THE NIGHT OF THE SECOND OF JANUARY.

Measures taken by the Count—Occupation of the gate of the Archi and of San Tommaso—Death of Gianettino Doria—Fieschi did not seek the death of prince Doria—Schemes of Paolo Lavagna—Taking of the arsenal—Fall and death of Gianluigi—Flight of Andrea Doria to Masone—The place where Gianluigi was drowned—The several arsenals of Genoa—The death of Count Fieschi deemed a misfortune by the Italians.

Halting for a moment at the foot of the hill, near the ancient houses of the Frangipani, the count sent his brother Cornelio to capture and hold the gate of the Archi in order to secure a way of retreat to his castles in case the enterprise should fail. He directed his brothers Ottobuono and Gerolamo, who had just returned from the court of France, to hold themselves and their men in readiness to attack the gate of San Tommaso at a preconcerted signal. The capture of that strong place being an affair of moment, Calcagno was ordered to support the attacking party with the main body of the troops. These were the movements in the city. As for the harbour, Verrina had orders to work his galley outside of the Mandraccio and up to the gates of the arsenal, thus laying siege to the ships of Doria. Then Tommaso Assereto, who, as an officer under Andrea, had the countersigns, was to enter the arsenal, by fraud or force, on the land side. The great stress of the enterprise lay in taking these ships of Doria, because they constituted the emperor’s naval force and were able to command the Mediterranean. Therefore, to make sure work at this point, the count sent orders to Scipione Borgognino, one of his vassals and a brave soldier, to embark the flower of the troops upon some floats which had been prepared and to storm the arsenal on the sea side, and having gained the inside to open the gates unless Assereto had already forced them.

The count reserved to himself no particular command, but was at liberty to fly to the point of greatest need. He entered the city through the gates of St. Andrea, passed down the streets of Prione and San Donato, gained the piazza of Salvaghi and advancing to the bridge of Cattanei, now destroyed, waited near Marinella until Verrina should inform him with a discharge from a bombard that the attack on the arsenal was began.

He intended, having occupied the arsenal and mounted crews on the galleys of Doria, to unite the various corps distributed through the city and move to the assault of the Doge’s palace, the taking of which would crown the enterprise with complete success. He employed a subtle artifice to secure the death of Gianettino. It was reasonably apprehended that the young admiral, awakened by the din which would necessarily be made in the harbour and arsenal, would take refuge in a galley which always rode at anchor under the prince’s palace. To exclude this mode of flight, a large number of floats heavily laden were placed, some days before, in front of this ship so as to render it impossible to move her. Finally, it was agreed and ordered that the cry used to arouse the plebeians and win their stout arms to the cause of Fieschi should be:—“The people and liberty.”

This was the general plan of insurrection. At first every movement was successful. Cornelio occupied the gate of the Archi with but little bloodshed; but the fortress of San Tommaso proved a serious obstacle to the conspirators. Captain Sebastiano Lercaro and his brother were in command there. Both had the reputation of being valiant soldiers, and they were thoroughly devoted to the Dorias to whom they owed their rank in the permanent militia. As soon as they saw a large body of men moving against them and heard the air ring with the name of Fieschi, they prepared for a vigorous defence.

Captain Lercaro, who, according to rumour, had accepted a commission to assassinate Fieschi, knew well that his own life and that of his masters’ depended upon a successful resistance, and he exerted himself with such spirit and prowess that he several times repulsed the assailants with serious loss. But Gerolamo and Ottobuono returned to the assault with undiminished courage, and Calcagno came to their succour with reinforcements. The conflict now became too unequal. Many of the soldiers of the government were killed and wounded, others threw down their arms, while some turned their swords against those of their companions who still faced the enemy.

Lercaro, seeing himself well-nigh abandoned and his brother stretched at his feet by a blow from a halberd, surrendered to the Fieschi. Manfredo Centurione, Vincenzo Promontorio, Vaccari and some other officers and soldiers followed his example.

The palace of Prince Andrea stood within a stone’s throw of the gate of San Tommaso which the Fieschi had now occupied. Gianettino, awakened by the din of arms and fearing that there was a mutiny on his galleys, determined to go immediately to the arsenal. His consort in vain urged him with tears not to set foot outside the palace, as though she too had sad presage of her destiny. In vain Andrea united his prayers to those of his wife. “This, said the prince, is not a mutiny or quarrel among our crews. It is the roar of battle.” A relentless destiny drew the young admiral on to his fate. Still believing that it was some disturbance among his own crews, he set forth for San Tommaso to obtain troops to quell the disorder. He had only a page as an escort. The flicker of his own lamp revealed him to his enemies, and rejoicing at their good fortune they permitted him to approach and fall into their net. Arriving at the walls, he demanded in his usual imperious tone that the door be opened. At that moment, pierced by many pikes, he fell in a pool of his own blood. It is now known that the first and fatal blow was dealt by Agostino Bigelotti da Barga, a soldier of the government.

Gerolamo Fieschi now began to fortify his position. Gianettino, the expected tyrant of Genoa, being dead, it was no longer desirable to assail the Doria palace. The decrepit Andrea was not obnoxious to their rage. He was in error or spoke falsely who wrote that Fieschi desired the death of Prince Doria that he might plunder the splendid carvings, sculptures and furniture of the Doria palace. The government itself by the mouth of the lawyers of Padua, affirmed that Fieschi did not wish to assault that house or to vent his wrath against the prince, towards whom he felt no personal grudge. This is the most splendid testimony that Gianluigi did not aspire to power but to liberate the Republic. And if those who undertook to transmit to posterity the memory of these events had studied the official documents, they could not have distorted history by such grave errors. It is noteworthy, too, that the name of France was not uttered on that fatal night.

Count Gerolamo left his brother Ottobuono to guard the gates and marched through the principal streets to arouse the people for the national cause. The word liberty, rung in the ears of people but yesterday despoiled of rights which they had enjoyed for centuries, produced a marvellous effect in the deep midnight silence. New crowds crying, “Gatto and liberty” gathered around the Fieschi standard. The very women who, when the first uproar called their husbands and brothers into the streets, clung to them with tears, when they heard the name of Fieschi hushed their sobs and uttered cries of joy. Such was the power of that name. The night was now dark; the confusion and the terror became indescribable. The shouts of the populace and the blare of the trumpets filled the old nobles with mortal dismay, and closing their massive doors they did not venture to set foot in the streets.

Suarez Figuerroa, the minister of CÆsar, who had foreseen the conspiracy, though he had not believed the outbreak so near, was seized with a mortal fright, and wandered half insane through the streets in search of a way of escape from the city. Paolo Lasagna encountered him and dissipated his personal fears by assuring him that however the conflict might end, the character which the minister of CÆsar bore would perfectly protect him from harm, and conducted him to the ducal palace. Lasagna, though he was not opposed, being a new noble, to the movement on foot, yet being a follower of the Adorni party, he thought the occasion propitious for the restoration of his friends to power. Therefore collecting some of his political sympathisers, he conferred with them, and they decided to wait until the balance should incline in favour of one or other of the contending parties. If the attempt of the Fieschi should be crushed, they would do nothing. But if it should triumph, then they would unite with the Spinola party and rouse the city with the cry of Barnaba Adorno. For the present, they would watch the course of the storm and see whom it destroyed.

As we have said, the Ducal office was at that time vacant, and NicolÒ Franco was administering the government. Besides Lasagna and Figuerroa, there were collected about him in the palace Cardinal Gerolamo Doria and Prince Adamo Centurione who had taken refuge there at the first sounds of revolution. On receiving intelligence of the assault on the gate of San Tommaso, they sent to reinforce it Bonifacio Lomellini, Cristoforo Pallavicini and Antonio Calvi with fifty men of the Ducal guard. The reinforcement had hardly reached the street Fossatello when it was surrounded and badly handled. The survivors with difficulty gained the Centurione palace and took shelter there. Francesco Grimaldi, Domenico Doria and some other nobles had taken refuge in this palace. They reproached the fugitive soldiers with their cowardice and offered to lead them against the enemy. Though but few in number they advanced boldly against the revolutionists at San Tommaso; but Calcagno made a vigorous sortie and routed them, killing some and capturing others.

The count’s enterprise was moving with full sails. Tommaso Assereto, who was appointed to carry the arsenal by a coup de main, arrived at the door and giving the countersign was about to enter without bloodshed, when his enthusiastic men sprang from under cover to enter with him and the garrison rushing to arms repulsed them with serious loss. The first attempt having failed, they went to the count who was awaiting the result of the attack in the street of Maruffi near the piazza San Pancrazio. He was fretting wrathfully because his ears had not yet been saluted by the bombard as arranged with Verrina. At the news of the repulse, he broke into imprecations upon their cowardice, and ordered Scipione Borgognino to embark at once on the floats and attack the arsenal by sea, while he in person led the attack by land. To assail a strong fortress with boats is a very perilous undertaking and it would not have been attempted but for the fierce ardour of Borgognino who, though not seconded by the galley of Verrina, determined to risk the assault.

Unfortunately the galley of Verrina was stationed in that part of the port which is called the Mandraccio, and when he attempted to work her towards the arsenal, she struck full on a sand bank under water, and held so firmly that their utmost efforts could not get her afloat. This was the cause of Verrina’s unexpected delay. At length, however, by superhuman exertion and enthusiasm they succeeded in lifting her off the bar and, with three other frigates, which had that same night arrived in port (as we read in the report of the Republic to Ceva Doria) moved forward to the assistance of Borgognino. The latter had overcome every resistance and driven the defenders from every defensible part of the works, and the count, hearing the roar of the battle within, assailed the gates at the moment Borgognino, beating down all opposition, rushed into the arsenal and ran to open it to his leader.

A more complete success could not have been hoped for by the conspirators. Of all their attacks that of Assereto only had failed, and that chiefly because the disaster of the galley had prevented a simultaneous assault by sea and land.

The night was dismal; the sea stormy; the cries of the Doria slaves, the clanking of their chains and the disorder of the assailants rendered the arsenal a scene of indescribable confusion. The count, seeing the necessity of preventing revolt among the galley slaves who were breaking their chains, with his natural audacity threw himself on board the galley in which the greatest disorder reigned, manned it with his own men and gave the command of it to some of his most trusted followers. Order was soon restored and he resolved to go into the city. He attempted to pass from the Capitana to the Padrona which was moored by the side of the former. But the shock of a float suddenly striking against them drove the vessels apart and the frail and imperfectly fastened bridge which connected them fell, carrying him with it down into the sea. With him fell the hopes of the revolutionists. Though the count was an able swimmer, he could not save himself on account of being encumbered with arms, and in the darkness and confusion no aid was rendered him.

This is the history of his death according to the writers of the time, with the addition that the count and Gianettino perished in the same moment. But as the water in the arsenal was not deep and the count’s strength and skill as a swimmer must have enabled him to save himself in spite of his armour, we are inclined to adopt the opinion of Campanaceo that he struck his temples against the bridge in falling and either fell senseless into the waves, or was so weakened by the blow as to be unable to make any exertion. In fact, when the corpse was taken from the water the head was found to have suffered a severe contusion.

Meanwhile, Prince Doria seeing that Gianettino did not return and hearing the cries and tumult among the galleys, despatched messenger after messenger to learn the occasion of the unwonted uproar. Captain Luigi Giulia at length brought him word that the Fieschi were in arms and the city ringing with their name. The old admiral fumed with vexation that his decrepitude forbade him to mingle in the fray. He was induced by the tears of Princess Peretta and the entreaties of his servants to send his wife into the adjacent convent of the Canonici Regolari di San Teodoro and the widow of Gianettino with her children into the monastery of Gesu and Maria. Then mounting on horseback, escorted by Giulia, Count Filippino and four servants, he rode to Sestri whence he went upon a small oared bark to Voltri, and thence sent information of the revolution to the duke of Florence and Gonzaga in Milan, who were the only zealous partisans of the imperial cause in Italy. He was then placed in a palanquin and carried to the castle of Masone, a feud of Adamo Centurione, fifteen miles distant from Genoa in the heights of the mountains. In this painful journey, he read upon the faces of his attendants the fate of Gianettino and wept bitter tears, over it, but his grief was partly soothed by the hope of immolating the whole Fieschi family to his terrible vengeance.

The first part of this conspiracy thus ended in a great misfortune; but it saved the Republic by Gianettino’s death. There can be no doubt that, had he survived he would have gratified his own lust of dominion and fulfilled the wishes of CÆsar, who desired to divide Italy into principalities subject to himself and founded on the ruins of the republics averse to his empire.

The body of Gianettino was buried in the subterranean chapel of San Matteo which is now adorned with the monument of Andrea, a beautiful work of Montorsoli.

A brief episode will be permitted us here on the place in the harbour where Gianluigi was drowned. It is necessary to confute the error of those who tell us it occurred in the station of Mandraccio. The mistake arose from the confusion of various arsenals whose true position has been lost in the great changes wrought by time. The first arsenal of which we shall speak was nothing more than a small basin near the piazza Molo, protected in 1276 by a strip of land covered with heavy stones and palissades. Then galleys were built there. At an earlier period ships were constructed along the Borgo di Pre, then outside the walls, particularly in front of the commandery of St. John and near the basin of St. Limbania.

It is difficult to comprehend how the Genoese, without any tolerable dockyards, were able in so short a time to put to sea the memorable fleets which sailed for Palestine, and the two sent against Pisa in 1120 and 1126. The first Pisan expedition numbered eighty galleys, four large ships, thirty-five gatti, twenty-eight calabi and other small craft manned by twenty-two thousand combatants; and the second counted eighty triremes and forty-three boats. We have credible testimony that the Genoese equipped, in seven years, six hundred and twenty-seven triremes; and in 1295, in less than a month, they put to sea two hundred galleys and other ships of which one hundred and five were entirely new, and embarked on them thirty-five thousand warriors, eight thousand of whom were dressed in silk and purple. The founder of the arsenal of which we speak was a certain Oliverio a cistercense monk of the Badia of St. Andrea in Sestri. He constructed two roads on that strip of land, of which we have made mention, leading down to the gate of the Molo, where there was already a bridge of large stones on which rose a light-house for the convenience of mariners. In the same year, Marin Boccanegra raised a high wall around the Borgo di Molo which was then outside of the piazza of that name. This wall ran from the church of Our Lady of Grace along the shore to the tower of the light-house, then, turning, it passed behind San Marco and in front of Bordigotto famous in popular legends for its fountain of blood and here Boccanegra excavated the little port which was called Mandraccio. Here was moored the galley of Fieschi, and the shallowness of the water rendered it difficult to work her out into the harbour. We find in fact that though the excavations of Boccanegra are described as very deep, yet that there was not sufficient water in any part of the Mandraccio to float heavy galleys. Some years after the attempt of Fieschi, that is in 1575, that part of the port which lies between the Ponte Cattanei and the little mole of Mandraccio then called the Goletta was dried under the direction of the Sicilian engineer Anastasio, and the rocks lying at the bottom of it were broken up and excavated for the distance of twenty palms.

To enlarge this arsenal and protect it from the fury of the waves, Boccanegra commanded, in 1283 the colossal structure of the Molo extending it one hundred and fifteen cubits into the sea. On the opposite side of the arsenal, rose the Ponte Cattanei, called by the name of the family who built it, and there was a passage by an easy stair to the Ponte di Mercanzia which led to the Portofranco and the Custom House. The latter occupied the ground floor of the bank of St. George, a palace which was adorned in 1262 with some marbles taken from the palace of the Venitians in Constantinople. To the right of the bank stood, and still stands, the Ponte Reale and next it those of Spinola, Legna and Calvi. In the vicinity of this last, the third arsenal was begun in the period of which we write, and behind it a fourth was afterwards constructed.

The third arsenal, situated between the church of S. Fede and S. Antonio, was built in 1282 and ten thousand marks of the booty taken in Pisa in 1215 were appropriated for its construction. It was afterwards doubled in size and half of it was appropriated to the wine trade and the collection of duties on the same. The other part was used as a station for galleys.

Gianluigi on the night of the 2nd of January, passed from the street of Maruffi by way of Sottoripa to that part of the arsenal which was used for the trade in wine, and the gate of that part was opened by his men. From this gate he passed into the back part of the arsenal, where the Doria galleys lay, and there he was drowned and buried in the muddy bottom of the dock. He could not have met his fate in the fourth arsenal, which is the one existing in our day, because it was then unoccupied. Though begun in 1457 the works had fallen into ruin from the want of skill in the builders, and, they were not reconstructed until 1596.

The news of Fieschi’s death was received by the liberal spirits of Italy as a national misfortune. Matteo Bandello a month after the event wrote:—“He was a young man of great heart and excellent speech; his literary studies and the instructions of the learned and virtuous Paolo Panza had given him a maturity of judgment wonderful for his years. There is no learned man of Italy or France who had not commended him for his rare virtues, his intellectual gifts and the greatness of soul which led him though so young to combine everything with admirable prudence for freeing his country from the Spanish yoke.”[46]

Nor ought we to omit that opinion which, according to the same author, was expressed by Catando d’Arimini who lived on intimate terms with the count. Catando said:—“In a conference held at Montebrano by the Fregosi, you, my masters, justly commended Gian Aloise Fieschi, for he truly deserved your praise. But I think that the most of you honoured his memory with your good opinion on the basis of the current estimate of his great virtues and singular mental accomplishments. But if you had known him as familiarly as I, the day would be too short to express your admiration. If I wished to recount to you all his merits, it would be easy to begin but impossible to finish my discourse. I shall omit then his birth which opened for him the paths to honour, his boyhood which impressed all the Genoese with boundless expectation of his future, the prematurely ripened intelligence which he used in winning the love of the people and the good will of the nobility, so that the people adored him and the nobles admired and esteemed him. I forbear to enlarge on the repute which he had among the peasants of the Eastern Riviera and in the mountains towards Parma and Piacenza; on the fact that his vassals never complained of the slightest injustice, and that he was so liberal when they were in want that they adored him as a Providence, and that his neighbours had the highest respect for his wisdom. I pass by his affection for his brothers whom he wished to be honoured as himself, that he loved and aided his friends with fraternal warmth and avenged injuries with a prompt hand.” The orator concluded by saying that the most distinguished proof of Fieschi’s greatness was that he attempted great enterprises. We shall not dwell on the people’s grief over the death of Gianluigi. It kept alive his memory in national songs and mariner’s hymns, which are so full of patriotic fervour that they deserve to be collected and preserved. To justify this opinion, we give two stanzas of a popular song preserved in a codex of Beriana the subject of which is the death of the count, the sorrow felt by the Genoese at his loss and their high estimate of his merits.

E se l’alto e magnanimo desÌre

La fallace fortuna fece vano,
Non vi si puÒ imputar, non si puÒ dire
Che v’abbi offeso alcun valore umano;
Che per voler nel mondo voi ferire
Non era in terra cosÌ ardita mano:
Ma un elemento solo ebbe per sorte
Di farsene sepolcro e darvi morte.

A gran pianto e dolor restiamo noi

Che seguitiam vostre vestigie in terra:
PerchÈ rimasti siamo senza voi
Che padre erate agli nomini di guerra,
Come se senza i chiari raggi suoi
Lasciasse il sole in tenebre la terra;
Chi sarÀ senza voi mai piu giocondo?
Spento il vostro valor fu oscuro il mondo.