Is invited by General Braddock to join his expedition as a volunteer—accepts the invitation—Battle of Monongahela—Washington conducts the retreat with ability, and retains the confidence of the public.

On the 20th of February, 1755, General Braddock arrived in Virginia, from England, as Commander in Chief of all the military forces in North-America. He brought with him two Regiments of the British Army, consisting of five hundred men each. One of them was commanded by Sir Peter Halket, and the other by Colonel Dunbar. These were accompanied by a proper train of artillery and sufficient military supplies and provisions. The General made his first head quarters at Alexandria. He addressed, through his Aid-de-Camp, a polite letter to Colonel Washington, inviting him, as he had declined any military command under the Virginia regulations, to join his family as a volunteer, and accompany him upon his intended expedition against Fort Du Quesne, as one of his aids, and desiring him to consult his own pleasure and convenience, as to the particular time of joining the army. Colonel Washington accepted this invitation. General Braddock marched from Alexandria for Fort Cumberland at the mouth of Wills Creek on the 20th of April. Colonel Washington left Mount Vernon on the 23d, and overtook the army in a few days at Fredericktown, in Virginia. The army arrived at Fort Cumberland about the middle of May. It then consisted of more than two thousand men. About one thousand of them were colonial troops. The army was detained at this post three weeks; nor could it then have moved on, but for the personal exertions of Benjamin Franklin, and his influence among the Pennsylvanian farmers, in procuring horses and wagons, to transport the artillery, provisions, and baggage. During the detention of the army at Fort Cumberland, Colonel Washington was dispatched to Williamsburg, in the eastern part of Virginia, to obtain £4000 in money, for the use of the army, and to bring it on to the camp. He promptly and successfully executed this commission, taking with him at Winchester, on his return, a sufficient guard of militia through the most unfrequented and dangerous part of the route.

About the first of June, a detachment was sent forward to open the roads as far as a place called Little Meadows, about twenty miles beyond Fort Cumberland, and there to erect a small Fort. The main body soon followed this detachment, and when they came up with it, the whole army was divided into two divisions. The advanced division under General Braddock, consisted of about twelve hundred men. The other division, consisting of about eight hundred men under Colonel Dunbar, was left in the rear to proceed with the baggage by slow marches. Washington says in a letter to his brother John Augustine, (the father of Judge Lund Washington,) written on the march, that the advance of the first division of the army, though retarded by many real obstacles and difficulties, was yet unnecessarily slow, in consequence of halting to level too many mole hills, and to build bridges over too many brooks. Colonel Washington accompanied the advanced division until a fever with which he was taken on the march became so violent, that he was obliged to fall in the rear, into Colonel Dunbar’s division.

General Braddock arrived with his division, all in fine health and spirits, at the junction of the Monongahela and Youghiogany rivers on the 8th of July. On the same day Colonel Washington, though but partially recovered from his fever, reached that place in a covered wagon, and joined the advanced division. Owing to a bend in the Monongahela, it was necessary for the army in approaching Fort Du Quesne, now about fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice. The remarkable dryness of the season rendered this practicable. Early in the morning of the 9th of July, all things were in readiness, and the whole train, a little below the mouth of the Youghiogany, passed through the river Monongahela, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of it. Colonel Washington, though feeble, attended the General on horseback. He was often heard to say, in the course of his after life, that one of the most beautiful spectacles he had ever seen, was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform. The soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact order. The sun gleamed upon their burnished arms. The river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest often overshadowed them on their left. When they had marched about five miles, they arrived to the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort Du Quesne. They halted a little, and then began to ford the river and gain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed, they came to a level plain, nearly half a mile in extent. At the end of the plain was a piece of gently rising ground, covered with trees, bushes and long grass. The road to Fort Du Quesne led across this plain. It then led up the rising ground, between two ravines from eight to ten feet deep, and of sufficient extent to contain five hundred men each. Owing to the trees, bushes and high grass, these ravines could not be seen from the road, nor without coming within a few feet of them. By the order of march, a body of three hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel Gage, afterwards commander of the British forces in Boston at the beginning of the revolution, formed the advanced party. This was followed by about two hundred. Next came General Braddock with the main body, the artillery and baggage. He sent out no scouts nor guards in advance and on the wings of the army to make discoveries and prevent a surprise. Washington advised him to proceed more cautiously, but he was self-confident and disregarded the advice.

At 1 o’clock P. M. the whole army had crossed the river; and almost at the same moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advanced parties, who were now ascending the rising ground. A heavy discharge of musketry poured in upon their front, gave them the first notice that an enemy was near. This was suddenly followed by another discharge upon their right flank.—These were followed by others in continual and rapid succession. They were filled with the greater consternation because no enemy was in sight, and the fire seemed to come from an invisible foe. They fired, however, in their turn, but at random and without effect. The General speedily advanced to the relief of the detachments; but before he could reach them, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and other columns, causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a panic that no order could afterwards be restored. The yell of the savages with which the woods resounded, struck terror into the hearts of the British soldiers, and added to the consternation. The General and his officers behaved with the utmost courage. They made every effort to rally the men and bring them to order, but all in vain.—In this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and comrades, and doing little or no harm to the enemy. The Virginians were the only troops who seemed to retain their senses. They behaved with bravery and resolution. They adopted the Indian mode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This was forbidden by the General, who endeavored to form the men into platoons and columns, as if he were manoevering them upon the plains of Flanders.—During all this time, the French and Indians concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a continual and deadly discharge of musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More than half of that whole army which had crossed the river in such proud array only three hours before, were either killed or wounded. General Braddock, after having five horses shot under him, had received a mortal wound, and many of his best officers had fallen by his side. Sir Peter Halket was killed upon the spot. Colonel Washington had two horses shot under him, and his clothes were shot through in several places. The bodies left on the field were stripped and scalped by the Indians. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, everything in the train of the army fell into the enemy’s hands, and were given up to be pillaged by the savages.

When the battle was over, and the remnant of the army had gained in their flight the opposite bank of the river, Colonel Washington was dispatched by the General to meet Colonel Dunbar, and order forward wagons for the wounded with all possible speed; but they could not be procured till after the wounded had suffered much from pain, fatigue and hunger. The General was at first brought off the field in a cart.—He was then set on horseback, but being unable to ride, was carried by the soldiers. They reached Dunbar’s camp, near the Great Meadows, to which the panic had already extended. A day was passed there in great confusion. General Braddock died on the 13th, and was buried in the road, for the purpose of concealing his body from the Indians. The spot is still pointed out within a few yards of the present national road, about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity, at the Great Meadows, in Pennsylvania. On the 17th, the sick and wounded arrived at Fort Cumberland on Wills Creek, and were soon after joined by Colonel Dunbar with the remnant of the army. The French sent out a party as far as Dunbar’s camp and destroyed every thing that had been left behind.

As to the numbers engaged in the battle of Monongahela, on the side of the French, Washington conjectured, as appears by his letters, that they amounted to no more than three hundred. Doctor Franklin, in his account of the battle, considers them as not exceeding four hundred at most.

It appears by the French narratives of this battle, that while the commandant of Fort Du Quesne, considering his force too small to encounter his approaching enemy, was hesitating what measures to adopt, M. De Beaujeu, a Captain in the French service, obtained from his commandant a detachment of French troops, with leave to advance with them and meet the enemy on their march. After much persuasion, Beaujeu induced a considerable party of Indians to join him. He began his march at an early hour on the morning of the 9th of July, intending to make a stand at the second fording place, there to annoy the English while passing the river, and then to retreat and make another stand at the rising ground where the whole contest actually took place. Captain Beaujeu and his party did not, however, arrive quite in time to make a stand at the ford, and thus failed to carry the first part of their plan into execution. They however immediately placed themselves in ambush, partly in front and partly concealed in the ravines flanking the road up the rising ground, and there waited till Braddock’s advanced columns came up. The French gave the first fire in front.—This was repelled by so heavy a discharge from the British, that the Indians thought it came from artillery, and showed symptoms of wavering and retreat. At this moment M. De Beaujeu was killed. M. Dumas immediately took the command, rallied the Indians with great presence of mind, ordered his officers to lead them to the wings, while, with the French troops, he maintained the position in front. This order was promptly obeyed; the attack became general, and the English columns got into confusion.

As to the French accounts of their numbers, the highest states them at two hundred and fifty French and Canadians and six hundred and forty Indians, and the lowest at two hundred and thirty French and Canadians and six hundred Indians. A medium between the two will make the whole number under De Beaujeu eight hundred and sixty. The French admit, including Indians, thirty-three killed and thirty-four wounded.

When these French statements, the nature of the ground, and the mismanagement of General Braddock are duly considered, the result of the action will not appear very surprising. That the English should say “they were fighting with an invisible foe,” and that “they could only tell where the enemy were by the smoke of their muskets,” is no mystery, for it was literally true. Had Braddock known the position of his enemy, and raked the ravines with his artillery, or charged through them with the bayonet, they would have been cleared immediately.

Colonel Washington lost no ground in the confidence of the public by Braddock’s defeat. It was the general opinion that if he had been commander, the defeat would not have happened. By his firm conduct during the action, and his skilful management of the retreat, he gained additional reputation.