APPENDIX.

Previous

The Opposition to Colonization and African Missions.

We quote the following remarks, on the primary sources of opposition to the Civilization of Africa, from the Church Missionary Intelligencer, December, 1853. This periodical is the organ of the English Episcopal Church, and the opinions expressed are entitled to the most grave consideration. Whatever interest the slave-trader may have in driving English missionaries from Africa, will apply equally to those from America, and to the labors of our Colonization Society. The writer, after noticing the efforts made to withdraw the English squadron from the coast of Africa, so as to leave the slave-trade once more free to the traffickers in human flesh, says:

“But we have something more to say on this subject. The Missionary element has also been introduced into the comments which have been made on this affair, and has received no small amount of condemnation. Our Missionaries at Lagos have thus been placed between two fires. The efforts of Kosoko’s attacking party were evidently directed against their dwellings, and this we can understand, for Kosoko and his abettors well know that the extension of the Gospel carries with it the eventual destruction of the slave-trade, and of every other enormity under which human nature suffers. Christianity does that which the squadron can not do. The latter cuts down the branches of the poison-bearing tree, but the former kills it in its root. If this latter be not done, it will sprout again. The strength of the slave-trade lies in the latent sympathy of chiefs and people; and Christianity, by indisposing them to it, and by directing their energies into other and wholesome channels, is drying up the secret sources from whence its power has been derived. The greatest benefit which the squadron has conferred upon Africa has been to afford opportunity for the introduction of this beneficial influence; and after a time, by the blessing of God, that influence will have so increased, and the African mind, in consequence, have undergone so complete a revolution, that the further presence of the squadron on the coast will become unnecessary. That time has not come yet, but it will do so, perhaps more rapidly than we could venture to anticipate. We can, therefore, easily understand Kosoko’s antipathy to Missionaries, and the exultation with which he would have seen them compelled to quit the coast.

“But there is an unfriendly feeling on the part of some at home, which is not so intelligible. It betrays itself in a readiness to entertain serious charges against Missionaries on ex-parte evidence.***

“We fear that in many quarters there is much misapprehension as to the character and tendency of Missionary operations, and that by some they are distrusted as being far otherwise than tranquilizing in their influence. Has the Missionary element a tendency to complicate matters, and render them more difficult of adjustment than they would otherwise be? Is it irritating and war-producing? It has been so insinuated, if not openly asserted. And we can understand from whence such insinuations originate. The Gospel, in its action, must be subversive of the plans and objects of numbers, especially in connection with Africa and the slave-trade. There have been many sleeping partners in that traffic, men who never touched a slave, but who have often clutched the gain; men who have fed the traffic in secret, and furnished the materials for its prosecution. It has been a wide-spread conspiracy for the degradation of the African family. Men in Europe, America, Africa, have been bound together in this unholy compact, each having assigned to him his own particular department, and each full of energy in the prosecution of it. Where were the printed goods fabricated that were used in barter between the foreign and native slave-dealer? Where were forged the bolts, and fetters, and chains, by which the limbs of the captured African were constricted, and he was reduced to an incapability of resistance? Perhaps nearer home than we could have imagined.[55] Where was launched the well-found bark, with such admirable sailing powers, the floating prison of the poor slave? Whence the nautical skill that designed the craft, and the able workmen who wrought it out, until she sailed from the port which gave her birth, in every respect equipped and fitted for the slave-trade, but not to be so used until, on the African coast, transferred to other hands than those which took her there?[56] How various and extensive the interests which were engaged in the prosecution of the slave-trade, all which have been interfered with by the interruption of the traffic on the coast. Many of these, to save themselves from stagnation, have engaged in lawful commerce; but it is with regret they have done so. Of course, in the eyes of such parties, everything that interferes to prevent a return to the palmy days of slave-trading prosperity, when abundant opportunity was afforded for the gratification of more than one evil passion, becomes an object of antipathy. The squadron on the coast, and the Missionaries on shore, are alike detestable. If both could be removed something might be done, and what so likely means as misrepresentation? The Missionaries are self-interested, and obstruct the development of lawful traffic. The squadron is unnecessary, and its interference on such occasions as that of Lagos is in the highest degree mischievous. Credulous ears are not wanting to become the depositories of whisperings such as these; and soon the whole gloss finds its way into the columns of the daily press, and influential journals become the exponents of charges which would be serious indeed if they could be proved. But these misstatements require to be promptly met, otherwise their effect might soon appear in a gradual diminution of the repressive force on the coast, until it became materially weakened. Meanwhile, the devastations of the cholera in Cuba have been seriously diminishing the supply of working hands, and many eager eyes are directed towards Africa to see whether the attempt could be made to reopen the traffic with any prospect of success. Already new vessels have been fitted out, and we may soon have painful evidence that the trade is not extinct, and that, if we remove our foot from the neck of our prostrate but not slain foe, he will rise up to resume the contest.”

The English Apprenticeship System.

President Roberts has written the following letter, to a gentleman in England, in explanation of the influence exerted on the natives, by the practice of purchasing apprentices, from the African chiefs, to serve as laborers on the plantations of the British West Indies. Is not this system virtually a renewal of the slave-trade, and a violation of England’s treaty with the United States for its suppression?

Government House, Monrovia, September, 1853.

I assure you, sir, the Government of Liberia has no desire to, nor will it interfere improperly with the operations of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., nor will it place any unnecessary obstacles in the way of their obtaining emigrants from the Liberian coast. The only object the Government had in issuing the proclamation referred to, was, and still is, to see that emigration from within its jurisdiction shall be free and unconstrained.

It is proper I should remark, that no facts have come to the knowledge of the Government to induce the belief that Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., or their agents, have actually sent off persons, or that they would, knowingly, send off any, without the voluntary consent of their natural guardians. But the Government had good grounds for believing that attempts were about to be made to force certain unfortunate persons to emigrate without the facts of their coercion coming to the knowledge of the emigration agents.

During last year, serious disturbances rose between certain Vey and Golah chiefs in the neighborhood of Grand Cape Mount. And, in the early part of the present year, Boombo and George Cane, Vey chiefs, residing respectively at Little and Grand Cape Mount, attacked and captured some three or four native towns in the Dey and Golah district, and carried away as captives several hundred of the inhabitants. Soon after these occurrences, a report was rife here that George Cane had contracted with the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., to supply a number of emigrants. Complaint was also made to the Government—by the chiefs who had suffered—that Cane’s intentions were to send off to the West Indies the captives he had taken from the towns.

Now, that the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., would countenance constrained emigration, or that they would have received those persons, knowing them to be captives, we had no reason to believe. But it is more than likely that nine out of ten that would have been offered as emigrants, at that time, would be of this unfortunate class. And the chances were a hundred to one that the emigration agents would be deceived in regard to the real condition of the people. Very possibly, no complaint then and there would have been uttered by them. They were suffering painful captivity; and whatever their feelings might be in regard to emigration, they would gladly, perhaps, have availed themselves of that or any other opportunity to escape the cruelties of their captors. And, further, sir, I am assured these poor fellows were given to understand that when they should be offered as emigrants, if they disclosed their real condition, or refused to emigrate, their lives would be sacrificed. Many of these captives have since been released, and returned to their homes and families; and all, I am told, corroborate this statement. Now, sir, under these circumstances, was it unreasonable to suppose that many might be sent off without their voluntary consent? And was it not the duty of the Government to provide as far as possible the means of checking such outrages? Of course, in all this there is no blame to be attached to Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., or their agents.

But, my dear sir, with respect to this emigration business, the strictest watchfulness must be observed; otherwise, the enterprise may lead to abuses and evils of the most painful character. Not that respectable British agents would knowingly be the means of producing such results; but let the chiefs along the coast find that they can send off captives, as emigrants, to the British West Indies, and obtain an advance of only ten dollars each, and the old system—war—of procuring slaves will again be renewed.

J. J. Roberts.

[From the Liberia Herald.]

Trial and Sentence of Boombo.

Monrovia, April 6th, 1853.

We have seldom witnessed the trial of a case producing so much interest as that of Boombo’s. The readers of the “Herald,” need not be told, that Boombo is a chieftain of Little Cape Mount, that he had voluntarily entered into an arrangement with the Government of Liberia, and subscribed to demean himself according to the laws and constitution; also, that he and his people lived on lands purchased by the Government of Liberia from the native owners. Boombo, though bound by his solemn engagements to refrain from wars, and not to disturb the peace and quietness of the country, has repeatedly, since he placed himself under the laws of Liberia, broken his engagements by carrying on predatory wars, destroying towns and murdering and carrying into captivity hundreds of inoffensive men, women and children. To all the remonstrances of Government, Boombo gave no heed, and his bloody career did not end until he was brought to this city a prisoner. George Cain, of Grand Cape Mount, is also amenable to the laws of Liberia; and it is now well ascertained that he was the principal actor in all the disturbances created in the Little Cape Mount country. Boombo, it appears, acted under his direction.

At the last Court of “Quarter Sessions,” Boombo was indicted for “High Misdemeanor”—the indictment set forth a general allegation and three special counts. The first count charged the prisoner with violating his obligations and allegiance to the Government, and that he did procure and make war upon and against one Dwarloo Bey and certain other Golah chiefs, occupying a portion of the territories of Grand and Little Cape Mount—that he murdered the inhabitants—carried into captivity large numbers of the defenseless; sacked, burned and pillaged towns and villages, and laid waste the country. The second count charged, that Boombo violated, etc., as before, that he did procure and make war upon and against one Weaver, a Dey chieftain—crossing the Little Cape Mount river, and entering the Dey country for that purpose; that he murdered inhabitants, carried others into captivity, and sacked, burned, and pillaged towns and villages, and laid waste the country. The third count, charged that Boombo did violate, etc., as before, and that he committed felony, by seizing and carrying off merchandise from factories belonging to citizens of Monrovia. The Attorney-General, Wm. Draper, Esq., was assisted in this case by David A. Madison, Esq., of Buchanan, Grand Bassa. D. T. Harris, and J. B. Phillips, Esquires, appeared for the prisoner, and we are pleased to say that these gentlemen did all that honest and patriotic men could do for a man under such circumstances. They ably and eloquently defended the prisoner upon every point that formality and technicality would admit of, but as they could not argue the lock off the door, and as the evidence, especially that given by prisoner’s witnesses, was point blank against Boombo, the verdict was, guilty of each count.

The sentence was—restitution, restoration, and reparation of goods stolen, people captured, and damages committed; to pay a fine of $500, and be imprisoned for two years. When the sentence was pronounced the convict shed tears, regarding the ingredient of imprisonment, in his sentence, to be almost intolerable. It is hoped that this will prove a salutary example to all other chieftains under the jurisdiction of this Government, that they may, henceforward, be convinced of the determination and power of the Government to administer justice in the premises. It is the belief of many, that Boombo’s punishment, as per sentence, is too great, but we believe to the contrary. Until rigorous measures are used to deter chieftains from carrying on their predatory wars, there can not be any guarantee, but that some part of our coast will always be in a state of savage warfare.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clyx.com


Top of Page
Top of Page