e is practically identical with that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX).

Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck, but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers (Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe (Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background (Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted, but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60] only. FIG. 36. WOMEN'S COMBS.
FIG. 37. A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS.

[60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber's note: 20 pages further from this one.]

Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs, for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

"In the beginning was MElÚ—a being of such great size as to be beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above.

"He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth.

"Now, while MElÚ was making the first two men, and when he had the first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElÚ that he be allowed to make the nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making and placing of noses that MElÚ forgot to finish that part of the second person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water which ran off their heads into their noses. MElÚ seeing what was happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering of such fruits as they desired.

"One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were afraid. When MElÚ came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came, when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died. At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman together, and MElÚ never again came to visit his people on earth."[61]

[61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

"In the beginning four beings, MElÚ and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and Sawegh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island as large as a hat and called salnaoÑ. There were no trees or grass on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of trees. When it returned MElÚ took the earth and beat it the same as a woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: 'Of what use is land without people'; so the others said, 'Let us make wax into people.' They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was decided that they should use dirt, and MElÚ and Fiuweigh began to make man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElÚ told him that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElÚ seized the nose quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste, he pressed his fingers (at the root).

"The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These two had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed here, part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), MoÁy (male), Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa (male), Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female), BaEn (female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male)."

[Transcriber's note: These identifications of male and female (in parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.]

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale. Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from Lakbang.

It is said that MElÚ and Sawegh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in the sky.

A variation of this story credits MElÚ and Dwata with being the creators of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it until it moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang (female). Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or Landol) (female). From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit—a bird. They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece of earth and the fruit of a pandag tree. Lakarol planted the fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and finally made the earth."

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElÚ, or MElE, is the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata (DuatÁ, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be the wife of MElÚ and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta MangayÓ, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of the Bagobo.

The busau are a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward men, who live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the busau, is said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in considerable esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not recognized by the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi, who owns the rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is unknown to the latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose mother died in pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times it attacks and injures people.

These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful, but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the spirits of the dead. A man's spirit, almogol, does not live in his body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it wanders the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies. After separating from the body the almogol goes to Kilot, a good place below the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it spends most of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts where it aids or injures the living.

The almo-os, already mentioned,[62] have considerable influence with all the spirits, but they are particularly close to the almogol. When a person is ill he is placed in a little house known as lawig (Plate LII), beside which a fire is kindled. Nearby are two decorated bamboo sticks, behind which the spirit of the sick man stands while he watches the proceeding. The almo-os takes a chicken in his hands and, while five or six assistants dance, he chants, appealing to the spirit to see the good things that are being prepared, and to be pleased to return to the sick man. Occasionally, the music stops and one of the dancers cries "almogol, here is food for you; you must not go away." After a time the fowl is killed, is cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, while the "doctor" continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases the spirit it will pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick person in the lawig, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit house for a day and is then returned to his home.

[62] See page 133.

Little structures known as boloÑ are erected for other spirits who may be trying to injure the almogol or attempting to persuade it to leave its owner.

Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph. When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon lands. As the writer's party approached this stone one of the men removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the same time praying the busau to "take the present and do not let any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." It is also customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to ask his help in the venture.

Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the constellation Balatik has risen out of the sea. The spirits place this sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared, but it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we have previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and underbrush, and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into which the women drop seed rice.

When the land is ready for planting, a little house called botabwE is built in the center of the field, and beside it is placed a platform or table, sina-al, on which is an offering of food. Early in the morning, while the others sleep, the owner and his wife carry the seed rice to the field and place it on the botabwE. After a time they eat some of the food which has previously been offered and then begin to plant, beginning close to the spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers who aid them in the planting. These assistants do not receive payment for their services other than food while working and like help when in need. At this time a bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open like a cup,[63] is placed in front of the elevated platform of the family dwelling and the guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the harvest he will receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing the men attend to the fences and the women keep down weeds or frighten birds and other intruders away. When the crops have matured all the people of a neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and there celebrate a ceremony known as Pandoman. Two bundles of rice are laid on a mat in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is thrust into the floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElÚ and Dwata who are besought to give health to the workers while they are gathering crops. As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to build the rice granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and gifts, for until the new storehouses are completed there must be no dancing or merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of the owner goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain, she carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the sabak another on a little platform, gramso, near to the house, as an offering to MElÚ and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and eaten by the family. The following morning all the women go to the fields to gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to the house a celebration begins, agongs and EdEl[64] furnish the music for the dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make merry; then the workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of cooked food or new rice.

[63] This pole which is here known as sabak is the same as the tambara of the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12.

[64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber's note: 30 pages earlier.]

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers. Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.

Along the edge of the cogon lands are many large buri palms,[65] from which a starch commercially known as sago is secured. The men cut down a tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer bark, thus exposing the soft fibrous interior (Plate LIII); then a section of bamboo is bent so as to resemble an adze[sic], and with this the men loosen or break up the soft interior portion of the trunk. This is removed to a near-by stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which water is led by means of bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her hands until the starch grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As the water drains slowly out the fine starch is carried with it into a coarse cloth sieve, which retains all the larger matter but allows the starch to be carried into another bark vat below. Fresh water passes slowly through this lower vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour, which is deposited on the bottom of the vat. From time to time this is scraped up and placed in baskets where it is kept until needed. The flour, while rather tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is the chief source of food supply.

[65] Corypha umbraculifera.

Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in search of forest products.

The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed by the warriors seem to be trade articles.

The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated (Fig. 38). Different types of arrows have been developed for different purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). Birds are killed also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks (Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown. FIG. 38. BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULÚAN REGION.
FIG. 39. BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE.
FIG. 40. PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS.

When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as follows: "Now listen Lamot ta MangayÓ, let the person who killed my brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElÚ saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a present to you."

There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a rule, continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66] When the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of betel nut to MElÚ, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if deceased. The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the delivery, and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo knife. She also assists about the house for a time, and for these services receives two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings for the right arm, and some needles. The father is not under any restrictions at this time, but for a day of two he will gather young patina palms and from them prepare food for his wife.

[66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.

From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.

As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs, animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should the girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of the groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all the friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies, she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.

[67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.

The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.

[68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber's note: This is page 144.]

If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance, if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune, they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the descriptions of two eye-witnesses.

The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau named Lantingan. His account is as follows:

"Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth, and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a Bila-an of Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.

[69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had anything to do with later developments.

"The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were fastened to a stake.

"The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElÚ and Lamot ta MangayÓ to look and see that they were killing the man because of his great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70] At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of black thread."[71]

[70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken his body up and would not punish his murderers.

[71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the details.

Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days, regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He further insists that neither Balatik nor any other constellation governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows:

"A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on each side of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place only near the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta MangayÓ, MElÚ, and Dwata, I placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon through the body. Other men then cut at the body with their knives, finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women and boys were allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after which it was buried."

Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.

In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained. Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41 the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers, tobacco tubes, and the like. FIG. 41. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.
FIG. 42. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions, varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There is at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and consonant sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even in the body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in vocabulary.

There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe once lived about Lake Buluan, and one writer[72] has attempted to show that the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are still in considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the fact that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man, primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has shown that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this tribe does not differ radically from the Bagobo.

[72] BLUMENTRITT, Smithsonian Report for 1899.