PIER LUIGI FARNESE.

The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria—The benefits which he derived from the fall of the Fieschi—The Farnesi participated in Genoese conspiracies—Schemes of Andrea against the duke of Piacenza—Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the duke—The assassination of Pierluigi—The assassins and the brief of Paul III.

The office of historian becomes a painful one when we are required to describe some of the actions of Andrea Doria, actions which throw a shade over his fame, and take away a part of his laurels from the greatest admiral of Italy. It is a work of simple devotion to truth to show that Andrea maintained the Spanish power in the Peninsula, and that he overstepped all bounds in his rage against the defeated Fieschi. Sismondi says that the prince in destroying his enemies to avenge Gianettino went to lengths of ferocity unworthy of a great man.

He had applied to himself that saying of Lorenzo di Medici: “While there are Gatti in Genoa the Republic will never have peace, and perhaps on this account found it easier to obtain Medicean aid in exterminating these Gatti.” At all events he gave himself no rest while the work of destruction remained incomplete. He embraced in his scheme of vengeance the Strozzi and their allies.

The activity of Andrea was wonderful. Wherever he had representatives, public or private, thither flew his messages and messengers. He neglected nothing at home or abroad. Politics, arms, arts, commerce—he had his eye on everything—on the exiles especially. Aided by Cosimo, he set an assassin named Bastiano da Finale to dodge the steps of Piero Strozzi who was marching to Siena. He employed seven assassins to murder Ottobuono, Scipione and Cornelio Fieschi. We learn from Venitian letters preserved in the Tuscan archives that one of these wretches accompanied by two companions went several times to Venice to assassinate the brothers of Gianluigi. This correspondence relates that this assassin was artfully banished from Genoa as a popular conspirator, as a means of giving him access to the Genoese exiles, though he was secretly recommended by Doria to the ambassador of the emperor. Doria would have better provided for his fame if, content with depriving the Fieschi of the means of revolution, he had declined the services of bravos and refused the price of blood so lavishly offered by the emperor.

After the capture of Montobbio, Doria, under orders from CÆsar invested the Republic (February 29th, 1548) with the feuds of that place, of Varese and Roccatagliata. Cristoforo Lercaro had already occupied the last in the name of Genoa. The cession was made to appear as a gift, though the Republic already possessed the right of eminent domain over Roccatagliata and the valley of Neirone. The governor of Milan held fast to Pontremoli, in order, as Doria advised, to keep that strong post then the key of the Lombard provinces, in imperial hands. Gonzaga also occupied Loano, Carrega, Grondona, Borbagia, San Stefano d’Aveto, Calice, Veppo and other castles, a part of which Charles (June 19th 1548) gave in feud to various partisans of the empire. This was not imperial munificence, but king-craft and a device to strengthen the Spanish power in Liguria. Andrea obtained some wealthy feuds, among them Torriglia, (which was erected into a marquisate) Carrega, Garbagna, Grondona and ten other castles. San Stefano d’Aveto was ceded to Antonio Doria who was hiring four galleys to the empire. Ettore Fieschi, of the Savignone branch, received some feuds as a reward for not having shared in the conspiracy of his relatives. The castle of Castelano was ceded to the Duke of Parma. Agostino Landi retained the burgh of Valditaro. This Landi had promised to assassinate Pierluigi Farnese whom Doria had condemned to death for his secret intrigues with Gianluigi. It is worth our while to clear up the history of this part of Andrea’s vengeance.

The cities of Parma and Piacenza, having been detached from the duchy of Milan and put into the hands of the Holy See, were ceded by Paul III. to his natural son Pier Luigi Farnese who had been legitimated in 1501 by Julius II. To secure his son in this new duchy, the Pope supported Charles in the German war and in his expedition to Tunis, where, aided by Doria the emperor restored the inhuman Muley-Hassan to the throne which he mounted by the assassination of his twenty-two brothers. The alliance of Farnese with the empire was cemented by the marriage of Pierluigi’s son, Ottavio, with Margaret a natural daughter of CÆsar and widow of Alessandro de Medici. Francis Sforza died and the duchy of Milan reverted to the empire giving rise to a war with France. The Pope thought to gain profit for Pier Luigi out of this contest for the duchy by securing him the investiture, and CÆsar, at the conference of Busseto, promised to grant the pontiff’s request. The emperor did not keep his pledge and the Pope began to abandon the imperial cause. He reproached Charles with the fact that certain prelates devoted to the empire had proposed in the council of Trent innovations on the rights of the Papal See, and expressed his discontent with the mild, treatment of the partisans of Luther in Germany. He went further and began to intrigue, in 1547, for a league with France against Charles.

Francis I. at the moment when he was most zealously engaged in uniting England, Germany and Italy against Spain was stricken by death at Rambouillet after a twenty years’ conflict with the increasing power of Charles Fifth. The emperor now saw himself without a rival and hastened to take advantage of the occasion. He renewed hostilities against the Duke of Saxony, though his army had been thinned by the withdrawal of the Papal troops. It is not our purpose to recount the story of this Germanic war. Charles conducted it to a successful termination because the affairs of Italy no longer distracted his attention. But his victories over the league of Smacalda increased the suspicions and fears of Paul III. who saw that if Charles was successful in Germany he would be master at the council of Trent. It was no secret that the emperor designed to take that occasion for avenging himself on the Pope for sympathy with the Fieschi and France. The Roman court was too jealous of its prerogatives not to be alarmed at the prospect of having its power limited by an ambitious monarch favourably disposed towards the policy of the German reformers. It was thought necessary to remove the seat of the council to some city nearer to Rome and more under Papal influence, where Charles could not intrigue nor display his arms with so much effect.

Fortune favoured the Pope. Some of the assembled prelates fell sick and the physicians, especially Fracastoro who was employed by Rome for the business, reported that a fierce contagion had broken out in the city. Many of the prelates abandoned Trent in great haste and the council was removed to Bologna. The cardinals and bishops of the imperial faction remained in Trent by express order of Charles. The remainder, thirty-four in number, accompanied the Papal legates. There were mutual recriminations and the very council assembled to destroy scism was menaced with a scism in its own bosom.

CÆsar made angry appeals and intrigued adroitly to secure the reassembling of the Synod in Trent. The Pope refused, and Charles avenged himself by that decree of Interim, in which he declared that until the council should be reconvoked in Trent every one was at liberty to think as he pleased in matters of religion. The decree occasioned great scandal in the church.

“It was believed,” says Varchi, “that the emperor wished to restore the Papacy to the simplicity and poverty of times when prelates did not meddle with temporal government but contented themselves with their spiritual functions. The gross abuses and vile practices of the Roman court had awakened in many an ardent desire for such a reform.” This gave bitterness to the enmity between the Pope and Charles. The pontiff directed his hostilities especially against the two imperial ministers in Italy, Anotonio Leyva and Andrea Doria. On the death of the first, the whole weight of Papal displeasure fell on the head of the latter, who earlier in life had received from Rome a consecrated sword and hat for his victories over the Turks. We have elsewhere shown how the opposition of Doria to the growth of the Farnese family and his other acts hostile to Paul III. had led the latter to favour the Fieschi conspiracy against Doria and Spain. Some deny that Paul favoured the conspirators and adduced the testimony of Don Appollonio Filareto, secretary to Pier Luigi Farnese. This secretary, though confined for three years as a prisoner in Milan and put to torture, steadfastly denied that the French knew of the plans of Fieschi. But this is contradicted both by the current opinion of that time and by authentic and credible documents extant. Charles was so certain of the complicity of the Pope with Fieschi, that when Paul sent Camillo Orsino to Madrid to complain to the emperor of the murder of his son Pier Luigi and ask the restitution of Piacenza to the Apostolic See, he boldly charged the pontiff with this crime.

As soon as Andrea learned through the ministers of CÆsar that Paul had been concerned in the Fieschi movement, and that Pier Luigi had given material aid to Gianluigi he was inflamed with an ardent desire to punish old and new treacheries by a signal act of vengeance. From that hour, Farnese was condemned to the fate of the Fieschi. Moreover, in gratifying his own passion for revenge, Andrea was furthering the schemes of Charles. He launched himself into the matter with the ardour of youth.

The news that Charles was suffering from a mortal sickness filled Doria with apprehension of wide-spread conspiracy against Spain in case of the emperor’s death. Pier Luigi, in fact, as soon as he received the same intelligence, began to raise troops, fortify castles and enlist able commanders among whom were Bartolomeo Villachiara, Sforza Santa Fiore, Sforza Pallavicino and Alessandro Tommasoni da Terni. He collected arms everywhere. We find in old documents that he bought at one time four thousand arquebuses, for a gold crown each, from the celebrated Venturino del Chino, armourer of Gordone in Valtrompia. Bonfadio tells us that these military preparations awakened grave suspicions in the neighbouring cities of the empire who feared that these arms were to be used against themselves. The fear of revolution was widely diffused. Doria could not be an idle witness of this drawing of swords in places so near, especially after the share of Farnese in the Fieschi plot. He had then two motives for prompt action; to secure the safety of the empire and to avenge the blood of Gianettino.

Pier Luigi has been traduced by the malice of writers in the Spanish interest. It is true that Cellini declares him avaricious, and many historians affirm that he was intemperate and a votary of licentious pleasures. Even Aretino admonished him to husband more carefully the strength of his manhood. But the fable of Varchi that he ravished Cosimo Gheri, bishop of Fano, though repeated in our days has no longer any supporters. It is now beyond question that the story began with Pier Paolo Vergerio, a malignant slanderer of Farnese. The slander was refuted at the time by Bishop Della Casa in the time of Vergerio, and later by Ammiani, Poggiali, Morandi, Cardinal Quirino and Apostolo Zeno, not to mention many others. Pier Luigi was great by rank and by nature. He restrained the arrogance of his nobles and had studied much to elevate his people to an equality with their lords. He was supported in these plans by the distinguished literary men who served as his secretaries; Claudio Tolomei, Giovanni Battista Pico, David Spilimbergo, Gandolfo Porrino, Giovanni Paccini, Gottifredi, Rainerio, Zuccardi, Tebalducci, Apollonio and Caro. The last after the death of his master was pursued by assassins and with great difficulty saved his life by fleeing into the province of Cremona.

This open friendship of Farnese for the people, at a time when the lords were everywhere practising great severity, added to the hatred of the imperial agents and whetted their desire for vengeance. There was still another cause of quarrel. The port of the Po at Piacenza had been ceded by Paul III. to the divine Bonarotti (taking away certain rights upon it from the Pusterla and Trivulzio) and Bonarotti had rented it to Francesco Durante, and the nobles taking the sides of the defrauded parties resolved to wreak their vengeance on the pontiff’s son. A conspiracy was formed at the head of which were Giovanni Anguissola, Camillo and Gerolamo Pallavicini and Giovanni Confaloniere. But the soul of the plot was count Agostino Landi, the same person who informed the government at Lucca of the conspiracy of Pietro Fatinelli, and thus betrayed him to death.

Andrea opened his heart to Landi and showed him the golden promises of CÆsar. Casoni relates this and he founded it upon irrefragible proofs which he had in his hands. He adds that the prince pledged to Landi the hand of the sister of Gianettino for his son with a wealthy dowry. This marriage afterwards took place. It was important that, after the assassination of the duke, the duchy of Piacenza should revert to the empire, and to secure this result Doria intrigued with Gerolamo Pallavicino, Marquis of Cortemaggiore and Busseto, whose mother and wife had been held in captivity by Farnese and who was therefore anxious to punish the affront. The conspirators in Piacenza at first really intended to establish a popular government; but Doria adroitly induced them to communicate with Gonzaga. It was not difficult then to secure the subjection of Piacenza to the empire.

A warm animosity burned between Gonzaga and the duke on account of the priorship of Barletta which Gonzaga had obtained for his son to the exclusion of Horace Farnese. Gonzaga made many attempts upon the life of Pier Luigi. Annibal Caro, who in July, 1547 was sent by the latter to Milan informed his master of these plots; but the duke had no presentiment of his imminent peril. The efforts of Gonzaga, however, all failed, and with the knowledge of Charles, he sent captain Federico Gazzino to order the conspirators to proceed with their work.

On the tenth of December 1547 Giovanni Anguissola went to the castle which Farnese had erected to command the city and demanded instant speech of the duke on matters of pressing urgency. Having entered, Anguissola and his friend Giovanni Valentino threw themselves upon the duke and killed him with stabs in his face and breast. On leaving the apartment, the assassin killed a priest and a servant who were rushing in to ascertain the occasion of the duke’s cries, struck down a German lancer who threw himself before him and ran to rejoin his fellow conspirators, who, led by Confaloniere immediately overpowered the garrison of the citadel. Others, headed by Landi and the Pallavicini brothers, attacked and soon captured the castle with but little loss of life. Some mercenaries fleeing from the citadel spread a report that the Spaniards had attacked the castle; and the plebians, to whom the very name Spaniards was odious, rose in arms, gathered around Tommasoni da Terni, captain of the city militia, and marched to the citadel to recover it by storm.

The battle could not have been long or doubtful; for only thirty-seven conspirators were in possession of the fortress. But they invented an expedient which served them in the stead of force. They hung the corpse of the duke to the wall and afterwards threw it into the moat. The sight destroyed the hopes of the people. The conspirators found means to increase the number of their adherents and to occupy the city. Captain Ruschino arrived before the gates, according to a previous understanding, at the head of a considerable body of infantry and shortly after the castellan of Cremona arrived with reinforcements. These were followed by Gonzaga himself who took possession in the name of CÆsar. The vengeance of Doria was complete.

The Venitians were greatly grieved by these events; indeed, all the governments in Italy which were unfriendly to the Spanish power were alarmed at its success. The nobles of Piacenza regretted too late that they had changed masters without gaining their liberties. Gonzaga had promised to destroy the citadel, but he increased its strength and it remained for three centuries.

Piacenza was never restored to the Farnese in spite of that spirited discourse which Casa wrote to CÆsar and which we find in his works. The Pope in full concistory asked an account from the emperor of the assassination of his son and the seizure of Piacenza, and demanded the punishment of Gonzaga. But the emperor pleased with his success, paid no attention either to the threats of the Pope or the appeals of his son-in-law and Margaret. Gonzaga was not even content with Piacenza but attempted to grasp Parma also. He moved an army against it, but the valour of Camillo Orsino rendered his efforts fruitless. To secure his grandson against Spanish treachery, Paul kept him near his own person in Rome, until Ottavio, weary of living in privacy put himself into the power of the ministers of Charles and returned to Parma. The old pontiff, pricked to the heart by the death of his son and the fruitlessness of his appeals to other governments against Spain, soon ended his days in bitterness and sorrow (1549).

Though the assassins of Farnese obtained rewards from the emperor they were long the objects of atrocious persecutions from Rome. Anguissola was created governor of Como; but he sought refuge from many assassins who dodged his steps in the Pliniana villa which he had constructed. Beleseur, French ambassador, having encountered him in the Grisons tried to pierce him in the very palace of the bishop with the dagger of papal vengance. A certain Rinaldo Rondinello, of the mountains of Cesena, long followed him in the mantle of a friar; and when this assassin was punished, many others rose up to take his place, until Anguissola seeing himself the object of universal scorn and the mark of every stiletto terminated his miserable life in sorrow and remorse. Gerolamo Pallavicini who with his brother Alessando and others was an accomplice in that crime was making the campaign in Flanders in 1552, in company with his relatives. Eight masked men one day assailed him, killed all his relatives and left him stretched upon the earth with five severe wounds. However, he recovered and retired to his castle of Castiglione di Lodi, which he had obtained from the Fieschi. He made a vow to marry the first woman whom he should meet. Fate was propitious and Gerolamina Virotelli, the daughter of a mountaineer and a woman of more than womanly prudence, made the evening of his life cheerful. Count Landi died in remorse and bequeathed a rich legacy to the heir of the murdered Farnese Gonzaga, too, died miserably. Some assassins, Corsican soldiers of Ottavio Farnese, several times attempted to kill him; but it was reserved for the Genoese to avenge on him the death of the Fieschi and Farnese, and his other crimes. Tommaso Marini and Ottobuono Giustiniani obtained a decree from Charles, that Gonzaga be subjected to an examination for the robberies with which he was charged. The emperor acquitted him, but removed him from the governorship of Milan and the disgrace so wounded him that he died of his grief.

These acts of vengeance were followed by others of a fierce character. In these, Andrea Doria was the instructor. At the death of Pier Luigi nothing remained for him but to punish the Pope for his complicity with the Count of Lavagna; but the elevation of Paul and the sanctity of his office put him out of the reach of personal violence. Other arms than daggers must be employed, and fortune put them into the hands of Doria. We must here premise that after the death of Gianluigi, the Pope, to suppress the rumour that he was accessory to the conspiracy, sent Andrea a brief, condoling with him for the death of Gianettino. The fierce Genoese, who well knew the arts of Roman wolves, swallowed his resentiment and was silent until the time arrived to settle his account with the successor of St. Peter. As soon as he learned through Cristoforo Lercaro Di Salvo, captain of Chiavari, that Pier Luigi was dead, he took that same brief, changed only the names and sent it back to the author as his letter of condolence for the death of the pontiff’s son. The injury was great; but the punishment was terrible.

These punishments and assassinations did not restore order and confidence. The blood which had been spilled fertilized the soil for a new harvest of disaster and suffering.