The history of the English trading settlement in Japan in the first quarter of the seventeenth century is the history of a failure; and the causes of the failure are not far to seek. Choosing for their depÔt an insignificant island in the extreme west of the kingdom, without even good anchorage to recommend it, and at a far distance from the capital cities of Miako and Yedo, with the Dutch for their neighbours and, as it proved, their rivals, the English may be said to have courted disaster. It is true that Firando was a ready port for shipping coming from Europe; its ruler was friendly; and it lay in a convenient position from whence to open the much-desired trade with China. And the policy of making common cause with the Protestant Hollanders against the Spaniards and Portuguese, who had first secured a footing in Japan and were powerful in the neighbouring town of Nagasaki, would have been a sound one, had the latter remained supreme. But, when the English landed, the Dutch had already obtained privileges and had established their trade in the country; and what ought to have been foreseen inevitably came to pass. The Dutch were not allies; they were rivals, who undersold the English in the market and in the end starved them out of the country. Possibly, if our countrymen had been allowed to maintain the branch factories which they started in some of the principal towns, they might have held their own against their rivals, in spite of the limited trade which Japan afforded; but when their privileges were curtailed and they were restricted to Firando, their case became desperate.
Purchas, in his Pilgrimes,[1] has told us the story of the first landing of the English and its causes. The present volumes give us the internal history of the factory. The original diary of Richard Cocks, the chief factor, once formed part of those papers of the East India Company, whose luckless fate it was to be destroyed or cast out of their home in Leadenhall-street to wander through the world. Happily the diary escaped many perils, and now rests in the British Museum, where, bound in two volumes, it bears the numbers, Additional MSS. 31,300, 31,301. Unfortunately it is not complete. It runs from 1st June, 1615, to 14th January, 1619, and from 5th December, 1620, to 24th March, 1622; but it has lost nothing since it left the Company’s archives.[2] I have not thought it necessary to print the whole of it; but only those entries which have absolutely no interest, e.g. bare memoranda of sales and purchases, have been omitted. As a supplement, to illustrate the diary and to fill in the periods which are wanting therein, I have added in an Appendix a selection from the letters of Cocks and others, chiefly from the archives of the India Office.
Our early connection with Japan forms perhaps one of the most interesting episodes in our mercantile history, and has a share of romance imparted to it by the story of the English sailor whose name is so intimately associated with it. William Adams, “a Kentish man, born in a town called Gillingham, two English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chatham where the king’s ships do lie”,[3] a seafaring man who had served in the English navy, joined, as senior pilot, one of the Dutch trading fleets which sailed for the East in 1598. Weighing anchor in June, Adams and his companions encountered misfortune and delay on the coast of Africa, so that it was not till April of the next year that they reached the Straits of Magellan, where they were forced to pass the winter. Hence they made for Peru; and after sundry adventures, in which the fleet was dispersed and the Charity, the ship wherein Adams sailed, lost the greater part of her crew, the latter vessel in company with a single consort struck across for Japan. But bad fortune still waited on the unlucky voyagers. The consort foundered in a storm; and Adams’s ship with difficulty reached the shores of the province of Bungo, in the island of Kiushiu, in Japan, where she let fall her anchor on the 19th of April, 1600. Her crew was reduced to four-and-twenty, all told; and of these only some half-dozen were able to stand on their feet. Of the latter Adams was one, and was selected to be sent up to the court of IyÉyasu, the famous soldier who then ruled Japan.
The moment at which Adams set foot in this unknown land was a critical one in the history of the country. The dual form of government, by mikado and shogun, had been in existence some four hundred years. In the twelfth century, at a time when Japan was torn by internal wars and dissensions, the military chief Yoritomo had risen to power and, overthrowing his enemies, had set up the military despotism which, acting in the name of the powerless mikado, ruled the whole country. In 1192 Yoritomo received from the mikado the title of Sei-i Tai Shogun (Barbarian-subjugating Great General); and henceforth that title was transmitted to the de facto rulers, and lasted down to the revolution of 1868. The mikado, the rightful emperor of Japan, became a mere cipher, living in the seclusion of his palace, neglected and often in poverty.
This peculiar system has naturally perplexed foreigners; and thus it is that the mikado, or dairi, as he is more usually called by the early European writers, is represented as the spiritual head,[4] while the shogun, or military ruler for the time being, is always styled the emperor.
Two families, the Hojo and the Ashikaga, successively held the shogunate down to the year 1573. The last shogun of the second house was deposed by Nobunaga, the son of a soldier of fortune, whose name, like those of his two generals and successors, HidÉyoshi and IyÉyasu, is great in Japanese history. Nobunaga fell the victim of treachery; but his place was promptly filled by HidÉyoshi, who at once crushed the rising which had overthrown his master and assumed the reins of government. The son of a peasant, he had entered Nobunaga’s service as a groom, but, attracting notice, he was promoted to military service and quickly rose by his own prowess to high command. Often changing his name, according to Japanese custom, he appears in history under many designations. By the Portuguese Jesuits he is referred to as Faxiba (i.e. Hashiba); but he is more generally known by his later name of Taiko Sama; and by this name he is called in these volumes. Neither he nor Nobunaga received the title of shogun. The highest rank to which he attained was that of kuwambaku, or premier.[5]
HidÉyoshi died in 1598[6] leaving an infant son, HidÉyori (the Fidaia Sama of Cocks’s diary), whom he had married to the grand-daughter of his old fellow-soldier IyÉyasu, in the hope of thus disarming a dangerous rival, who was also appointed one of the guardians of the boy. But these precautions went for nothing. Even in Nobunaga’s days IyÉyasu was a powerful leader, and he had only submitted to Taiko Sama after some hesitation. It is true that he swore to protect the interests of the young HidÉyori; but many circumstances combined to stifle any scruples that he might have felt in supplanting his ward. It was whispered that the child was no son of Taiko Sama, and, even if he were, the nobles who had resented the rule of the low-born chief, whom they were forced to obey, were not disposed to continue their submission to his child. What has always happened in such conjunctures was sure to happen now. The other guardians of the young prince, suspicious of IyÉyasu, began to draw together their troops; IyÉyasu summoned his men; and soon after, in October, 1600, the rival armies confronted each other on the field of SÉkigahara, near Lake Biwa, in the centre of the kingdom. IyÉyasu gained a decisive victory; his enemies were scattered with fearful slaughter; and the young HidÉyori was at the mercy of the conqueror. To the credit of the latter, his captive received no harm, but continued to lead a life of almost perfect freedom in his strong castle of Ozaka.
It was, then, only a few months before this decisive battle that Adams had his first interview with IyÉyasu, the emperor as he styles him, at Ozaka. How he found favour in his eyes, was taken into his confidence, “learned him some points of geometry and understanding of the arts of mathematics”, built him ships and, in fine, gained such influence that “what I said he would not contrary,” Adams himself has told us in that letter which, a captive in a far-off land, he addressed so pathetically to his “unknown friends and countrymen.” But when, in his yearning to see wife and children again, “according to conscience and nature”, he prayed for liberty to return to his country, IyÉyasu hardened his heart and would not let him go. The most that was granted was leave for the Dutch captain of the ship[7] and one of the crew to depart. This they did; and it should be noted that it was by the help of the daimio of Firando, who now first appears upon the scene, that they found a junk wherein to sail. The captain was soon after killed fighting against the Portuguese. His companion returned and settled at Nagasaki, being the Melchor van Sanfort (or Sanvoort) whom we meet in the diary. Others of the crew no doubt settled in the country. One of them is incidentally mentioned by Cocks (i. 171).
Adams’s letter above referred to was written in October, 1611. It reached the English factory at Bantam probably early in 1612; but the idea of opening trade with Japan had already been entertained in England. Adams’s story was known there by reports from the Dutch; and letters announcing the intentions of the East India Company were sent out to him by the ship Globe, which sailed in January, 1611. In April following, the Clove, the Thomas, and the Hector were despatched under command of Captain John Saris, with letters from King James I. to the Emperor of Japan. Arriving at Bantam in October, 1612, Saris remained there till the beginning of the new year, and then, on the 14th of January, sailed for Japan in the ship Clove, with a crew of some seventy men. On the 10th of June, off Nagasaki, he first sighted the western coast of Kiushiu, and two days after came to an anchor in the haven of Firando.
The first to greet the English commander were the old daimio or tono, Foyne Sama, then in his seventy-second year, and his grandson, a young man of two-and-twenty, who shared the government. Both are styled kings; and the latter is Figen a (or Figeno) Sama, who appears throughout Cocks’s diary as the king of Firando. Foyne Sama seems to have been a simple and unaffected old man, not averse to merry-making, but firm, and, says Saris, “famed to be the worthiest soldier of all Japan, for his valour and service in the Corean wars.”[8] Old as he was and good-humoured as he appeared, we see something of the sterner side of his character in certain remarks of our diarist. Almost immediately after their arrival the English sailors began quarrelling and drew from him a reproof which, though gentle, was a sufficient hint; and we are told, at a later date, when his dog “Balle” was accidentally killed by the English cook, that “if this had happened in the time of Foyne Sama, who esteemed this dog much, it might have cost us all our lives” (i. 248). The readiness with which he welcomed and encouraged foreign trade is creditable, and proves that he understood, at all events in some degree, the benefits which his small principality might derive from it. He died in 1614, about a year after the establishment of the English factory. The young king had not the force of character of his grandfather. Though generally keeping on fair terms with the English, his temper was capricious, and he was probably too indolent not to be ruled by his own ministers, some of whom appear to have been all-powerful. The principal nobles and ministers at Firando were: Bongo Sama or Nobesane, Foyne’s brother, and consequently great-uncle to Figen a Sama; Tonomon Sama, and Genta or Gentero Sama, Figen a Sama’s brothers, of whom the first acted as viceroy in the absence of the king, and the second resided as hostage at the shogun’s court and was in favour there; Sangero Sama, a natural son of Foyne; Oyen Dono[9] and Semi Dono, the royal secretaries; and Taccamon Dono, the chief justice, “our enemy”, as Cocks calls him (ii. 3). The Dutch had already been settled in Firando for some years. In July, 1609, their ship the Red Lion arrived in that port and, favoured by Foyne Sama, they succeeded in obtaining from the shogun leave to establish a factory and to send one or more ships annually from Europe. It was not, however, till two years after this that another small ship, the Brach, arrived, and two commissioners were sent up to pay the usual visit to the court. One of these was Jacob Speck,[10] afterwards head of the Dutch factory and the contemporary and rival of Cocks. At the court at Suruga they were met by William Adams, whose influence with the shogun was used to such good purpose that they received most favourable terms for trading in the country, while two embassies of the Portuguese and Spaniards, which were present about the same time, failed to obtain the full privileges they sought.[11] The head of the Dutch factory, when Saris landed, was Hendrik Brower; and at the very first mention of his name by Cocks, the jealousy which was smouldering in the hearts of the two nations shows itself: “Captain Brower went along by the door but would not look at us, and we made as little account of him.”[12]
The first business for Saris to transact was the hire of a house, to serve for a factory, from Captain Andassee, “Captain of the China quarter”, the Chinaman who appears all through the diary by the name of Andrea Dittis; his next was to prepare to visit the court of IyÉyasu, only waiting to be joined by William Adams, for whom he had sent and who arrived on the 29th of July. They started on their journey on the 7th of August, leaving Cocks to manage affairs at Firando, and travelled by the same regular route over which Cocks was afterwards so often to pass: down the inland sea to Ozaka, and thence by land to Suruga[13] where IyÉyasu resided, and afterwards proceeding to Yedo to visit HidÉtada, son of the latter and actual shogun, to whom his father, according to a not infrequent custom, had transferred the title in 1605. It is needless to repeat here the interesting details of this journey, which are to be found in Saris’s own narrative in the pages of Purchas. For our present purpose it is enough to state that the travellers returned to Firando on the 6th of November with ample privileges for trade.[14] One request was however refused, viz. the right to bring into Japan and sell the goods of Chinese prizes which might be captured as a punishment for rejection of the English trade. This is only one of several instances that are recorded of IyÉyasu’s fairness to all foreigners alike and of his refusal to mix in their quarrels. It was also understood that, on the arrival of a ship from Europe, a present was to be carried to the shogun; and for trade with neighbouring countries a goshon or licence was requisite for each junk that sailed.
“Now touching a factory to be left there,” says Saris, “I had on the twenty-sixth [of November] assembled my merchandizing council, where, upon these considerations, viz. the encouragement we had received in the Moluccas by private intelligence; the Dutch factory already planted here in Firando; the large privileges now obtained of the Emperor of Japan; the certain advice of the English factories settled in Siam and Patane; the commodities resting unsold upon our hands appointed for these parts; and the hoped-for profit which further experience may produce, it was resolved that a factory should be left there, viz. eight English, three Japan jurebasses or interpreters, and two servants, who were appointed against the coming of the next ships to search and discover the coast of Corea, Tushmay, and other parts of Japan and countries thereunto adjoining, to see what good might be done in any of them.”[15] The eight Englishmen who were thus appointed members of the English factory, were: Richard Cocks, captain and cape- (or head-) merchant, William Adams, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edmund Sayers, and William Nealson.
Richard Cocks[16] was probably a native of Coventry; at all events he was familiar with that city (i. 172), and had friends there (i. 229). His name appears in the charter of incorporation of the East India Company, 31 Dec. 1600; and in the earlier list of “names of such persons as have written with their own hands to venture in the pretended voyage to the East Indies,” 22 Sept. 1599, he is described as a grocer and subscribes £200.[17] He himself tells us (ii. 317) that, besides being a member of “this Right Honourable and Right Worshipful Society or Company which trade to the East Indies,” he belonged to the Merchants Adventurers and was “made free of the old Hanse”, and he was also a member of the Clothworkers’ Company. A certain Richard Cocks who sailed with Frobisher in his third voyage to Meta Incognita, in 1578, and who was distinguished as “the first to sail in among the ice”, was probably a relative.[18] From 1603 to 1608 he lived at Bayonne, no doubt as a merchant. Many news-letters written by him from thence are preserved in the Public Record Office, addressed to Sir Thomas Wilson, secretary to Lord Treasurer Salisbury. From this we may infer that Sir Thomas was Cocks’s patron. The correspondence was continued when Cocks was in Japan; and some of his letters which dwelt on the wonders of the country were sent to King James to read, who declared them to contain “the loudest lies that he had ever heard.” Wilson pronounces the writer to be, though not lettered, a man of honesty, years, and judgment.[19] As Cocks becomes well known to us as we read his diary, we will leave him for the present.
Of the other members of the factory, two soon disappeared from the scene. Tempest Peacock and Walter Carwarden went on a trading venture to Cochinchina, and, as we shall see, never returned. Richard Wickham appears to have been in more independent circumstances than the rest. Even before Saris’s departure he began to give trouble, as his time of agreement with the Company had nearly expired and he bargained for higher wages. He resigned his place and left Japan early in 1618, and died soon after at Jacatra in Java, worth, it was said, £5,000 or £6,000. William Eaton and Edmund Sayers[20] were with the factory from first to last. The former is called by Cocks “my countryman”, probably meaning that they were natives of the same place or district. William Nealson was turbulent and quarrelsome, particularly when drink put him into his “fustian fumes”. He died in March, 1620, “being wasted away with a consumption.” After reading of their constant bickerings, one smiles to find that he made Cocks his heir; and, piously adds Cocks, “if God had called me in his mercy before Mr. Nealson, then had he had as much of mine” (ii. 321).
When Adams accompanied Saris to court, he had at length got leave from IyÉyasu to visit his native land. Why he did not choose to sail in the Clove, as he at first intended, was, he himself tells us, because of “some discourtesies offered me by the general.” In fact, Saris seems to have disagreed with him on several points, and did not treat him generously. But, perhaps, a better reason for his stay was that which Cocks gives: “that he was loth to return to his country a beggar”; for, although IyÉyasu had given him an estate of some extent, he was ill provided with money. And yet another and nobler reason may have influenced him. “In my simple judgment,” he says in one of his letters, “if the north-west passage be ever discovered, it will be discovered by this way of Japan”;[21] and Cocks adds, “Mr. Adams is of the opinion that, if ever the north-east or north-west passages be found out, it must be from these parts, and offereth his best services therein, the Emperor promising his best furtherance with men or letters of recommendation to all princes, and hath entrance already into an island called Yedzo, which is thought to be rather some part of the continent of Tartaria” (ii. 258). So Adams took service with the Company, after some haggling over the amount of his wages, for two years;[22] and constantly appears in the course of the diary in various employments. Cocks was evidently a little afraid of him, and, while praising him to the Company as “tractable and willing to do your Worships the best service he may,” he cautions Wickham to “have a due care to give Capt. Adams content, which you may easily do if you use him with kind speeches and fall not into terms with him upon any argument. I am persuaded,” he adds, “I could live with him seven years before any extraordinary speeches should happen betwixt us.” Our Cocks doth protest too much. Adams’s friendliness to his old comrades the Dutch is ever a thorn in the side of the cape-merchant: “I cannot choose but note it down that both I myself and all the rest of our nation do see that he is much more friend to the Dutch than to the Englishmen, which are his own countrymen, God forgive him.” But, in spite of occasional outbursts of this nature, they lived generally on friendly terms, and there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of Cocks’s sorrow when his comrade died.
Two others joined the factory at a later date. John Osterwick, of Dutch descent and a kinsman of Wickham, came out in 1615 and remained to the end. Richard Hudson, whom Cocks in 1617 calls a boy, and who had lost father and brother in the search for the north-west passage, was employed as an unattached servant at the factory.
Saris sailed from Japan on the 5th of December, 1613. The merchandise which stocked the factory consisted chiefly of broad cloth and woollen and cotton piece goods; also of Bantam pepper, gunpowder, lead, tin, etc. Its total value was about £5,650. The Company was sanguine enough, on Saris’s representation, to hope for such success in the Japan trade, as to be able to export silver in sufficient quantity to maintain their Indian trade. But Saris’s estimate of the mercantile prospects was based on false premises. When he arrived, the prices of imports were extraordinarily high; but then the Dutch had the market nearly all to themselves, and the demand for European goods was almost too limited to give room for competition. Steel and lead alone among metals, and silk among materials, sold readily. Saris indeed had tried to arrange with the Dutch factor on a profitable price, at which both nations should sell their cloth; but the latter immediately “shipped away great store of cloth to divers islands, rating them at base prices that he might procure the more speedy despatch of his own, and glut the place before the coming of ours.”[23] But even apart from Dutch competition, cloth was not a favourite article of trade in Japan. Saris soon found that the natives were backward in buying, especially when they saw that the English themselves did not wear the material they recommended, “for, said they, you commend your cloth unto us, but you yourselves wear least thereof, the better sort of you wearing silken garments, the meaner fustians.”[24] Cocks, too, naively remarks that the people of Japan are “so addicted to silks that they do not enter into consideration of the benefit of wearing cloth”(ii. 259). On the other hand, if cloth happened to rise in price, it at once commanded a sale among the wealthy, Wickham, in one of his letters, noticing the disposition of the Japanese, especially of the better sort, to buy those commodities which are most rare and when they are dearest. Spanish cloth, he says, never sold better than when it was high in price; when it fell, no one would look at it; when it again reached a high price, it recovered its reputation. Again, when warlike rumours were afloat there was a demand for cloth, as it was used for cases for arms; and so, we are told, the Japanese preferred good measure to fine quality. Sober colours were generally preferred. Venice red and flame colour would not sell at all in 1614. In 1620, blacks and reds are in fashion (ii. 311). Indian cloths sold not “so much for necessity as for the new and strange fashions and paintings thereof”, the Japanese “being a people desiring change” (ii. 273).
After Saris’s departure, however, the English factory lost no time in attempting to establish trade in the country. At the beginning of the new year Wickham was sent as agent to Yedo; Eaton was stationed at Ozaka; and Sayers had a commission to the northern parts of Kiushiu and the neighbouring island of Tsushima, the first step to trade with Corea. In Cocks’s letters to Wickham we see the anxiety caused by the competition of the Dutch. Wickham was to “sell away, although something under cento per cento,” and not to be outstripped by his rivals.
A junk was also fitted out with a cargo worth £750 to trade to Cochinchina, Tempest Peacock going in her as merchant (18th March, 1614) with Walter Carwarden to assist him. This venture was unfortunate. Peacock was killed in Cochinchina, treacherously as it appeared, and Carwarden was cast away on the return voyage. Although two attempts were subsequently made by Adams to renew intercourse, neither succeeded. Trade with Siam was also opened, a junk being at once bought and commissioned for the purpose. Adams showed skill and energy in fitting her for her voyage, and took the command in her first trip, which however failed, owing principally to the mutinous conduct of the crew. This venture was estimated at £1,400.
But the country with which the English most coveted commercial relations was China; and through all the diary and correspondence of Cocks negotiations are always in progress. The two Chinese traders, Andrea Dittis, the landlord of the English house mentioned above, and his brother Whaw or Whow, who was stationed at Nagasaki, were the agents through whom Cocks hoped to obtain a footing in China, where also a third brother was supposed to be negotiating with the authorities to obtain the desired privileges; and not inconsiderable sums were advanced to smooth the way. But China was then in a state of war and confusion, and although in the end, after years of waiting, Cocks was told that permission for trade was granted, no charter or other documents arrived, and, in any case, it was then, at the moment when the English were preparing to withdraw from Japan, too late to do anything.
The English factory, then, had been established about two years in June, 1615, the date at which Cocks’s diary begins. The house which had been hired of the China captain had been purchased and improved at a cost of nearly £600. Foyne Sama had been dead some twelve months, and Figen a Sama reigned in his stead. Captain Brower had disappeared from the Dutch factory to make room for Jacob Speck. And we are at once carried into the midst of native affairs. On the 2nd of June reports reached Firando of the total defeat of the young prince HidÉyori (Fidaia Sama) by IyÉyasu. As we have already seen, HidÉyori had been left in comparative freedom after the battle of SÉkigahara. He had now grown to man’s estate, and had the sympathy of a large part of the country; and Cocks especially notices that the people of the southern parts “affect the young man more than the old.” Round him gathered all who had reason to fear or dislike his rival; and, when the final rupture took place, he had a following of 120,000 men. There can be little doubt that the young prince perished in the burning castle of Ozaka after the total defeat of his troops; but the fact that his body could not be found was enough to give rise to the rumour that he had escaped. His followers were hunted down and destroyed; but that he still lived was widely believed, and that belief lasted for years and is frequently noticed in these pages. Apollinario Franco, a Franciscan, who was present at the terrible scene at Ozaka, escaped to Firando and is mentioned early in the diary. Notwithstanding his protestant dislike of priests and friars, Cocks could not refuse Christian charity to one in such sore distress. We meet with him once or twice again. He died at the stake in Omura in 1622. After the destruction of Ozaka the shoguns adopted the policy of detaining for stated periods, at court, the daimios of the several provinces or some members of their families. This arrangement is often noticed by Cocks.
At the end of August arrived the ship Oziander (or Hozeander) from England, and Captain Ralph Coppindall was sent up to court with the customary present. In a letter written after his return to Firando he records the unprofitable nature of the trade of Japan: “either we must procure a peaceable trade in China, or else, as the Hollanders do, to trade with them perforce. And if we set foot in the Moluccas, this place will be a fit storehouse from whence we may always have men, munition, and victuals good store, and at reasonable rates” (ii. 271). These, indeed, were also the sentiments of the factors, and were repeated more than once.
A quarrel with the Portuguese and Spaniards at Nagasaki, who had seized and imprisoned two of their own countrymen for serving the English, is among the events of this year. And, however much they might disagree among themselves, English and Dutch were at one when attacking or attacked by the other two rival nations; so that the capture of a Portuguese junk by the Dutch and her condemnation through Adams’s influence at court as good prize gave unmixed satisfaction at Firando. In connection with this capture, an interesting conversation between IyÉyasu and Adams is recorded (ii. 276).
Early in 1616 a report began to circulate that IyÉyasu was dead. Cocks, with the caution with which he had learned to regard all Japanese news, rather viewed it as “a fable given out of purpose to see how people would take the matter”; and he, no doubt, only expresses the general feeling when he adds “once the old man is subtil”. In June the king of Firando is reported to have visited him, “but was only permitted to enter into his chamber, where they say he lay sick in a little cabin covered with paper”; and soon after it was known that he had really expired,[25] not however before he had had the satisfaction of having his physician cut in pieces. Cocks, however, was hard of belief, and was convinced that “he will soon rise again, if any wars be moved against his son within these three years.” This son was the shogun HidÉtada, a man very different from his father in his manner of regarding foreigners.
It was now necessary for the English to send up a deputation to court for a confirmation of privileges under the new reign; and the ships Thomas and Advice arriving from England just at the time, Cocks got ready his presents and started at the end of July, in company with Adams who had just returned from Siam. The account of the journey to Yedo and of the audience with the shogun is very interesting. But they did not obtain what they sought. The privileges were curtailed and the English were restricted to the single port of Firando. In vain did Cocks petition to have this decision reversed; and, although the shogun’s secretaries, Codskin Dono and Oyen Dono, did not seem to be unfavourable, they declared that it was impossible to alter matters. Inga Dono, also, the chief justice, could only tell Cocks “that at present all matters were in other manner in Japan than in time of the old Emperor”; and common report declared that “no man dare speak to the Emperor of any matter they think is to his discontent, he is so furious, and no means but death and destruction” (i. 186, 187). In the end the English had to withdraw all their factors from Yedo, Miako, Sackay, and Ozaka.[26] But it was not only in this particular that things were changed. HidÉtada had determined to suppress Christianity. Since the first arrival of the Portuguese Jesuits, followed by the rapid conversion of whole districts in the western and southern parts of Japan, there had been no systematic attempt to stifle the new religion. The story told of Nobunaga, that, when he was urged to expel the Roman Catholic missionaries, he remarked that, as there were already thirty-five religious sects in Japan, a thirty-sixth could not make much difference,[27] reflects the ease with which Christianity made its way in the country; and the same ruler’s policy of tolerating the new tenets, while persecuting the Buddhist faith, gave them time to take root and flourish. A sudden edict of Taiko Sama, expelling the Jesuits from the kingdom, was not enforced to the utmost; and IyÉyasu generally left them in peace, although towards the end of his reign fresh edicts of banishment were issued and the sentence to a considerable extent carried into effect. But many priests still lurked in the country; and Cocks notices that the hostility shown to some of his men by the natives of Omura was “by means of the padres, or priests, who stirred them up against us to make us odious to the Japons, for they are all, or the most part, papistical Christians in Umbra, and attribute a great or chief occasion of banishment of them out of Japon by means of the English, many papists and Jesuits lying secretly lurking in most parts of Japon till this hour” (i. 139).[28] While Cocks was waiting in Yedo for the copy of the privileges he tells us that the Council sent “above twenty times” to question him about the religion of the English, and were hardly persuaded that Protestants were distinct from Roman Catholics. Even Adams, at whose house some Spaniards were staying, was suspected of harbouring priests and received warning. These things indicated, as the secretary Oyen Dono admitted, that the new ruler meant indeed to “utterly extinguish” the Jesuits and friars out of Japan; and there was good reason to believe that Christians of all sects would soon go the same way. The immediate result of this severity is seen soon after in the announcement, on the 22nd of May of the next year, of the execution of a Franciscan and a Jesuit;[29] and other persecutions followed afterwards.
Before Cocks returned to Firando, he visited William Adams’s estate at Phebe (HÉmi)[30] which had been bestowed on him by IyÉyasu. “There is”, he says, describing it, “above one hundred farms or households upon it, besides others under them, all which are his vassals, and he hath power of life and death over them, they being his slaves, and he has absolute authority over them as any tono or king in Japon hath over his vassals.” (i. 181.)
On their way back to Firando, they passed the site of Yoritomo’s city of Kamakura, “but now at present it is no city, but scattered houses seated here and there in pleasant valleys betwixt divers mountains, wherein are divers pagods very sumptuous, and a nunnery of shaven women. I did never see such pleasant walks among pine and spruce trees as there are about these pagods.” This is the one place in all Japan whose natural beauty seems to have impressed even the matter-of-fact Cocks, who could dismiss the HakonÉ Pass with its fine lake and scenery in the one sentence, “Haconey on the top of the mountain, where the great pond with the devil is, as they report.”
The altered state of feelings at Yedo began soon to be reflected at Firando. At the beginning of the new year the king showed a disposition to meddle in the affairs of the English trade and betrayed ill-humour in several small matters; and soon there were rumours that both English and Dutch would have to shift to other quarters. These disagreements drew a formal remonstrance from Cocks, who, “entering into consideration of the small respect this king of Firando hath of us in comparison of that which he had at our first entrance into Japon”, expressed his discontent in a “large letter”; which, however, was received “in good part”, and a friendly message returned. But, after this, things never went quite so smoothly as before.
Other troubles also began to close in on the English. Their relations with the Dutch were gradually becoming more and more estranged, until their differences culminated in open rupture. In 1617 rumours reached Firando of Dutch outrages on the English in Puloway, which tended to increase the coolness so rapidly growing between the members of the English and Dutch factories, who, as the Japanese observed, were friends, “but from tooth outwards.” The frequent piracies of the Dutch upon the Chinese are reflected on by Cocks, who also accuses them of gross cruelty to their prisoners. An aggravation of these crimes was the fact that they were committed, if not under the English flag, at least under the English name, the Dutch giving out that they were English. Their success in this form of deception is illustrated by an entry in the diary: “These Chinas in the junk [just captured] will not be persuaded but that they are Englishmen which took them.”[31] It was, then, with only an outward show of friendship that the two nations carried on their trade in Firando.
In August of this year the Advice arrived from Bantam, and about the same time Adams returned from a voyage to Cochinchina. Another journey to court immediately followed; and this time no farther than Fushimi, near Miako, whither the shogun had come to visit the mikado. A renewed attempt, however, on the part of Cocks, to obtain an extension of the privileges, the principal object of the journey, failed altogether. At first, indeed, the right to trade in Nagasaki was added; but, in an evil hour, one of the councillors took exception, and this concession was cancelled. An answer was refused to a letter of James I., which was now presented, on the ground that it was addressed to the dead shogun IyÉyasu and that it was held “ominous amongst the Japans to answer to dead men’s letters.” In the end, poor Cocks was, as he said, put to “Hodgson’s choice”, and had to take what privileges he could, or none at all. “So we got out our goshons, but the privileges as they were the last year. Worry! worry! worry!” In fact, the Japanese themselves saw the advantages to be derived from trade, and the shogun very naturally “would have his own vassals to get the benefit to bring up merchandise rather than strangers.” The result was that a company of native merchants appeared in the market and formed, if we may judge by Cocks’s account of them, what would now be called a ring.
It was on the occasion of this visit to court that Cocks and his fellow-travellers came in contact with a Corean embassy, to which he refers several times. The object of their mission, we are told, was to pay a visit of ceremony to the sepulchre of IyÉyasu, and to congratulate the new shogun upon his peaceful succession.
Nothing eventful occurred at the factory in the early part of 1618. During a visit to Nagasaki in February and March, Cocks makes several interesting references to the Christians whom he met among the natives; and on his arrival at this half-Christianised town, the Chinese junks, which were dressed with flags in his honour, flew the cross of St. George among the rest. Before Foyne’s death at Firando, the English had been compelled to haul down their flag on account of the Christian symbol that it bore. Meanwhile, however, on the north of Kiushiu bloody persecutions were being carried on; and a little later is recorded the news of the crucifixion of some thirty-seven men and women in Kokura. Disquieting rumours were also afloat of a confederacy of the southern daimios against the shogun.
Soon, however, occurred an event which concerned the English more nearly than the political state of Japan. On the 8th of August, to their intense indignation, a Dutch ship arrived at Firando bringing in, as prize, the English ship Attendance, which had been captured in the Moluccas. To do him justice, the Dutch factor Speck seems to have regretted the action and offered to restore her, but not, as Cocks remarks, before there had been time to empty her. An immediate journey to court naturally followed, in order to put in a written protest against this proceeding of the Dutch. But Cocks was told “that for facts committed in other places the emperor would not meddle with it”, so that, but for the easing of his conscience afforded by the delivery of his protest, and the pleasure of some sight-seeing, he might as well have remained at Firando. For nearly the whole of the year 1619 and 1620 the diary is wanting; and during the early part of this period the Dutch were masters of the sea, and the English in Japan were completely isolated. But, in order to maintain their interests in the East, the English Company had already, in 1617, despatched a fleet of five ships under command of Captain Martin Pring. He reached Bantam in the middle of 1618, and, sailing thence to Jacatra, had news of the Dutch attack on the English in the Moluccas. He was soon after joined at Bantam by a reinforcement of six large ships under Sir Thomas Dale, who assumed the command of the combined fleet. After some skirmishing, the English retired to India to refit; and there Dale died. Pring then again sailed eastward; but, finding himself outnumbered by the Dutch, he was on the point, early in 1620, of dividing his forces and himself sailing for Japan, when he received news of the union of the English and Dutch Companies. Thus relieved from fear of attack, he proceeded on his voyage and reached Firando in safety.
How the English fared in Firando during these two years we learn from Cocks’s letters to the Company.[32] In the determined attack which the Dutch made on the English factory there can be little doubt that, had not the Japanese protected them, our countrymen would have fallen victims to the Hollanders, who, “by sound of trumpet aboard all their ships in the harbour of Firando, proclaimed open wars against our English nation, both by sea and land, with fire and sword, to take our ships and goods and destroy our persons to the uttermost of their power, as to their mortal enemies.” But in the midst of these troubles there was a gleam of light in trade prospects, for the shogun was at last induced, early in 1620, to allow Nagasaki to be included in the English privileges. The advantages of that port, with its fine harbour, over the poor “fisher town” of Firando, with its bad anchorage, are duly set forth by Cocks; and we learn, at the same time, the reasons why the larger town was not selected at first, “which heretofore was not thought fit, because then a papist Portingale bishop lived in the town, and there was ten or twelve parish churches, besides monasteries.” But now all was changed; churches and monasteries had been levelled with the earth, and even graveyards uprooted and “all the dead men’s bones taken out of the ground and cast forth.” The news of the union of the two companies will account for the English still remaining in their old quarters in Firando, to keep near the Dutch, instead of migrating to Nagasaki.
Death had also in this interval brought misfortunes to the English factory. The first loss was that of Whaw, the Chinaman, upon whom Cocks so much relied to obtain privileges for the China trade. Then Nealson died in March, 1620. And, last of all, “our good friend Captain William Adams, who was so long before us in Japon, departed out of this world the 16th of May last.” If for no other reason, we must on Adams’s account deplore the loss of Cocks’s diary for this period, which would undoubtedly have contained some details of his last illness and death. It is also to be regretted that we do not find more personal details about Adams in the portions of the diary which have survived; but he was so often absent on trading voyages and other business that Cocks must be excused if he tells us no more than he does. As already noticed, the cape-merchant held him in some awe, and, if we may believe the diary, Adams was inclined to be somewhat hasty in temper. On the other hand, he did the Company good and faithful service, and, to judge by small things, the reader will not fail to notice the patience with which he waited, time after time, on the dilatory pleasure of court officials, in the interest of the English. His influence with the shoguns is more than once referred to. “The Emperor [IyÉyasu],” writes Cocks in 1616, “esteemeth him much, and he may go and speak with him at all times, when kings and princes are kept out”; and again, in 1620: “I cannot but be sorrowful for the loss of such a man as Captain William Adams was, he having been in such favour with two Emperors of Japon as never was any Christian in these parts of the world, and might freely have entered and had speech with the Emperors, when many Japon kings stood without and could not be permitted.” Adams had a wife and daughter living in England. He also had a son and daughter in Japan.[33] To all of these he left his property in equal shares. References are several times made to the disposal of his goods and to the transmission of money to England, as well as to difficulties arising from the disposition of certain goshons or trading licences belonging to his children in Japan.[34]
The result in Japan of the union of the English and Dutch Companies was, as we have seen, that the English factory remained at Firando instead of removing to the far more commodious town of Nagasaki. A combined fleet of English and Dutch ships, sailing under the modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and of diverting the trade of China from the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English settlements; in other words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese ports and seize as many of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In the two expeditions to the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before the English and Dutch again separated, they captured many prizes; and the Dutch are said to have treated their Chinese prisoners with great cruelty, while their new allies interfered to protect these unfortunate people. All the time, however, that the English were thus engaged at sea, peaceful negotiations were still being carried on by Cocks for establishing trade with China, though it is not surprising that “our joining with the Hollanders to take China junks is ill thought of.”
In 1621 the English at Firando, apparently with the idea that trade was now going to flourish, built a new warehouse and wharves, and undertook other works on a large scale. But it was impossible that their relations with the Dutch could be cordial; and dissensions soon broke out. There was ill blood between the sailors of the two nations. In the Philippines they could scarcely be restrained from fighting; and when, at the end of June, the fleet returned to Firando and the crews got ashore, they at once came to blows, and a Dutchman was killed. Then followed the trial and execution of the English sailor who had killed him; and the temper in which his shipmates regarded his condemnation may be judged from the fact that “Captain Robert Adams was forced to put the rope about his neck with his own hands.” And it was not only with the English that the Dutch sailors quarrelled. They were drunken and riotous and “brabbled” in the streets, till at last the long-suffering Japanese lost patience and seizing two of them summarily cut off their heads. The English, too, demanded a victim. A Dutchman, who had stabbed an Englishman, was condemned and executed by his own countrymen in a novel fashion, “they having first made the man so drunk that he could scarce stand on his legs, and so cut off his head within their own house.” As to the crews of the English shipping, they were perhaps only a degree less turbulent; to maintain discipline and set an example, four runaways were condemned and hanged.
In 1620 the English ship, Elizabeth, cruising off the Island of Formosa, captured a Japanese vessel on her way from the Philippines to Japan. On board were found two priests, who, in the end, proved to be Pedro de ZuÑiga, an Augustinian, and Luis Flores, a Dominican. They long denied their names; and we find many references in the diary to their examination at Firando. (It was an object to the English and Dutch to convict them, as, in such case, the ship became good prize.) In the end, these two unfortunate men, together with the Japanese captain of the vessel, were, in 1622, put to death by the horrible torture of slow fire, and the crew were beheaded;[35] so that we cannot much regret that the captors were baulked of their prize. With grim humour the shogun appropriated the cargo for himself, “leaving the rotten hull for us and the Hollanders.” So, much against their will, the factors had to deliver over the prize goods, after a little hesitation, which, however, they saw it was useless to persist in, when Cocks was told that “they would take it whether we would or no, and that, if we had not absolutely proved the Portingalls to be padres, the Emperor meant to have put Captain Leonard Camps and me to death and to have seized on all we had in the country; and, if any resistance had been made, to have burned all our shipping and put us all to the sword” (ii. 335).
At the end of 1621 Cocks set out on the last visit to the court at Yedo recorded in his diary, the English and their Dutch allies now going in one company. Speck was no longer at the head of the Dutch factory. He had left Japan in the previous October; his successor being Leonard Camps, who was now Cocks’s travelling companion. After delivering the customary presents, and after the usual long delay in getting leave to depart, they were dismissed without the shogun’s return gifts, which were not ready, “which truly is the greatest wrong or indignity that ever hitherto was offered to any Christians.” It is almost unnecessary to add that Cocks and Camps quarrelled. The diary ends on the 24th of March, 1622, in the middle of the journey back to Firando; and in the last entry Cocks tells us how the Hollanders slipped away from him. No phrase could better express the whole course of the dealings of the Dutch with the English in Japan.
The rest of the story of the English factory is soon told. The Council of Defence of the East India Company at Batavia had some time before determined to reduce it to small dimensions. In his letter of the 7th September, 1622, Cocks records the receipt of orders “to leave off our consortship of the Fleet of Defence with the Hollanders, and to send our five ships for Jaccatra with as much speed as conveniently we could”; all money and merchandise was to be withdrawn, except a small “cargezon” or stock worth 5,000 taels, to be left in charge of Osterwick and a couple of assistants; and Cocks, Eaton, and Sayers were to “come along in the said ships for Jaccatra, for lessening charges in the factory.” All which directions the cape-merchant piously assured the Company should be followed “as near as we can”; but nevertheless stayed where he was. The difficulty, however, of getting payment of outstanding debts was at least some excuse; and he still fondly clung to the hopes of the China trade.
While the English were thus yielding ground, their Dutch rivals were more energetic than ever. They had failed in an attempt to surprise Macao; but had forcibly established themselves in the Pescadore Islands, and they still persisted in their old offence of passing for Englishmen. It was only a few months later that the Amboyna massacre was perpetrated.
At last, at a consultation of the Council at Batavia on the 25th of April, 1623, the dissolution of the English factory in Japan was formally decided. Captain Joseph Cockram was despatched in the ship Bull, invested with full powers. It was, however, left to his discretion to allow two juniors to remain to collect debts, if there were any prospect of recovery. He arrived at Firando in July, bearing a letter, dated 22nd May, from the Council, directing all the members of the factory “to come away from thence upon the ship Bull for Batavia; hereby charging you and every of you to fulfil our said order, as you will answer the contrary at your perils.” Cocks is ordered to get in all the debts he can; and he is blamed in severe terms for the loss of the “great sums” which he had advanced for the China trade: “The China Nocheda[36] hath too long deluded you, through your own simplicity, to give credit unto him. You have lived long enough in those parts to be better experienced of the fraudulent practices of those people.” The English buildings at Firando are to be handed over to the king, to hold in trust “until such time as we shall send thither again to repossess the same.” And so, after some other orders, the letter concludes with a caustic admonition that, “because last year, to serve your own turn, you made what construction you pleased of our commission for your coming from thence, we do now iterate our commission in the conclusion of our letter, lest, having read it in the former part thereof, you should forget it before you come to the end.”
Preparations for departure were at once made; the ostensible reasons given to the king of Firando being the loss of ships and the bad prospects of the China trade, and not “out of any unkind usage here in his Majesty’s [the shogun’s] dominions.” But, anxious as they now were to shake themselves free of Japan, the factors were still obliged to send up one of their number, Richard Hudson, to deliver the customary present to the shogun; so that it was not till nearly the end of the year that they were ready to quit Firando.
On the 16th of December, in consultation, it was determined to leave no one behind to collect debts; but the Dutch factor was empowered to receive any sums that might come in. The amount owing to the factory was 12,821 taels, about £3,200, out of which Dittis was answerable for 6,636 taels, or £1,659. The following abstract[37] of a lost portion of Cocks’s diary gives us particulars of the last days spent by the English in Japan:—
Abstract “Coppie of some passages at our leaving Jappan and dissolving ye English Factory at Ferando in ye yeare 1623. Taken out of Mr. Richard Cock his Journall; who was Chiefe these eleven or 12 yeares.”
December 19.—Tonomon Sarume paid 100 Tale on account of his debt of 500 Tales.
December 20.—Prepared in the Japanese language the accounts of the noblemen indebted to the factory, in order that the parties might sign them as an acknowledgment of the debt to be left with the Dutch chief for recovery; a power of attorney for that purpose, also in Japanese, being signed by all the factors and delivered to him. Copies of these several writings were also prepared for the king.
On the 22nd these writings were delivered to the Dutch chief, Capt. Newrode; and the copies sent to the king. The factors “had much adoe with Tonomon Sama, Semidono, Taccamondono, and others, to give us their bills ... and, when they didd itt, put in what they list.”
On the 21st and 22nd sundry small presents in money were given to the Japanese servants and others, few exceeding two or three Tale.
On the 22nd many of the townsmen came with their wives and families to take leave of the factors, some weeping at their departure.
On the 23rd the factors went on board the ship Bull, intending to set sail; but, the Dutch and many of their Japanese friends coming on board with banquets, they postponed their departure; and, there not being room in the ship to serve up the presents of their friends, more than one hundred being on board, they landed at Cochi. Afterwards Messrs. Cock and Osterwicke proposed, as a return to their friends, to leave 50 Tales as a banquet for them all; but the other factors would not agree to it.
On the 24th, at noon, they set sail for Batavia. The same night in a storm the Bull sprung a leak, and was found to make six inches of water every half-hour.
The Bull reached Batavia on the 27th of January, 1624. And now poor Cocks was indeed in trouble. In their letter of the 24th February to the East India Company the Council of Defence accuse him of culpable carelessness; that he neither kept the accounts himself nor appointed others to do so; that he disobeyed orders in not leaving Japan the year before; that he made a desperate debt of 5,000 taels with the China captain; and that he had brought a store of trash and lumber from Japan. No consultations had been kept, nor decorum nor order observed. They were tempted to deal severely with him and send him home as a malefactor; but, having consideration for his age and position, and allowing for his bad health and testy and wayward disposition, and being also persuaded that harsh treatment might shorten his life, they left him to be dealt with by the Company, only ordering his goods to be seized on his arrival in England.[38] Thus, in disgrace and broken in health, Cocks went on board the Ann Royal, and on the 24th of February sailed for England. But he was not to see his country again. A month later, on the 27th of March, he died at sea, and was buried “under a discharge of ordnance.”
No doubt many of the charges brought against Cocks were true. Traces of confusion in his money accounts are to be found in his diary; and he was too easy-going for the position of head of a factory which had so many obstacles in the way of its development. There can be no question of his want of firmness. His many quarrels with companions and subordinates, and the somewhat helpless way in which he records them, afford sufficient indications of this failing. But he was perfectly honest; he died poor; and his very weaknesses render him a not unamusing diarist. This last qualification makes us his friend; and we cannot accompany him through these pages without feeling good will towards him. We note his quaint phrases; his sharp eye for “trix” and “legerdemayne” of enemies, or for the “playing the gemeny” of doubtful friends; how this man is angry and “takes pepper in the nose”, while another loses temper and takes a proposal “in snuff”, and a third in a rage “falls into terms”; and we see him reduced to “Hodgson’s choice” long before he ought to be, if Cambridge Hobson gave his name to the proverb.[39] He had a taste for planting and gardening; he grew the first potatoes in Japan; “forget not my pigeons and fishes” is an injunction in one of his letters, when away from home; his gold fish, presents from China, were dearly prized and not willingly given away to the great men in Firando who coveted them—all these are pleasant traits. Nor was he, though “unlettered” and a little unsteady when he quoted Latin, without some taste for books. He had a Turkish History[40] and a St. Augustyn Citty of God[41] to lend a friend (i. 118); and he received a present of an English book of Essaies (i. 230). But we need not assume that he had read Chaucer because he calls a long rambling statement a Canterbury Tale (i. 282).
His property was only worth 1,500 reals, about £300; but, in accordance with the advice of the Council of Defence quoted above, it was seized on the arrival of the Ann Royal in England. We learn from the minutes of the East India Company that a petition was afterwards presented respecting Cocks’s small estate:—
“24th Nov. 1626.—Mr. Cox, brother unto Capt. Cox that dyed homewarde bound in the Anne, presented himselfe in Court, and desired by peticion the favor of the Comp. concerning his brother’s estate, to whom the Court related the debaust carriage of his brother and the evill service performed by him at Japan, where he had lived long contrarie to the Companies mind and had expended 40,000 pounds, never returning anything to the Comp. but consuming whatsoever came to his hands in wastfull unnecessarie expences; nay, for 3 yeares togeather refused to come away when by expresse order from the Comp. he was called thence; insoemuch that at last the President and Councell [of Batavia] were inforced to send for him with a ship sent purposelie. And for his estate he had at the time of his death, the Court told him, it was very little or none at all, and, if any, yett not sufficient to answer the Comp. what he ought them, haveing confessed upon foote of his accompt at Jaccatra that he was indebted to the Companie £900.
“Mr. Cox was sorry to heare this report of his brother and desired the Court to deale favorably with him. In the end the Court wished him to informe himself concerning the truth of these things from those that are come home; and, because the Comp. at presente have no leisure to examine his proceedings, they therefore willed Mr. Cox to returne home and leave the buisnes to Mr. Woodward to effect yt one his behalfe.”[42]
In the end, the money was paid over by the Company to Cocks’s relatives.
Scarcely anything was ever recovered from the debts owing to the Company in Japan. The Council at Batavia, writing home on the 6th February, 1626, announce that the Dutch factor at Firando had informed them of the death of the Chinaman, Andrea Dittis, who had left only a small estate to satisfy his creditors, out of which the Company was to receive its share. All other debts were bad, and no return was to be expected but by mere accident.
Thus was severed our connection with Japan, not to be re-united until our own day. But the re-occupation of our factory was often proposed and more than once attempted. Even when writing their letter just referred to, the Council at Batavia spoke of it. Again in 1627 they proposed it. In 1633 a freeman of the Company, named Smithwick, again raised the question; and again in 1635 it was debated. In 1658 the Company actually fitted three ships to re-open the trade, but the lateness of the season and the prospect of a Dutch war caused them to abandon the expedition. In 1664 the Company again seriously thought of the undertaking and wrote to Bantam for information respecting the late settlement at Firando; and it is remarkable that so soon after our retirement so little was remembered. The reply was that “in this factory here is not the least remembrance of your servants acting in Japan formerly; only your agent hath procured a jornall of a voyage made thither in 1615; but it mentions only the acting of the mariner, nothing of the factor.”[43] In 1668 a committee was appointed to consider how trade could be re-opened, and in the next year enquiries were again addressed to Bantam. From thence was announced a rumour that the Dutch had tried to purchase the English buildings at Firando, but were refused by the daimio, who was in expectation of our return! In 1670 the ship Advance was sent out to Bantam, to be used in reopening trade, if thought convenient; but she was despatched to Persia. But in 1671 two ships, the Crown and Bantam, were actually commissioned to make a voyage from Bantam to Taiwan and thence to Nagasaki; the supercargoes receiving instructions to find out where the English formerly resided at Firando and why they were removed. These vessels were lost. The same year the agent at Bantam reported that “there are some Scotch, Irish, etc., there [at Firando], although wee know not by what occasion there”, an interesting remark, probably referring to descendants of the old settlers. At last the matter was seriously taken in hand, and ships were despatched from England in 1672 with a letter from Charles II to the emperor of Japan, every care being taken to escape the attention of the Dutch. Those wary traders, however, did not fail to discover the English designs; so that, when at length the ship Return arrived at Nagasaki on the 29th of June, 1673, it was found that her coming was expected. The crew were well treated and allowed provisions while a message was despatched to the shogun; but the new-comers were closely watched and sharply questioned about their religion. Again, as in Cocks’s days, the cross of St. George in the English flag gave trouble. It is interesting to find it noticed that one of his old interpreters was still living. At last, on the 28th of July, the shogun’s decision was announced. The Dutch had taken care to inform the Japanese of Charles’s marriage with a princess of the Roman Catholic family of Portugal; and the shogun refused to accept the friendship of one who had allied himself with a daughter of the enemies of Japan. So the Return sailed away on the 28th of August; and, after this, only indirect attempts to open negotiations by the mediation of the princes of Bantam, Amoy, Taiwan, Tonquin, and Siam were made in 1681 and 1683.[44]
The social relations of the English with their Japanese neighbours were on the whole friendly. Periodical exchanges of presents and courtesies were the rule, although an occasional quarrel or street row was only to be expected where so many elements of turbulence were present in drunken sailors and factory-men. The domestic arrangements of the English are patent enough in the pages of the diary, and appear to have given no offence to the natives. Only on one occasion do we read of “rhymes cast abroad and sung up and down” against the native women at the English factory; which, moreover, Cocks attributed to the instigation of the Dutch, “songs having been made against them to like effect before, but not against us.” They were even allowed to hold slaves, although they were afterwards forbidden to export them. They also appear to have kept on good terms with the princes of the neighbouring provinces; the daimio of Satsuma being specially noticed for his friendliness. The Dutch, on the other hand, were not so conciliatory; and we have seen that the natives of Firando sided with the English against them, when they attacked the English factory. But they were richer and could afford handsomer presents; and thus had always friends at court.
Many of the notices of native customs are interesting. The reader will at once remark several instances of the Japanese severity in punishing offences which our modern code regards as comparatively trivial. Death was the penalty for the most petty theft. Cocks tells us of a boy of sixteen who was cut in pieces with great cruelty for stealing a little boat and taking it to another island; and again, of a man who was “roasted to death, running round about a post, fire being made about him”, the offence being also theft of a “small bark of little or no value” (i. 291). A curious form of degradation is mentioned in connection with an execution on a certain occasion, when the brother of a criminal “had the lock of his hair cut off by the hangman with the same cattan which cut his brother in pieces” (i. 156). The difference in European and Japanese ideas of justice was well exemplified when the Dutch factor, complaining of an assault on one of his countrymen, demanded that “the parties which offered the abuse might be brought to the place where they did it and be beaten with cudgels. At which the king smiled and said it could not be, but, if he would have them cut in pieces, he would do it.” The custom of suicide of friends and retainers at the funeral of a great man is referred to more than once. Saris mentions the mint-master of IyÉyasu as “one that hath vowed that, whensoever the Emperor shall die, he will cut his own guts and die with him.”[45] No doubt he was one of the two nobles who “killed themselves to accompany Ogosho Sama in another world, as they think”, and whose monument Cocks saw at Yedo in 1618. In his letter of 10th December, 1614, Cocks also reports that, at the death of old Foyne Sama, “Ushian Dono, his governor, and two other servants, cut their bellies to bear him company”;[46] and in the curious account of the funeral of Foyne’s brother, in 1621, we are told that “one bose or priest hanged himself in a tree hard by the place of funeral ... for boses may not cut their bellies, but hang themselves they may”. Some of the dead man’s servants too were only restrained from self-sacrifice by the king’s orders; and “many others, his friends, cut off the two foremost joints of their little fingers and threw them into the fire to be burned with the corpse” (ii. 202).
The practice of hara-kiri, or self destruction to avoid disgrace, is mentioned as occurring at Firando on two occasions (i. 337; ii. 136).
A few other points of interest may be noticed. The spread of Christianity through the southern and western provinces has already been referred to. The mother of the king of Firando is called “a papistical Jesuit, and he and the rest of his brethren and sisters papistical Christians” (ii. 250). Again, at the funeral of Foyne’s brother, mentioned above, it was said that a log of wood was substituted for the real body and burned, “for he was thought to be a Christian” (ii. 201). On the other hand, it seems that the Japanese would not admit into their faith perverts from Christianity, for an Englishman “went and cut his hair after the pagan fashion, thinking to turn pagan; which he could not do here, although he would” (i. 179). The changing of names, which gives so much trouble in reading Japanese history, is often mentioned. Figen a Sama is at first called Tome Sama; and some of his relatives appear suddenly under new names in 1621 (ii. 169). The caboques, or dancing bears as Cocks calls them, that is, the dancing women or players, and their male companions, are present at every large entertainment mentioned in the diary. And, lastly, the readiness of the Japanese to adopt foreign customs is curiously exemplified in the rapidity with which tobacco-smoking spread among the people. “It is strange”, says Cocks, writing in 1615, “to see how these Japons, men, women, and children, are besotted in drinking that herb; and not ten years since it was in use first.” When once the habit had got such a hold, no measures for the destruction of the plant could change it. The “drinking” inevitably went on, and in 1619 the burning of half a town is ascribed to it.
In conclusion I should mention that one of the chief difficulties with which I have had to contend in editing these volumes has been that of finding explanations of the foreign words and terms in the diary. Cocks adopted words from other languages besides Japanese, and generally wrote them down as they sounded. Hence it was no easy matter for one ignorant of eastern languages to decide whether particular words, thus disguised, are Japanese or of some other tongue; and I fear that I have too often taxed the patience and good nature of my orientalist friends for solutions of these difficulties. It is with pleasure that I take this opportunity of thanking Dr. William Anderson, whose knowledge of the language of Japan is so extensive, and my colleagues Dr. Charles Rieu and Professor R. K. Douglas, for much valuable assistance. I also gratefully acknowledge kind help and many courtesies from Mr. Charles C. Prinsep, Superintendent of the Records, and Mr. Edward J. Wade, Assistant-Librarian, in the India office; and from Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury, of the Public Record Office.
British Museum,
30th December, 1882.
