In a little book recently published, an attempt is made to show that British trade is being knocked to pieces by German competition, that already the sun has set on England’s commercial supremacy, and that if we are not careful the few crumbs of trade still left to us will be snapped up by Germany. This depressing publication, aptly entitled “Made in Germany,” has received the quasi-religious benediction of an enterprising and esoteric journalist, and the puff direct from a sportive ex-Prime Minister. Thus sent off it is sure to be widely circulated, and, being beyond dispute well written, to be also widely read. Unfortunately—such is the nature of the book—it cannot be so widely criticised. It consists largely of quoted statistics and deductions therefrom, and few readers will have the means at hand for verifying the many figures quoted, while fewer still will have the patience to compare them with other figures which the author omits to mention. As a necessary consequence, a large number of persons will believe that Mr. Williams has proved his case, and some of them will jump to the conclusion, which is evidently the conclusion to which Mr. Williams himself leans, that the only way to prevent the commercial downfall of our country is to reverse the Free Trade policy which we deliberately adopted fifty years ago. THE ART OF EXAGGERATION.That may or may not be a wise thing to do, but at least let us be certain before taking action, or before taking thought which is preliminary to action, that we know our facts, and all our facts. The second point is as important as the first. On hastily reading Mr. Williams’s book for the first time, my impression was that he had only THE WHOLE TRUTH.It is with these that I propose first to deal, with the facts which show that our trade is in a very healthy condition, and that though Germany is also doing well and hitting us hard in some trades, there is no reason to believe that her prosperity is, on the whole, injuring us. And to guard myself, at the outset, against a temptation to which Mr. Williams has frequently succumbed—the temptation of picking out years peculiarly favourable to my argument—I propose to take the last ten or the last fifteen years, for which statistics are available, and to give wherever possible the figures for each year in the whole period. The figures that will be here quoted are all taken from official records, except when otherwise stated. |
1886 | 1887 | 1888 | 1889 | 1890 | 1891 | 1892 | 1893 | 1894 | 1895 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Total Imports | 350 | 362 | 388 | 428 | 421 | 435 | 423 | 405 | 408 | 417 |
Total Exports | 269 | 281 | 299 | 316 | 328 | 309 | 292 | 277 | 274 | 286 |
Excess of Imports over Exports | 81 | 81 | 89 | 112 | 93 | 126 | 132 | 128 | 134 | 131 |
These figures may be illustrated as follows:—
These figures hardly bear out the statement that “commercial dry rot,” to use one of Mr. Williams’s favourite phrases, has already laid hold of us. In spite of the fall in prices, the money value of our trade, both import and export, has fully maintained its level. It is
OUR IMPORTS OF GOLD AND SILVER.
To return to our diagram—it may be asked, “How does it happen that there is such a large and growing excess of imports over exports? Surely that is a bad sign.” On the face of it, why should it be? It only means that we are, apparently, getting more than we
The Movements of Bullion and Specie.
In Millions Sterling.
1886 | 1887 | 1888 | 1889 | 1890 | 1891 | 1892 | 1893 | 1894 | 1895 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Imports Gold | 12·9 | 10·0 | 15·8 | 17·9 | 23·6 | 30·3 | 21·6 | 24·8 | 27·6 | 36·0 |
Imports Silver | 7·5 | 7·8 | 6·2 | 9·2 | 10·4 | 9·3 | 10·7 | 11·9 | 11·0 | 10·7 |
Exports Gold | 13·8 | 9·3 | 14·9 | 14·5 | 14·3 | 24·2 | 14·8 | 19·5 | 15·6 | 21·4 |
Exports Silver | 7·2 | 7·8 | 7·6 | 10·7 | 10·9 | 13·1 | 14·1 | 13·6 | 12·2 | 10·4 |
Total excess or deficiency of imports over exports of gold and silver together | - | + | - | + | + | + | + | + | + | + |
·6 | ·6 | ·5 | 2·0 | 8·8 | 2·3 | 2·4 | 3·6 | 10·8 | 15·0 |
EXCESS OF IMPORTS OVER EXPORTS.
The movements of gold and silver then, instead of helping to explain the excess of imports over exports, only increase the need for explanation. Happily, the explanation that can be given, though it cannot be statistical, is fully sufficient. It is fourfold. In the first place the Custom House returns do not include in the tables of exports the large export which we every year make of ships built to order for foreign buyers, so that our exports appear smaller than they really are by at least five millions a year. Secondly, an allowance must be made for the profit on our foreign trade. If, in return
THE WORLD’S TRIBUTE.
Of what do the Protectionists complain? Would they have us forego the interest we are owed? Apparently Mr. Williams would, for he says (page 19) that we ought not to spend all our income from foreign investments “in foreign shops.” How else, in the name of the Prophet, are we to receive all or any part of what is due to us from foreigners, whether it be due for interest on investments, or for goods carried, or for ships sold? Does Mr. Williams mean that we are to compel foreign nations to pay us a couple of hundred millions a year in actual gold and silver, and then dig a hole in the ground and sit on our hoard like an Indian cook who has saved money out of the perquisites of his profession? Gold and silver are useless to us beyond a very few millions every year; if more bullion were sent the market would reject it. If we are to be paid at all we must be paid in foreign commodities, and the mechanism of commerce enables us to select just those commodities which we most want. This is the whole story of our excess of imports over exports. Furthermore, that excess would be even greater than it is did we not every year send
OUR ENTREPÔT TRADE.
There is one other important point to be dealt with in considering the movement of our trade as a whole. It is this—that part of the enormous quantity of goods we import is not consumed by ourselves, but is re-exported to foreign countries or to our Colonies. For many reasons it is interesting to distinguish these re-exports from the exports of goods produced within the United Kingdom. The separate figures for the last fifteen years are given in the following table:—
Our EntrepÔt Trade and our Home Trade.
In Millions Sterling.
1881 | 1882 | 1883 | 1884 | 1885 | 1886 | 1887 | 1888 | 1889 | 1890 | 1891 | 1892 | 1893 | 1894 | 1895 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Re-exports of Imported Goods | 63 | 65 | 66 | 63 | 58 | 56 | 59 | 64 | 67 | 65 | 62 | 65 | 59 | 58 | 60 |
Exports of Home Produce | 234 | 242 | 240 | 233 | 213 | 213 | 222 | 235 | 249 | 264 | 247 | 227 | 218 | 216 | 226 |
Total Exports | 297 | 307 | 306 | 296 | 271 | 269 | 281 | 299 | 316 | 329 | 309 | 292 | 277 | 274 | 286 |
There is not much to grumble at in these figures. Our entrepÔt trade, which was supposed to be slipping away, seems somewhat to halt in the process, in spite of the notorious and not entirely unpleasing fact that our Colonies are now doing a larger direct trade with foreign countries than ever before. At the same time the figures for the exports of our own goods are most satisfactory if we take into account the lower range of prices at which our manufacturers are now working. Altogether there is nothing in the general figures of our trade to justify the wild statements that “dry rot” has set in, and that “the industrial glory of England is departing.”