to Stoneman's staff.

Trimble, Isaac R., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Antietam.

Tunnel Hill, Georgia;
  view of confederate position at Dalton, from.

Turchin, John B., colonel 19th Ill.,
  court-martialed;
  sentenced to be dismissed Aug. 6, 1862;
  appointed brigadier general Aug. 5, 1862, and confirmed;
  opinion as to expediency of Rosecrans' advance;
  at Chattanooga.

Twining, Wm. J.,
  captain eng. and aide-de-camp on Schofield's staff, takes message to Sherman.

Tyler, Erastus B.,
  colonel 7th Ohio;
  surprised at Cross Lanes.

Upham, Chas. L., colonel 15th Conn.,
  commanding brig, in Carter's division at battle of Kinston;
  cut off from rest of division and routed by Hoke;
  losses at Kinston.

Upton's Hill,
  fortified for defence of Washington;
  occupied by General Cox.

Upton's Manual,
  an improvement on the book previously studied at West Point.

Vallandigham, Clement L.,
  sensational case of;
  character and views;
  speech at Mountain Vernon, Ohio;
  arrested by Burnside;
  tried before military commission;
  convicted and sentenced to confinement in Ft. Warren;
  application for habeas corpus refused;
  sentence commuted by Lincoln to expulsion beyond our lines;
  incites Holmes Co. to resist the draft;
  application to U. S. Supreme Court to annul sentence denied;
  nominated for Governor of Ohio and overwhelmingly defeated.

Van Buren, James L., major and aide-de-camp on Burnside's staff,
  leaves E. Tennessee

Vance, John L., captain 4th West Virginia

Vance, Zebulon, Governor of North Carolina,
  issues proclamation calling for final rally to repel invaders;
  makes overtures to Sherman to end war;
  loses confidence and leaves Raleigh;
  Davis orders arrest of his peace commanders;
  invited by Sherman to return to Raleigh;
  mentioned.

Van Cleve, Horatio P., brigadier general United States Volunteers,
  opinion against expediency of Rosecrans' advance;
  at Chickamauga.

Van Dorn, Earl, major general Confederate States Army,
  captures Coburn's brigade near Franklin, Tennessee

Vicksburg, news of surrender,
  how received in Cincinnati.

Virginia,
  passes ordinance of secession;
  admitted to confederacy;
  topography of.

Virginia Troops,
  22nd, largely composed of young men from Charleston West Virginia;
  44th, at Beverly, West Virginia;
  8th Cavalry

Volunteers,
  high character and spirit of;
  superior to recruits for regular army;
  many volunteer regiments not excelled in drill by regulars;
  methods of discipline necessarily milder;
  after a year's service, superior in everything that gives assurance of victory in battle;
  in 1862 as well fitted for their work as any army in the world;
  so said Grant and Sherman;
  many need not have shunned competitive examination with regulars in studies pursued at West Point.

Volunteer Officers,
  at first elected by militia;
  afterwards appointed by Governor;
  necessity for sifting;
  military aptitude often wanting in men brave and intelligent;
  fitness in subordinate position not always proof of capacity for high command;
  ignorance of tactics and regulations seldom overcome by men of advanced age;
  business training helpful to;
  rapid advance of many young volunteers;
  peers of any officers of their grade in regular army or any other;
  value of West Point training before the war exaggerated;
  comparative merits and defects of regular army officers;
  costly conservatism of regular officers and prejudice against improved weapons;
  distinction between volunteers and regulars should have been abolished, and officers promoted on their merits.

Von Blessingh, Louis,
  lieutenant colonel 37th Ohio.

Von Borke, Heros, major on staff of J. E. B. Stuart,
  amusing report of.

Von Moltke favors giving largest discretion to subordinates on detached service.

Wade, Hon. Benj. F., Sen. from Ohio,
  opposes re-election of Lincoln;
  "Wade-Davis Manifesto."

Wagner, Geo. D., brigadier general commanding division in 4th army corps,
  reports to General Cox.

Wagner, O. G., lieutenant of eng.,
  superintends fortifications at Gauley;
  modest young man of great promise, killed at Yorktown.

Walker, Henry H., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  protects Davis and cabinet at Danville, Virginia

Walker, John G., brigadier general Confederate States Army,
  at Harper's Ferry;
  at Antietam.

Walthall, E. C., major general Confederate States Army,
  commands rear-guard on Hood's retreat from Nashville;
  destroys bridges and obstructs roads;
  commands Stewart's corps at battle of Kinston;
  forces of, at Kinston.

Washington,
  at time of General Cox's arrival with Kanawha division;
  defences of;
  country about;
  McClellan in charge of defence;
  necessity for covering and defending prevented full adoption of McClellan's plans.