CANADA BEFORE THE WAR

Canada was no more prepared than any other nation for the outbreak of the Great War. Because of their geographical isolation from the turmoil of international politics the Canadians were even more incredulous of war, in their mental attitude, than their kin across the waters. It is against this important fact as a background that one must consider the achievements of the Canadians during the war—and marvel.

Theodore Roosevelt once suggested that to maintain a "fighting edge" men should do continuous battle, but the Canadians have demonstrated the fallacy of this precept, in a military sense at least.

For over a hundred years Canada had known only an atmosphere of peace and almost continuous prosperity. Truly, during that period the mother country had frequently waged warfare along the outskirts of the Empire, and had even engaged in one or two wars of considerable magnitude, but never had she felt the danger so pressing as to send a call for help across the Atlantic.

Canadian help was, indeed, offered during the Crimean campaign, but before this impulse could materialize on the field of battle the need had ceased to exist. Again, during the South African struggle, the same impulse had been manifested, and nearly eight thousand Canadian volunteers did eventually reach the fighting front against the Boers. But these had been inspired by a spirit of adventure, rather than by any sense of patriotic duty.

There was everything in their environment to develop peaceful instincts in the Canadians. To the east and west were limitless expanses of sea; northward was the frozen Arctic; and to the southward was another people who, though thirteen times greater in population, was equally isolated from the political jealousies and rivalries of Europe, and their kinsmen in speech, customs, and, to a large extent, in blood also. From this direction no danger had threatened during the century, and danger from across the seas had been of too intangible a quality to reach the imagination.

Under these conditions the Canadians had devoted themselves exclusively to the labors and arts of peace: of agriculture, manufacturing, and trade and commerce. Vast natural resources lay before them awaiting exploitation and development. The psychology of the Canadian was entirely constructive.

There remained, of course, the sense of responsibility involved in the ties binding the people to the British Empire, a subconscious realization that when Great Britain was at war, Canada, too, would be at war. Yet here again environment and local conditions tended to reduce this consciousness to the quality of abstract theory, a mere convention. The native Canadian, though of British ancestry, knew England only through hearsay or the written word. And a considerable portion of Canada's population felt not even the tie of a common speech and literature. In so far as they recognized this bond, the temperamental self-reliance of the Canadian people was inclined to reduce it to a sentiment, rather than any deep feeling of dependence on the power of the British navy. A keen sense of economic independence and strength served still further to intensify this feeling. Whatever allegiance the average Canadian owed to the Empire must have been, and undoubtedly was, of the nature of an ideal—something far more abstract than the ordinary sentiment of patriotism—love of country.

In a people in this state of mind the first threat of a great war involving themselves could only have roused varying degrees of skepticism—while the first actual confirmation must have struck them with the impact of a thunderbolt.

Canadians were shocked—unutterably, outrageously shocked.

Casual observers, basing their judgment on the mental attitude of the people, as briefly outlined above, might reasonably have expected a quick return to the previous state of mind, at most a strong sympathy for the mother country, which might manifest itself in substantial contributions of funds, supplies, and perhaps a few battalions of enthusiastic adventurers. For, whatever might have been said at the time as a recruiting argument, Canadians felt no danger of immediate, or even future, invasion by European armies. When it came to that they had every reason to believe that the hundred million population of the United States would stand solidly with them, quite aside from the Monroe Doctrine. There was, of course, the possibility that Canada's trade with Great Britain, totaling half a billion dollars a year, would be destroyed in case of naval disaster to the British navy, but that would be only temporary. Whoever conquered would be willing to pay a stiff price for a portion of Canada's tremendous wheat crops, nearly 140,000,000 bushels in 1913. Economically Canada was in no way dependent on European countries.

But such a chain of deductions would have ignored the chief premise—the spirit of the people who made up the Canadian nation. For a hundred years, indeed, the people of Canada had pursued the paths of peace; for three generations they had known no stronger passion than that involved in ordinary political partisan strife.

Vice and idleness, not the pursuits of peace, render men soft and flabby in spirit. A pioneer stock does not require the continuous excitement of military warfare to maintain its combativeness; it needs only a just cause to rouse it to furnace heat. And that just cause the Canadians found in the attitude of England that Germany and Austria should not dominate the political destinies of peoples outside their frontiers. Within twenty-four hours all Canada was aflame with the war passion, but it was a passion thoroughly controlled by the reason behind it. "When Great Britain is at war, Canada is at war!" became a popular slogan. Intermingling with that supreme indignation, with the fervent loyalty to the empire, was the sinking dread of the tremendous sacrifices, not only in material interests, but in blood, which would have to be made, and that dread was terrible because of the profound sincerity and determination of the people to enter into the struggle, to stay until the bitter end. There was nothing jubilant in the wave of enthusiasm which swept over Canada in favor of the war during that first week in August; that note would have been out of harmony with the grim determination which was the dominating element in the popular emotion which swept over the land. It was not the sort of emotion which would naturally manifest itself in noisy street demonstrations, especially among people of Anglo-Saxon blood.

Such demonstrations did, indeed, occur, especially in those districts where the population was predominantly of Latin blood. In Montreal and Quebec vast throngs paraded the streets during the first few days of August, 1914, carrying Belgian, French, and British flags, singing the "Marseillaise" and "Rule Britannia," and cheering the orators who addressed the crowds. But in Toronto and in other cities in the English-speaking districts the crowds, though they filled the streets before the bulletin boards of the principal newspapers, maintained a silence which was even more impressive.

Whatever undercurrents of opinion there might have been against a whole-hearted support of the Empire in the struggle, such as manifested itself openly in practically all the belligerent European countries, found little expression in Canada. Political party issue sank for the time being out of sight, and the popular voice, as expressed through the newspapers of diverse shades of opinion, and through the popular political leaders, was practically unanimous. And that voice demanded that Canada should strain every resource, should offer every available man, in Britain's support.

The Toronto "Globe," chief organ of the Liberals, was one of the first to enunciate the main issue of the great struggle impending—that it was a gigantic contest between the forces of autocracy and democracy, and that, in supporting England, Canada was not alone fulfilling her obligations to the mother country, but she was championing the cause of human liberty the world over.

"Because it is the world's fight for freedom," spoke that journal on August 4, 1914, "Britain, reluctantly but resolutely, speaks the word, and Canada also answers aye."

"There can be no question as to Canada's duty if the European War goes on," said the Toronto "Star" on August 4, 1914. "This country must do all it can to support the arms of Britain."

The Toronto "World," representing the Conservatives, urged the immediate organization of a fighting force of 50,000 men, to be sent across as soon as they could be trained. The Montreal "Star," having invited expressions of opinion from some hundreds of prominent political and industrial leaders and municipal officials, published them in full. Of the many pages of telegrams printed, only two failed to emphasize the need of an immediate contribution of money and men. The mayor of Quebec, the center of French Canada, was in favor of "all we can do to help the Empire in money, arms, and men." Alphonse Verville, representing French-Canadian labor elements in Parliament, believed that "we should be prepared to give Great Britain all the assistance she needs." Turning to his fellow citizens, the French-Canadian mayor of Montreal said: "The war is as much in defense of Canada as of Great Britain."

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, representing the opposition in Parliament, made a statement on August 4, 1914, of which the following is a part:

"I have often declared that if the mother country were ever in danger, or if danger ever threatened, Canada should render assistance to the fullest extent in her power. In view of the critical nature of the situation I have canceled all my meetings. Pending such great questions there should be a truce to party strife." Even in the French provinces demonstrations of enthusiasm soon passed, giving place to intense energy in preparation. With a silent determination the people faced the gigantic task before them, unappalled. And a gigantic task it was, apparently, to a people so unprepared materially for the prosecution of warfare on so tremendous a scale as was now demanded of them, if their aid was to count. But if the spirit was there, so were the material resources, the raw material—and the men.