In the middle and southern colonies, the irritation against the mother country appears to have gradually subsided and no disposition was manifested to extend opposition farther than to the importation of tea. Insurrection in North Carolina.Their attention was a good deal directed to an insurrection in North Carolina, where a number of ignorant people, supposing themselves to be aggrieved by the fee bill, rose in arms for the purpose of shutting up the courts of justice, destroying all officers of government, and all lawyers, and of prostrating government itself. Governor Tryon marched against them, defeated them in a decisive battle, quelled the insurrection, and restored order.

In Massachusetts, where the doctrine that parliament could not rightfully legislate for the colonies was maintained as a corollary from the proposition that parliament could not tax them, a gloomy discontent was manifested. That the spirit of opposition seemed to be expiring, without securing the rights they claimed, excited apprehensions of a much more serious nature in the bosoms of that inflexible people, than the prospect of any conflict, however terrible. This temper displayed itself in all their proceedings.

The legislature, which the governor continued to convene at Cambridge, remonstrated against this removal as an intolerable grievance; and, for two sessions, refused to proceed on business. In one of their remonstrances, they asserted the right of the people to appeal to heaven in disputes between them and persons in power, when power shall be abused.

From the commencement of the contest, Massachusetts had been peculiarly solicitous to unite all the colonies in one system of measures. In pursuance of this favourite idea, a committee of correspondence was elected by the general court, to communicate with such committees as might be appointed by other legislatures.[219] Similar committees were soon afterwards chosen by the towns[220] throughout the province, for the purpose of corresponding with each other; and the example was soon followed by other colonies.

While this system of vigilance was in progress, a discovery was made which greatly increased the ill temper of New England. Doctor Franklin, the agent of Massachusetts, by some unknown means, Governor Hutchinson's correspondence.obtained possession of the letters which had been addressed by governor Hutchinson, and by lieutenant governor Oliver, to the department of state. He transmitted these letters to the general court. They were obviously designed to induce government to persevere in the system which was alienating the affections of the colonists. The opposition was represented as being confined to a few factious men, whose conduct was not generally approved, and who had been emboldened by the weakness of the means used to restrain them. More vigorous measures were recommended; and several specific propositions were made, which were peculiarly offensive. Among these was a plan for altering the charters of the colonies, and rendering the high officers dependent solely on the crown for their salaries.[221]

The assembly, inflamed by these letters, unanimously resolved, "that their tendency and design were to overthrow the constitution of the government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province." At the same time, a petition to the King was voted, praying him to remove governor Hutchinson and lieutenant governor Oliver, for ever, from the government of the colony. This petition was transmitted to Doctor Franklin, and laid before the King in council. After hearing it, the lords of the council reported "that the petition in question was founded upon false and erroneous allegations, and that the same is groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the provinces." This report, his majesty was pleased to approve.

Governor Hutchinson however was soon afterwards removed, and general Gage appointed to succeed him.

The fears of Massachusetts, that the spirit which had been roused in the colonies might gradually subside, were not of long continuance. The determination not to import tea from England, had so lessened the demand for that article, that a considerable quantity had accumulated in the magazines of the East India company. They urged the minister to take off the import American duty of three pence per pound, and offered, in lieu of it, to pay double that sum on exportation. Measures to enforce the duties.1774Instead of acceding to this proposition, drawbacks were allowed on tea exported to the colonies; and the export duty on that article was taken off. These encouragements induced the company to make shipments on their own account; and large quantities were consigned to agents in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and other principal places on the continent.[222]

The crisis was arrived; and the conduct of the colonies was now to determine whether they would submit to be taxed by parliament, or meet the consequences of a practical assertion of the opinions they had maintained. The tea, if landed, would be sold; the duties would, consequently, be paid; and the precedent for taxing them established. The same sentiment on this subject appears to have pervaded the whole continent at the same time. This ministerial plan of importation was considered by all, as a direct attack on the liberties of the people of America, which it was the duty of all to oppose. Ferment in America.A violent ferment was excited in all the colonies; the corresponding committees were extremely active; and it was almost universally declared that whoever should, directly or indirectly, countenance this dangerous invasion of their rights, was an enemy to his country. The consignees were, generally, compelled to relinquish their consignments; and, in most instances, the ships bringing the tea were obliged to return with it.

At Boston, a town meeting appointed a committee to wait on the consignees to request their resignation. This request not being complied with, another large meeting[223] assembled at Faneuil Hall, who voted, with acclamation, "that the tea shall not be landed, that no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent back in the same bottoms." With a foreboding of the probable consequences of the measure about to be adopted, and a wish that those consequences should be seriously contemplated, a leading member[224] thus addressed the meeting:

"It is not, Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapours within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever supposes that shouts and hosannahs will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosoms, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, sharpest conflicts;—to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures, which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw."[225]

The question was again put, and passed unanimously in the affirmative. The captain of the vessel, aware of the approaching danger, was desirous of returning, and applied to the governor for a clearance. Affecting a rigid regard to the letter of his duty, he declined giving one, unless the vessel should be properly qualified at the custom house. This answer being reported, the meeting was declared to be dissolved; and an immense crowd repaired to the quay, Tea thrown into the sea.where a number of the most resolute, disguised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the vessel, broke open three hundred and forty-two chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the ocean.[226]

These proceedings were laid before parliament in a message from the crown, and excited a high and general indignation against the colonies. Both houses expressed, almost unanimously, their approbation of the measures adopted by his Majesty; and gave explicit assurances that they would exert every means in their power, to provide effectually for the due execution of the laws, and to secure the dependence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain. The temper both of the parliament and of the nation was entirely favourable to the high-handed system of coercion proposed by ministers; and that temper was not permitted to pass away unemployed. A bill was brought in "for discontinuing the lading and shipping of goods, wares, and merchandises, at Boston or the harbour thereof, and for the removal of the custom-house with its dependencies to the town of Salem." This bill was to continue in force, not only until compensation should be made to the East India company for the damage sustained, but until the King in council should declare himself satisfied as to the restoration of peace and good order in Boston. It passed both houses without a division, and almost without opposition.[227]

Boston Tea Party

[Enlarge]

The Boston Tea Party

From the painting by Robert Reid, in the Massachusetts State House

Soon afterwards, a bill was brought in "for better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay." This act entirely subverted the charter, and vested in the crown the appointment of the counsellors, magistrates, and other officers of the colony, who were to hold their offices during the royal pleasure. This bill also was carried through both houses by great majorities; but not without a vigorous opposition, and an animated debate.[228]

The next measure proposed was a bill "for the impartial administration of justice in the province of Massachusetts Bay. It provided that in case any person should be indicted, in that province, for murder or any other capital offence, and it should appear by information given on oath to the governor, that the fact was committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy in suppressing riots, and that a fair trial could not be had in the province, he should send the person so indicted to any other colony, or to Great Britain to be tried." This act was to continue in force for four years.[229]

A bill was also passed for quartering soldiers on the inhabitants; and the system was completed, by "an act making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec." This bill extended the boundaries of that province so as to comprehend the territory between the lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi; and established a legislative council to be appointed by the crown, for its government.[230]

Amidst these hostile measures, one single conciliatory proposition was made. Mr. Rose Fuller moved that the house resolve itself into a committee to take into consideration the duty on the importation of tea into America, with a view to its repeal. This motion was seconded by Mr. Burke, and supported with all the power of reasoning, and all the splendour of eloquence which distinguished that consummate statesman; but reason and eloquence were of no avail. It was lost by a great majority. The earl of Chatham, who had long been too ill to attend parliament, again made his appearance in the house of lords. He could have been drawn out, only by a strong sense of the fatal importance of those measures into which the nation was hurrying. But his efforts were unavailing. Neither his weight of character, his sound judgment, nor his manly eloquence, could arrest the hand of fate which seemed to propel this lofty nation, with irresistible force, to measures which terminated in its dismemberment.[231]

It was expected, and this expectation was encouraged by Mr. Hutchinson, that, by directing these measures particularly against Boston, not only the union of the colonies would be broken, but Massachusetts herself would be divided. Never was expectation more completely disappointed. All perceived that Boston was to be punished for having resisted, only with more violence, the principle which they had all resisted; and that the object of the punishment was to coerce obedience to a principle they were still determined to resist. They felt therefore that the cause of Boston was the cause of all, that their destinies were indissolubly connected with those of that devoted town, and that they must submit to be taxed by a parliament, in which they were not and could not be represented, or support their brethren who were selected to sustain the first shock of a power which, if successful there, would overwhelm them all. The neighbouring towns, disdaining to avail themselves of the calamities inflicted on a sister for her exertions in the common cause, clung to her with increased affection; General enthusiasm.and that spirit of enthusiastic patriotism, which, for a time, elevates the mind above all considerations of individual acquisition, became the ruling passion in the American bosom.

On receiving intelligence of the Boston port bill, a meeting of the people of that town was called. They perceived that "the sharpest, sharpest conflict" was indeed approaching, but were not dismayed by its terrors. Far from seeking to shelter themselves from the threatening storm by submission, they grew more determined as it increased.

Resolutions were passed, expressing their opinion of the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, from which they appealed to God, and to the world; and also inviting the other colonies to join with them in an agreement to stop all imports and exports to and from Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, until the act should be repealed.[232]

It was not in Boston only that this spirit was roused. Addresses were received from every part of the continent, expressing sentiments of sympathy in their afflictions, exhorting them to resolution and perseverance, and assuring them that they were considered as suffering in the common cause.

The legislature of Virginia was in session when intelligence of the Boston port bill reached that province. The house of Burgesses set apart the first of June, the day on which the bill was to go into operation, for fasting, prayer, and humiliation, to implore the divine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened the destruction of their civil rights, the evils of a civil war; and to give one heart and one mind to the people, firmly to oppose every invasion of their liberties. Similar resolutions were adopted in almost every province; and the first of June became, throughout the colonies, a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, in the course of which sermons were preached to the people, well calculated to inspire them with horror, against the authors of the unjust sufferings of their fellow subjects in Boston.

This measure occasioned the dissolution of the assembly. The members, before separation, entered into an association, in which they declared that an attack on one colony to compel submission to arbitrary taxes, is an attack on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied in prevention. A general congress proposed.They, therefore, recommended to the committee of correspondence, to communicate with the several committees of the other provinces, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the different colonies, to meet annually in congress, and to deliberate on the common interests of America. This measure had already been proposed in town meetings, both in New York and Boston.

While the people of Boston were engaged in the first consultations respecting the bill directed particularly against themselves, general Gage arrived in town. He was received, notwithstanding the deep gloom of the moment, with those external marks of respect which had been usual, and which were supposed to belong to his station.

The general court convened by the governor at Salem, passed resolutions, declaring the expediency of a meeting of committees from the several colonies; and appointed five gentlemen as a committee on the part of Massachusetts. The colonies from New Hampshire to South Carolina inclusive, adopted this measure; and, where the legislatures were not in session, elections were made by the people. The legislature of Massachusetts also passed declaratory resolutions expressing their opinion on the state of public affairs, and recommending to the inhabitants of that province to renounce, totally, the consumption of East India teas, and to discontinue the use of all goods imported from the East Indies and Great Britain, until the grievances of America should be completely redressed.

The governor, having obtained intelligence of the manner in which the house was employed, sent his secretary with directions to dissolve the assembly. Finding the doors shut, and being refused admittance, he read the order of dissolution aloud on the staircase. The next day, the governor received an address from the principal inhabitants of Salem, at that time the metropolis of the province, which marks the deep impression made by a sense of common danger. No longer considering themselves as the inhabitants of Salem, but as Americans, and spurning advantages to be derived to themselves from the distress inflicted on a sister town, for its zeal in a cause common to all, they expressed their deep affliction for the calamities of Boston.

About this time rough drafts of the two remaining bills relative to the province of Massachusetts, as well as of that for quartering troops in America, were received in Boston, and circulated through the continent. They served to confirm the wavering, to render the moderate indignant, and to inflame the violent.

An agreement was framed by the committee of correspondence in Boston, entitled "a solemn league and covenant," whereby the subscribers bound themselves, "in the presence of God," to suspend all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, from the last day of the ensuing month of August, until the Boston port bill, and the other late obnoxious laws should be repealed. They also bound themselves, in the same manner, not to consume, or purchase from any other, any goods whatever which should arrive after the specified time; and to break off all dealings with the purchasers as well as with the importers of such goods. They renounced, also, all intercourse and connexion with those who should refuse to subscribe to that covenant, or to bind themselves by some similar agreement; and annexed to the renunciation of intercourse, the dangerous penalty of publishing to the world, the names of all who refused to give this evidence of attachment to the rights of their country.

General Gage issued a proclamation in which he termed this covenant "an unlawful, hostile, and traitorous combination, contrary to the allegiance due to the King, destructive of the legal authority of parliament, and of the peace, good order, and safety of the community." All persons were warned against incurring the pains and penalties due to such dangerous offences; and all magistrates were charged to apprehend and secure for trial such as should be guilty of them. But the time when the proclamation of governors could command attention had passed away; and the penalties in the power of the committee of correspondence were much more dreaded than those which could be inflicted by the civil magistrate.[233]

Resolutions were passed in every colony in which legislatures were convened, or delegates assembled in convention, manifesting different degrees of resentment, but concurring in the same great principles. All declared that the cause of Boston was the cause of British America; that the late acts respecting that devoted town were tyrannical and unconstitutional; that the opposition to this ministerial system of oppression ought to be universally and perseveringly maintained; that all intercourse with the parent state ought to be suspended, and domestic manufactures encouraged; and that a general congress should be formed for the purpose of uniting and guiding the councils, and directing the efforts, of North America.

The committees of correspondence selected Philadelphia for the place, and the beginning of September as the time, for the meeting of this important council.

On the fourth of September, the delegates from eleven[234] provinces appeared at the place appointed; and, the next day, they assembled at Carpenter's Hall, when Peyton Randolph, late speaker of the house of Burgesses of Virginia, was unanimously chosen president. The respective credentials of the members were then read and approved; and this august assembly, having determined that each colony should have only one vote; that their deliberations should be conducted with closed doors; and that their proceedings, except such as they might determine to publish, should be kept inviolably secret; entered on the solemn and important duties assigned to them.[235]

Committees were appointed to state the rights claimed by the colonies, which had been infringed by acts of parliament passed since the year 1763; to prepare a petition to the King, and addresses to the people of Great Britain, to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec, and to the twelve colonies represented in congress.

Certain resolutions[236] of the county of Suffolk in Massachusetts, having been taken into consideration, it was unanimously resolved "that this assembly deeply feels the suffering of their countrymen in Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted; and they earnestly recommend to their brethren, a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct, as expressed in the resolutions determined upon, at a meeting of the delegates for the county of Suffolk, on Tuesday the sixth instant; trusting that the effect of the united efforts of North America in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the British nation of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men, and wiser measures."

It was resolved, unanimously, "that contributions from all the colonies, for supplying the necessities, and alleviating the distresses of our brethren in Boston, ought to be continued, in such manner, and so long, as their occasions may require."

The merchants of the several colonies were requested not to send to Great Britain any orders for goods, and to direct the execution of those already sent to be suspended, until the sense of congress on the means to be taken for preserving the liberties of America, be made public. In a few days, resolutions were passed, suspending the importation of goods from Great Britain, or Ireland, or any of their dependencies, and of their manufactures from any place whatever, after the first day of the succeeding December; and against the purchase or use of such goods. It was also determined that all exports to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, should cease on the 10th of September, 1775 less American grievances should be redressed before that time. An association, corresponding with these resolutions, was then framed, and signed by every member present. Never were laws more faithfully observed, than were these resolutions of congress; and their association was, of consequence, universally adopted.Early in the session, a declaration[237] of rights was made in the shape of resolutions. This paper merits particular attention, because it states precisely the ground then taken by America. It is observable that it asserted rights which were not generally maintained, at the commencement of the contest; but the exclusive right of legislation in the colonial assemblies, with the exception of acts of the British parliament bona fide made to regulate external commerce, was not averred unanimously.

The addresses prepared, the various papers drawn up, and the measures recommended by this congress, form the best eulogy of the members who composed it. Affection to the mother country, an exalted admiration of her national character, unwillingness to separate from her, a knowledge of the hazards and difficulties of the approaching contest, mingled with enthusiastic patriotism, and a conviction that all which can make life valuable was at stake, characterise their proceedings.

"When," they say in the address to the people to the people of Great Britain, "a nation led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence, and humanity, can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and, instead of giving support to freedom turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.

"In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men and the blessings of liberty to you their posterity.

"Be not surprised therefore that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors, that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution, you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government, and the most solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by having our lives and property in their power, they may with the greater facility enslave you."

After stating the serious condition of American affairs, and the oppressions, and misrepresentations of their conduct, which had induced the address; and their claim to be as free as their fellow subjects in Britain; they say, "are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain lords of their own property? Can it be taken from them without their consent? Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any men, or number of men whatever? You know they will not.

"Why then are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their property than you are of yours, or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election? Can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity of rights, or can any reason be given why English subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal palace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it?

"Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety."

After expatiating on the resources which the conquest of America would place in the hands of the crown for the subjugation of Britain, the address proceeds, "we believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public spirit in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal. You have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are not facts but calumnies. Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness;—we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire;—we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own.

"But if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind:—if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world.

"Place us in the same situation that we were at the close of the late war, and our former harmony will be restored."[238]

The petition to the King states succinctly the grievances complained of, and then proceeds to say:

"Had our creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the British throne, to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and, therefore, we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing they received from divine providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact, which elevated the illustrious house of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses.

"The apprehensions of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank of English freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and for our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares—the tranquillity of your government, and the welfare of your people.

"Duty to your majesty and regard for the preservation of ourselves and our posterity,—the primary obligations of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal attention; and, as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints.

"These sentiments are extorted from hearts that much more willingly would bleed in your majesty's service. Yet so greatly have we been misrepresented, that a necessity has been alleged of taking our property from us without our consent, to defray the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and the defence, protection, and security of the colonies."

After assuring his majesty of the untruth of these allegations, they say, "yielding to no British subjects in affectionate attachment to your majesty's person, family, and government, we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing that attachment, by those proofs that are honourable to the prince that receives them, and to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any body of men upon earth.

"We ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favour. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeavour to support and maintain."

After re-stating in a very affecting manner the most essential grievances of which they complain, and professing that their future conduct, if their apprehensions should be removed, would prove them worthy of the regard they had been accustomed, in their happier days to enjoy, they add:

"Permit us then most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility to implore you, for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are undermining; for your glory which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them united; for the interest of your family, depending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it; for the safety and welfare of your kingdom and dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable dangers and distresses; that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties, to be farther violated, in uncertain expectation of effects that, if attained, never can compensate for the calamities, through which they must be gained."[239]

The address to their constituents is replete with serious and temperate argument. In this paper, the several causes which had led to the existing state of things, were detailed more at large; and much labour was used to convince their judgments that their liberties must be destroyed, and the security of their property and persons annihilated, by submission to the pretensions of Great Britain. The first object of congress being to unite the people of America, by demonstrating the sincerity with which their leaders had sought for reconciliation on terms compatible with liberty, great earnestness was used in proving that the conduct of the colonists had been uniformly moderate and blameless. After declaring their confidence in the efficacy of the mode of commercial resistance which had been recommended, the address concludes with saying, "your own salvation, and that of your posterity, now depends upon yourselves. You have already shown that you entertain a proper sense of the blessings you are striving to retain. Against the temporary inconveniences you may suffer from a stoppage of trade, you will weigh in the opposite balance, the endless miseries you and your descendants must endure, from an established arbitrary power. You will not forget the honour of your country, that must, from your behaviour, take its title in the estimation of the world to glory or to shame; and you will, with the deepest attention, reflect, that if the peaceable mode of opposition recommended by us, be broken and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel and haughty ministerial enemies, from a contemptuous opinion of your firmness, insolently predict will be the case, you must inevitably be reduced to choose, either a more dangerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and infamous submission.

"Motives thus cogent, arising from the emergency of your unhappy condition, must excite your utmost diligence and zeal, to give all possible strength and energy to the pacific measures calculated for your relief. But we think ourselves bound in duty to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against the colonies have been so conducted, as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to mournful events, and be in all respects prepared for every contingency. Above all things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amendment of life, to humble yourselves, and implore the favour of Almighty God; and we fervently beseech his divine goodness to take you into his gracious protection."[240]

The letter to the people of Canada required no inconsiderable degree of address. The extent of that province was not so alarming to its inhabitants as to their neighbours; and it was not easy to persuade the French settlers, who were far the most numerous, that the establishment of their religion, and the partial toleration of their ancient jurisprudence, were acts of oppression which ought to be resisted. This delicate subject was managed with considerable dexterity, and the prejudices of the Canadians were assailed with some success.

Letters were also addressed to the colonies of St. Johns, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and the Floridas, inviting them to unite with their brethren in a cause common to all British America.[241]

After completing the business before them, and recommending that another Congress should be held at the same place on the tenth of the succeeding May, the House dissolved itself.

The proceedings of Congress were read throughout America, with enthusiastic admiration. Their recommendations were revered as revelations, and obeyed as laws of the strongest obligation. Absolute unanimity could not be expected to exist; but seldom has a whole people been more united; and never did a more sincere and perfect conviction of the justice of a cause animate the human bosom, than was felt by the great body of the Americans. The people, generally, made great exertions to arm and discipline themselves. Independent companies of gentlemen were formed in all the colonies; and the whole face of the country exhibited the aspect of approaching war. Yet the measures of Congress demonstrate that, although resistance by force was contemplated as a possible event, the hope was fondly cherished that the non-importation of British goods would induce a repeal of the late odious acts. It is impossible to account for the non-importation agreement itself. Had war been considered as inevitable, every principle of sound policy required that imports should be encouraged, and the largest possible stock of supplies for an army be obtained.

With the laws relative to the province, governor Gage received a list of thirty-two new counsellors, a sufficient number of whom, to carry on the business of the government, accepted the office, and entered on its duties.

All those who accepted offices under the new system, were denounced as enemies to their country. The new judges were unable to proceed in the administration of justice. When the court houses were opened, the people crowded into them in such numbers that the judges could not obtain admittance; and, on being ordered by the officers to make way for the court, they answered that they knew no court, independent of the ancient laws and usages of their country, and to no other would they submit.[242] Obliged to resign.The houses of the new counsellors were surrounded by great bodies of people, whose threats announced to them that they must resign their offices, or be exposed to the fury of an enraged populace. The first part of the alternative was generally embraced.

In this irritable state of the public mind, and critical situation of public affairs, it was to be expected that every day would furnish new matter of discontent and jealousy. General Gage deemed it a necessary measure of security, to fortify Boston neck; and this circumstance induced the inhabitants to contemplate seriously an evacuation of the town, and removal into the country. Congress was consulted on this proposition; but was deterred from recommending it, by the difficulties attending the measure. It was however referred to the provincial congress, with the declaration that, if the removal should be deemed necessary, the expense attending it ought to be borne by all the colonies.

The fortification of Boston neck was followed by a measure which excited still greater alarm. The time for the general muster of the militia approached. Under real or pretended apprehensions from their violence, the ammunition and stores which were lodged in the provincial arsenal at Cambridge, and the powder in the magazines at Charlestown, and some other places which was partly private and partly provincial property, were seized, by order of the governor, and conveyed to Boston.

Under the ferment excited by this measure, the people assembled in great numbers, and were with difficulty dissuaded from marching to Boston, and demanding a re-delivery of the stores. Not long afterwards, the fort at Portsmouth in New Hampshire was stormed by an armed body of provincials; and the powder it contained was transported to a place of safety. A similar measure was adopted in Rhode Island.

About the same time a report reached Connecticut that the ships and troops had attacked Boston, and were actually firing on the town. Several thousand men immediately assembled in arms, and marched with great expedition a considerable distance, before they were undeceived.

It was in the midst of these ferments, and while these indications of an opinion that hostilities might be expected daily were multiplying on every side, that the people of Suffolk assembled in convention, and passed the resolutions already mentioned, which in boldness surpass any that had been adopted.

Before the general agitation had risen to its present alarming height, governor Gage had issued writs for the election of members to a general assembly. These writs were afterwards countermanded by proclamation; but the proclamation was disregarded; the elections were held; and the delegates, who assembled and voted themselves a provincial congress, conducted the affairs of the colony as if they had been regularly invested with all the powers of government; and their recommendations were respected as sacred laws.

They drew up a plan for the defence of the province; provided magazines, ammunition and prepares stores for twelve thousand militia; and enrolled a number of minute men, a term designating a select part of the militia, who engaged to appear in arms at a minute's warning.

On the approach of winter, the general had ordered temporary barracks to be erected for the troops, partly for their security, and partly to prevent the disorders which would unavoidably result from quartering them in the town. Such however was the detestation in which they were held, that the select men and committees obliged the workmen to desist from the work, although they were paid for their labour by the crown, and although employment could, at that time, be seldom obtained. He was not much more successful in his endeavours to obtain carpenters in New York; and it was with considerable difficulty that these temporary lodgments could be erected.

The agency for purchasing winter covering for the troops was offered to almost every merchant in New York; but such was the danger of engaging in this odious employment, that not only those who were attached to the party resisting the views of administration, but those also who were in secret friendly to those views, refused undertaking it, and declared "that they never would supply any article for the benefit of men who were sent as enemies to their country."

In Great Britain, a new parliament was assembled; and the King, in his opening speech, informed them, "that a most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience still prevailed in Massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh violences of a very criminal nature; that the most proper and effectual measures had been taken to prevent these mischiefs; and that they might depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this legislature over all the dominions of the crown."

The addresses re-echoed the sentiments of the speech; all amendments to which were rejected in both houses by considerable majorities.[243] Yet the business respecting America was not promptly introduced. Administration seems to have hesitated on the course to be adopted; and the cabinet is said to have been divided respecting future measures. 1775The few friends of conciliation availed themselves of this delay, to bring forward propositions which might restore harmony to the empire. Lord Chatham was not yet dead. "This splendid orb," to use the bold metaphor of Mr. Burke, "was not yet entirely set. The western horizon was still in a blaze with his descending glory;" and the evening of a life which had exhibited one bright unchequered course of elevated patriotism, was devoted to the service of that country whose aggrandisement seemed to have swallowed up every other passion of his soul. Taking a prophetic view of the future, he demonstrated the impossibility of subjugating America, and urged, with all the powers of his vast mind, the immediate removal of the troops from Boston, as a measure indispensably necessary, to open the way for an adjustment of the existing differences with the colonies. Not discouraged by the great majority against this motion, he brought forward a bill for settling the troubles in America, which was rejected by sixty-one to thirty-two voices.

The day after the rejection of this bill, lord North moved, in the house of commons, an address to his Majesty, declaring that, from a serious consideration of the American papers, "they find a rebellion actually exists in the province of Massachusetts Bay." In the course of the debate on this address, several professional gentlemen spoke with the utmost contempt of the military character of the Americans; and general Grant, who ought to have known better, declared that "at the head of five regiments of infantry, he would undertake to traverse the whole country, and drive the inhabitants from one end of the continent to the other."

The address was carried by 288 to 106; and on a conference, the house of lords agreed to join in it. Lord North, soon after, moved a bill for restraining the trade and commerce of the New England provinces, and prohibiting them from carrying on the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland.[244]

While this bill was pending, and only vengeance was breathed by the majority, his lordship, to the astonishment of all, suddenly moved, what he termed his conciliatory proposition. Its amount was, that parliament would forbear to tax any colony, which should tax itself in such a sum as would be perfectly satisfactory. Apparent as it must have been that this proposition would not be accepted in America, it was received with indignation by the majority of the house; and ministers found some difficulty in showing that it was in maintenance of the right to tax the colonies. Before it could be adopted lord North condescended to make the dangerous, and not very reputable acknowledgment, that it was a proposition designed to divide America, and to unite Great Britain. It was transmitted to the governors of the several colonies, in a circular letter from lord Dartmouth, with directions to use their utmost influence to prevail on the legislatures to accede to the proposed compromise. These endeavours were not successful. The colonists were universally impressed with too strong a conviction of the importance of union, and understood too well the real principle of the contest, to suffer themselves to be divided or deceived by a proposition, conciliatory only in name.

After the passage of the bill for restraining the trade of New England, information was received that the inhabitants of the middle and southern colonies, were supporting their northern brethren in every measure of opposition. In consequence of this intelligence, a second bill was passed for imposing similar restrictions on East and West Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and the counties on the Delaware. The favourite colonies of New York and North Carolina were omitted, as being less disaffected than the others. Fortunately, some time afterwards, the house of commons refused to hear a petition from the legislature of New York, which alone had declined acceding to the resolutions of congress, on the suggestion of the minister that it contained claims incompatible with the supremacy of parliament. This haughty rejection had some tendency to convince the advocates of milder measures than had been adopted in their sister colonies, that there was no medium between resistance and absolute submission.

The King's speech, and the proceedings of parliament, served only to convince the leaders of opposition in America, that they must indeed prepare to meet "mournful events." They had flattered themselves that the union of the colonies, the petition of congress to the King, and the address to the people of Great Britain, would produce happy effects. But these measures removed the delusion. The provincial congress of Massachusetts published a resolution informing the people that there was real cause to fear that the reasonable and just applications of that continent to Great Britain for peace, liberty, and safety, would not meet with a favourable reception; that, on the contrary, the tenor of their intelligence, and general appearances, furnished just cause for the apprehension that the sudden destruction of that colony, at least, was intended. They therefore urged the militia in general, and the minute men in particular, to spare neither time, pains, nor expense, to perfect themselves in military discipline; and also passed resolutions for procuring and making fire arms and bayonets.[245]

In the mean time, delegates were elected for the ensuing congress. Even in New York, where the influence of administration in the legislature had been sufficient to prevent an adoption of the recommendations of congress, a convention was chosen for the purpose of electing members to represent that province in the grand council of the colonies.

In New England, although a determination not to commence hostility appears to have been maintained, an expectation of it, and a settled purpose to repel it, universally prevailed.

It was not long before the firmness of this resolution was put to the test.

On the night preceding the 19th of April, general Gage detached lieutenant colonel Smith, and major Pitcairn, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, amounting to eight or nine hundred men, with orders to destroy some military stores which had been collected at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston, notwithstanding the secrecy and dispatch which were used, the country was alarmed by messengers sent out by Doctor Warren; Battle of Lexington.and, on the arrival of the British troops at Lexington, about five in the morning, part of the company of militia belonging to the town, was found on the parade, under arms. Major Pitcairn, who led the van, galloped up, calling out, "disperse, rebels, disperse." He was followed close by his soldiers, who rushed upon the militia with loud huzzas. Some scattering guns were fired, which were immediately followed by a general discharge, and the firing was continued as long as any of the militia appeared. Eight men were killed, and several wounded.

After dispatching six companies of light infantry to guard two bridges which lay at some distance beyond the town, lieutenant colonel Smith proceeded to Concord. While the main body of the detachment was employed in destroying the stores in the town, some minute men and militia, who were collected from that place and its neighbourhood, having orders not to give the first fire, approached one of the bridges, as if to pass it in the character of common travellers. They were fired on, and two of them were killed. The fire was instantly returned, and a skirmish ensued, in which the regulars were worsted, and compelled to retreat with some loss. The alarm now becoming general, the people rushed to the scene of action, and attacked the King's troops on all sides. Skirmish succeeded skirmish, and they were driven, from post to post, into Lexington. Fortunately for the British, general Gage did not entertain precisely the opinion of the military character of the Americans, which had been expressed in the house of commons. Apprehending the expedition to be not entirely without hazard, he had, in the morning, detached lord Percy with sixteen companies of foot, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery, to support lieutenant colonel Smith. This seasonable reinforcement, happening to reach Lexington about the time of his arrival at that place, kept the provincials at a distance with their field pieces, and gave the grenadiers and light infantry time to breathe. But as soon as they resumed their march, the attack was re-commenced; and an irregular but galling fire was kept up on each flank, as well as in front and rear, until they arrived, on the common of Charlestown. Without delay, they passed over the neck to Bunker's hill, where they remained secure for the night, under the protection of their ships of war; and, early next morning, crossed over to Boston.

In this action, the loss of the British in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-three; while that of the provincials did not exceed ninety. This affair, however trivial in itself, was of great importance in its consequences. It was the commencement of a long and obstinate war, and had no inconsiderable influence on that war, by increasing the confidence which the Americans felt in themselves, and by encouraging opposition, with the hope of being successful. It supported the opinion which the colonists had taken up with some doubt, that courage and patriotism were ample substitutes for the knowledge of tactics; and that their skill in the use of fire arms, gave them a great superiority over their adversaries.

Although the previous state of things was such as to render the commencement of hostilities unavoidable, each party seemed anxious to throw the blame on its opponent. The British officers alleged that they were fired on from a stone wall, before they attacked the militia at Lexington; while the Americans proved, by numerous depositions, that at Lexington, as well as at the bridge near Concord, the first fire was received by them. The statement made by the Americans is supported, not only by the testimony adduced, but by other circumstances. In numbers, the militia at Lexington did not exceed one-ninth of the British; and it is not probable that their friends would have provoked their fate while in that perilous situation, by commencing a fire on an enraged soldiery. It is also worthy of attention, that the Americans uniformly sought to cover their proceedings with the letter of the law; and, even after the affair at Lexington, made a point of receiving the first fire at the bridge beyond Concord.

The provincial congress, desirous of manifesting the necessity under which the militia had acted, sent to their agents, the depositions which had been taken relative to the late action, with a letter to the inhabitants of Great Britain, stating that hostilities had been commenced against them, and detailing the circumstances attending that event.

But they did not confine themselves to addresses. They immediately passed a resolution for raising thirteen thousand six hundred men in Massachusetts, to be commanded by general Ward; and called on New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, for their respective quotas, to complete an army of thirty thousand men for the common defence. They also authorised the receiver general to borrow one hundred thousand pounds on the credit of the colony, and to issue securities for the re-payment thereof, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum.

The neighbouring colonies complied promptly with this requisition; and, in the mean time, such numbers assembled voluntarily, that many were dismissed in consequence of the defect of means to subsist them in the field; and the King's troops were themselves blocked up in the peninsula of Boston.

About the same time, that enterprising spirit, which pervaded New England, manifested itself in an expedition of considerable merit.

The possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the command of lakes George and Champlain, were objects of importance in the approaching conflict. It was known that these posts were weakly defended; and it was believed that the feeble garrisons remaining in them were the less to be dreaded, because they thought themselves perfectly secure. Under these impressions, some gentlemen of Connecticut, at the head of whom were Messrs. Deane, Wooster, and Parsons, formed the design of seizing these fortresses by surprise; and borrowed a small sum of money from the legislature of the colony, to enable them to carry on the expedition. About forty volunteers marched from Connecticut towards Bennington, where they expected to meet with colonel Ethan Allen, and to engage him to conduct the enterprise, and to raise an additional number of men.

Colonel Allen readily entered into their views, and engaged to meet them at Castleton. Two hundred and seventy men assembled at that place, where they were joined by colonel Arnold, who was associated with colonel Allen in the command. They reached lake Champlain in the night of the ninth of May. Ticonderoga surprised.Both Allen and Arnold embarked with the first division consisting of eighty-three men, who effected a landing without being discovered, and immediately marched against the fort, which, being completely surprised, surrendered without firing a gun. The garrison consisted of only forty-four rank and file, commanded by a captain and one lieutenant. Crown Point surrenders.From Ticonderoga, colonel Seth Warren was detached to take possession of Crown Point, which was garrisoned only by a sergeant and twelve men. This service was immediately executed, and the fort was taken without opposition.

At both these places, military stores of considerable value fell into the hands of the Americans. The pass at Skeensborough was seized about the same time by a body of volunteers from Connecticut.

To complete the objects of the expedition, it was necessary to obtain the command of the lakes, which could be accomplished only by seizing a sloop of war lying at St. Johns. This service was effected by Arnold, who, having manned and armed a schooner found in South bay, surprised the sloop, and took possession of her without opposition.

Thus, by the enterprise of a few individuals, and without the loss of a single man, the important posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point were acquired, with the command of the lakes on which they stand.

Intelligence of the capture of Ticonderoga was immediately transmitted to congress, then just assembled at Philadelphia. The resolutions passed on the occasion, furnish strong evidence of the solicitude felt by that body, to exonerate the government, in the opinion of the people, from all suspicion of provoking a continuance of the war, by transcending the limits of self defence. Indubitable evidence, it was asserted, had been received of a design for a cruel invasion of the colonies from Canada, for the purpose of destroying their lives and liberties; and it was averred that some steps had actually been taken towards carrying this design into execution. To a justifiable desire of securing themselves from so heavy a calamity, was attributed the seizure of the posts on the lakes by the neighbouring inhabitants; and it was recommended to the committees of New York and Albany to take immediate measures for the removal of the cannon and military stores to some place on the south end of lake George, there to be preserved in safety. An exact inventory of the stores was directed to be taken, "in order that they might be safely returned, when the restoration of the former harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, so ardently wished for by the latter, should render it prudent, and consistent with the overruling law of self preservation."

Measures, however, were adopted to maintain the posts; but, to quiet the apprehensions of their neighbours, congress resolved that, having nothing more in view than self defence, "no expedition or incursion ought to be undertaken or made by any colony, or body of colonists, against, or into, Canada."

This resolution was translated into the French language, and transmitted to the people of that province, in a letter in which all their feelings, and particularly their known attachment to France, were dexterously assailed; and the effort was earnestly made to kindle in their bosoms, that enthusiastic love of liberty which was felt too strongly by the authors of the letter, to permit the belief that it could be inoperative with others.

During these transactions, generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, arrived at Boston, soon after which general Gage issued a proclamation declaring martial law to be in force, and offering pardon to those who would lay down their arms and submit to the King, with the exception of Samuel Adams, and John Hancock.

On receiving intelligence of the battle of Lexington, New York appeared to hesitate no longer. In that place also, the spirit which animated the colonies generally, obtained the ascendancy. Yet the royal party remained formidable; and it was thought advisable to march a body of Connecticut troops into the neighbourhood, professedly to protect the town against some British regiments expected from Ireland, but really with the design of protecting the patriotic party.

The middle and southern colonies, though not so forward as those of the north, laid aside the established government, and prepared for hostilities.

In Virginia, the governor, lord Dunmore, had just returned from a successful expedition against the Indians, in which he had acquired considerable popularity. Presuming too much on the favour of the moment, and dissatisfied with some recommendations concerning the militia and independent companies made by the colonial convention which had assembled in Richmond, he employed the captain of an armed vessel then lying in James river, a few miles from Williamsburg, to convey to his ship by night, a part of the powder in the magazine, belonging to the colony.

This measure, though conducted with great secrecy, was discovered; and the people of the town assembled next morning in arms, for the purpose of demanding restitution of the property which had been taken. The magistrates, having prevailed on them to disperse, presented an address to the governor, remonstrating against the removal of the powder, which they alleged to be the more injurious, because it was necessary for their defence in the event of an insurrection among their slaves.

The governor acknowledged that the powder had been removed by his order, but gave assurances that he would restore it, if an insurrection of the slaves should render the measure necessary. Unsatisfactory as this answer was, no farther means were used in Williamsburg for its recovery.

This transaction excited a strong sensation in the interior of the country. Meetings were held in several counties, and the conduct of the governor was greatly condemned. The independent companies of Hanover and King William, at the instance of Mr. Patrick Henry, a member of congress, assembled, and marched for Williamsburg, with the avowed design of compelling restitution of the powder, or of obtaining its value. Their march was stopped by the active interposition of Mr. Braxton, who obtained from the King's receiver general, a bill for the value of the property that had been removed, with which he returned to the companies, and prevailed on them to relinquish a farther prosecution of the enterprise.[246]

The alarm occasioned by this movement induced lady Dunmore, to retire with her family on board the Fowey man of war, lying in James river; whilst his lordship fortified his palace, which he garrisoned with a corps of marines; and published a proclamation in which he charged those who had procured the bill from the receiver general, with rebellious practices.

During this state of irritation, lord North's conciliatory proposition was received; and an assembly was suddenly called, to whose consideration it was submitted. The governor used all his address to procure its acceptance; but, in Virginia, as in the other colonies, it was rejected, because it obviously involved a surrender of the whole subject in contest.

One of the first measures of the assembly was to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state of the magazine. Although this building belonged to the colony, it was in the custody of the governor; and, before admittance could be obtained; some persons of the neighbourhood broke into it, one of whom was wounded by a spring gun, and it was found that the powder which remained had been buried, and that the guns were deprived of their locks. Governor Dunmore retires to the Fowey ship of war.These circumstances excited so great a ferment that the governor thought proper to withdraw to the Fowey man of war. Several letters passed between him and the legislature containing reciprocal complaints of each other, in the course of which they pressed his return to the seat of government, while he insisted on their coming on board the Fowey. They were content that he should, even there, give his assent to some bills that were prepared, but he refused so to do, and the assembly dissolved itself; the members being generally elected to a convention then about to meet in Richmond.

Thus terminated for ever, the regal government in Virginia.

In South Carolina, so soon as intelligence of the battle of Lexington was received, a provincial congress was called by the committee of correspondence. An association was formed, the members of which pledged themselves to each other to repel force by force, whenever the continental or provincial congress should determine it to be necessary; and declared that they would hold all those inimical to the colonies, who should refuse to subscribe it. The congress also determined to put the town and province in a posture of defence, and agreed to raise two regiments of infantry, and one of rangers.

While the congress was in session, lord William Campbell, who had been appointed governor, arrived in the province, and was received with those demonstrations of joy which had been usual on such occasions. The congress waited on him with an address expressing the causes of their proceedings; in which they declared that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least influence on their councils; but that they had been compelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence, of their lives, liberties, and property. They entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his majesty that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes to his real service. His lordship returned a mild and prudent answer.[247]

For some time lord William Campbell conducted himself with such apparent moderation, as to remain on good terms with the leaders of the opposition; but he was secretly exerting all the influence of his station to defeat their views; and was, at length, detected in carrying on negotiations with the Indians, and with the disaffected in the interior. These people had been induced to believe that the inhabitants of the sea coast, in order to exempt their tea from a trifling tax, were about to engage them in a contest, which would deprive them of their salt, osnaburgs, and other imported articles of absolute necessity. The detection of these intrigues excited such a ferment that the governor was compelled to fly from Charleston, and take refuge on board a ship of war in the river. The government was then, as elsewhere, taken entirely into the hands of men chosen by the people; and a body of provincial troops was ordered into that part of the country which adhered to the royal cause, where many individuals, contrary to the advice of governor Campbell, had risen in arms. The leaders were seized, and their followers dispersed.

In North Carolina also, governor Martin was charged with fomenting a civil war, and exciting an insurrection among the negroes. Relying on the aid he expected from the disaffected, especially from some Highland emigrants, he made preparations for the defence of his palace; but the people taking the alarm before his troops were raised, he was compelled to seek safety on board a sloop of war in Cape Fear river; soon after which, the committee resolved "that no person or persons whatsoever should have any correspondence with him, on pain of being deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly."

As soon as congress was organised, Mr. Hancock laid before that body the depositions showing that, in the battle of Lexington, the King's troops were the aggressors; together with the proceedings of the provincial congress of Massachusetts on that subject.

The affairs of America were now arrived at a crisis to which they had been, for some time, rapidly tending; and it had become necessary for the delegates of the other provinces finally to determine, either to embark with New England in war, or, by separating from her, to surrender the object for which they had jointly contended, and submit to that unlimited supremacy which was claimed by parliament.

Even among the well informed, the opinion, that the contest would ultimately be determined by the sword, had not become general. The hope had been indulged by many of the popular leaders, that the union of the colonies, the extent and serious aspect of the opposition, and the distress which their non-importation agreements would produce among the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state, would induce administration to recede from its high pretensions, and restore harmony and free intercourse. This opinion had derived strength from the communications made them by their zealous friends in England. The divisions and discontents of that country had been represented as much greater than the fact would justify; and the exhortations transmitted to them to persevere in the honourable course which had been commenced with so much glory, had generally been accompanied with assurances that success would yet crown their patriotic labours. Many had engaged with zeal in the resistance made by America, and had acted on a full conviction of the correctness of the principles for which they contended, who would have felt some reluctance in supporting the measures which had been adopted, had they believed that those measures would produce war. But each party counted too much on the divisions of the other; and each seems to have taken step after step, in the hope that its adversary would yield the point in contest, without resorting to open force. Thus, on both sides, the public feeling had been gradually conducted to a point, which would, in the first instance, have been viewed with horror, and had been prepared for events, which, in the beginning of the controversy, would have alarmed the most intrepid. The prevailing sentiment in the middle and southern colonies still was, that a reconciliation, on the terms proposed by America, was not even yet impracticable, and was devoutly to be wished; but that war was to be preferred to a surrender of those rights, for which they had contended, and to which they believed every British subject, wherever placed, to be unquestionably entitled. They did not hesitate therefore which part of the alternative to embrace; and their delegates united cordially with those of the north, in such measures as the exigency required. The resolution was unanimous that, as hostilities had actually commenced, and as large reinforcements to the British army were expected, these colonies should be immediately put in a state of defence, and the militia of New York be armed and trained, and kept in readiness to act at a moment's warning. Congress also determined to embody a number of men, without delay, for the protection of the inhabitants of that place, but did not authorise opposition to the landing of any troops which might be ordered to that station by the crown. The convention of New York had already consulted congress on this subject, and had been advised to permit the soldiers to take possession of the barracks, and to remain there so long as they conducted themselves peaceably; but, if they should commit hostilities, or invade private property, to repel force by force. Thus anxious was congress even after a battle had been fought, not to widen the breach between the two countries. In addition to the real wish for reconciliation, sound policy directed that the people of America should engage in the arduous conflict which was approaching, with a perfect conviction that it was forced upon them, and not invited by the intemperate conduct of their leaders. The divisions existing in several of the States suggested the propriety of this conduct, even to those who despaired of deriving any other benefit from it, than a greater degree of union among their own countrymen. In this spirit, congress mingled with the resolutions for putting the country in a state of defence, others expressing the most earnest wish for reconciliation with the mother country, to effect which, that body determined to address, once more, an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and to adopt measures for opening a negotiation in order "to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great Britain and the colonies."

As no great confidence could be placed in the success of pacific propositions, the resolution for putting the country in a state of defence was accompanied with others rendered necessary by that undetermined state between war and peace, in which America was placed. All exports to those colonies, which had not deputed members to congress, were stopped; and all supplies of provisions, and other necessaries, to the British fisheries, or to the army or navy in Massachusetts Bay, or to any vessels employed in transporting British troops to America, or from one colony to another, were prohibited. Though this resolution was only an extension of the system of commercial resistance which had been adopted before the commencement of hostilities, and was evidently provoked by the late act of parliament, it seems to have been entirely unexpected, and certainly produced great distress.

Massachusetts having stated the embarrassments resulting from being without a regular government, "at a time when an army was to be raised to defend themselves against the butcheries and devastations of their implacable enemies," and having declared a readiness to conform to such general plan as congress might recommend to the colonies, it was resolved "that no obedience is due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of that colony, nor to officers who, instead of observing that charter, seek its subversion." The governor and lieutenant governor, therefore, were to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant. To avoid the intolerable inconveniences arising from a total suspension of government, "especially at a time when general Gage had actually levied war, and was carrying on hostilities against his majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects in that colony," it was "recommended to the convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places which are entitled to representation in the assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government until a governor of his majesty's appointment will consent to govern the colony, according to its charter."[248]

These resolutions were quickly followed by others of greater vigour, denoting more decidedly, a determination to prepare for the last resort of nations.

It was earnestly recommended to the conventions of all the colonies to provide the means of making gun powder, and to obtain the largest possible supplies of ammunition. Even the non-importation agreement was relaxed in favour of vessels importing these precious materials. The conventions were also urged to arm and discipline the militia; and so to class them, that one-fourth should be minute men. They were also requested to raise several regular corps for the service of the continent; and a general resolution was entered into, authorising any province thinking itself in danger, to raise a body of regulars not exceeding one thousand men, to be, paid by the united colonies.

Congress also proceeded to organise the higher departments of the army, of which, colonel George Washington of Virginia was appointed commander in chief.[249]

Bills of credit to the amount of three millions of dollars were emitted for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war, and the faith of the twelve confederated colonies was pledged for their redemption. Articles of war for the government of the continental army were formed; though the troops were raised under the authority of the respective colonies, without even a requisition from congress, except in a few instances. Manifesto of congress.A solemn dignified declaration, in form of a manifesto, was prepared, to be published to the army in orders, and to the people from the pulpit. After detailing the causes of their opposition to the mother country, with all the energy of men feeling the injuries of which they complain, the manifesto exclaims, "but why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute, it is declared that parliament can, of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever! What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence: but, on the contrary, they are, all of them, exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We, for ten years, incessantly and ineffectually, besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language."

The manifesto next enumerates the measures adopted by administration to enforce the claims of Great Britain, and then adds,—"we are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconstitutional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force.—The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.

"Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favour towards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world, DECLARE that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen, rather than to live slaves.

"Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us to that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory, or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers, and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before."

Some intelligence respecting the movements of the British army having excited a suspicion that general Gage intended to penetrate into the country, the provincial congress recommended it to the council of war to take measures for the defence of Dorchester neck, and to occupy Bunker's hill, a commanding piece of ground just within the peninsula on which Charlestown stands. In observance of these instructions, a detachment of one thousand men, commanded by colonel Prescott, was ordered to take possession of this ground; but, by some mistake, Breed's hill, situate nearer to Boston, was marked out, instead of Bunker's hill, for the proposed intrenchments.

The party sent on this service worked with so much diligence and secrecy that, by the dawn of day, they had thrown up a small square redoubt, without alarming some ships of war which lay in the river at no great distance. As soon as the returning light discovered this work to the ships, a heavy cannonade was commenced upon it, which the provincials sustained with firmness. They continued to labour until they had thrown up a small breast work stretching from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, so as to extend considerably their line of defence.

As this eminence overlooked Boston, general Gage determined to drive the provincials from it; and for this purpose, detached major general Howe, and brigadier general Pigot, at the head of ten companies of grenadiers, and the same number of light infantry with a proper proportion of field artillery. These troops landed at Moreton's point; but, perceiving that the Americans waited for them with firmness, they remained on their ground until the arrival of a reinforcement from Boston, for which general Howe had applied. During this interval, the Americans also were reinforced by a detachment under the command of generals Warren and Pommeroy; and they availed themselves of this delay to strengthen their defences with some adjoining posts and rails which they pulled up and arranged in two parallel lines at a small distance from each other; rilling the space between with hay, so as to form a complete cover from the musketry of the assailants.

The British troops, on being joined by their second detachment, advanced slowly, in two lines, under cover of a heavy discharge of cannon and howitzers, frequently halting in order to allow their artillery time to demolish the works. While they were advancing, orders were given to set fire to Charlestown, a handsome village, which flanked their line of march, and which was soon consumed.

It is not easy to conceive a spectacle more grand and more awful than was now exhibited, nor a moment of more anxious expectation. The scene of action was in full view of the heights of Boston and of its neighbourhood, which were covered with spectators taking deep and opposite interests in the events passing before them. The soldiers of the hostile armies not on duty, the citizens of Boston, and the inhabitants of the adjacent country; all feeling emotions which set description at defiance, were witnesses of the majestic and tremendous scene.

The provincials permitted the English to approach unmolested, within less than one hundred yards of the works, and then poured in upon them so deadly a fire that their line was broken, and they fell back with precipitation towards the landing place. By the great exertions of their officers, they were rallied and brought up to the charge; but were again driven back in confusion by the heavy and incessant fire from the works. General Howe is said to have been left, at one time, almost alone; and it is certain that few officers about his person escaped unhurt.

The impression to be made by victory or defeat in this early stage of the war, was deemed so important that extraordinary exertions were used once more to rally the English. With difficulty, they were led a third time to the works. The redoubt was attacked on three sides, while some pieces of artillery raked the breast work from end to end. At the same time, a cross fire from the ships, and floating batteries lying on both sides of the isthmus by which the peninsula is connected with the continent, not only annoyed the works on Breed's hill, but deterred any considerable reinforcements from entering the peninsula. The ammunition of the Americans being nearly exhausted, they were no longer able to keep up the same incessant stream of fire which had twice repulsed the assailants; and the redoubt, which the English mounted with ease, was carried at the point of the bayonet. Yet the Americans, many of whom were without bayonets, are said to have maintained the contest with clubbed muskets, until the redoubt was half filled with the King's troops.

The redoubt being lost, the breast work was abandoned; and the hazardous movement was accomplished, of retreating in the face of a victorious enemy over Charlestown neck; exposed to the same cross fire, which had deterred the reinforcements from coming to their assistance.

The detachment employed on this enterprise consisted of about three thousand men, composing the flower of the British army; and high encomiums were bestowed on the resolution they displayed. According to the returns, their killed and wounded amounted to one thousand and fifty four,—an immense proportion of the number engaged in the action. Notwithstanding the danger of the retreat over Charlestown neck, the loss of the Americans was stated at only four hundred and fifty men. Among the killed was Doctor Warren, a gentleman greatly beloved and regretted, who fell just after the provincials began their retreat from the breast work.

At the time, the colonial force on the peninsula was generally stated at fifteen hundred men. It has been since estimated at four thousand.

Although the Americans lost the ground, they claimed the victory. Many of the advantages of victory were certainly gained. Their confidence in themselves was greatly increased; and it was asked, universally, how many more such triumphs the invaders of their country could afford?

The British army had been treated too roughly, to attempt farther offensive operations. They contented themselves with seizing and fortifying Bunker's hill, which secured the peninsula of Charlestown; in which, however, they remained as closely blockaded as in that of Boston.

The Americans were much elated by the intrepidity the raw troops had displayed, and the execution they had done, in this engagement. They fondly cherished the belief that courage, and dexterity in the use of fire arms, would bestow advantages amply compensating the want of discipline. Unfortunately for the colonies, this course of thinking was not confined to the mass of the people. It seems to have extended to those who guided the public councils, and to have contributed to the adoption of a system, which, more than once, brought their cause to the brink of ruin. They did not distinguish sufficiently between the momentary efforts of a few brave men, brought together by a high sense of the injuries which threatened their country, and carried into action under the influence of keen resentments; and those steady persevering exertions under continued suffering, which must be necessary to bring an important war to a happy termination. Nor did they examine with sufficient accuracy, several striking circumstances attending the battle which had been fought. It is not easy to read the accounts given of the action without being persuaded, that, had the Americans on Breed's hill been supplied with ammunition, and been properly supported; had the reinforcements ordered to their assistance entered the peninsula, as soldiers in habits of obedience would have done, and there displayed the heroic courage which was exhibited by their countrymen engaged in defence of the works; the assailants must have been defeated, and the flower of the British army cut to pieces. It ought also to have been remarked that, while the few who were endowed with more than a common portion of bravery, encountered the danger of executing the orders they had received, the many were deterred by the magnitude of that danger. But it is not by the few that great victories are to be gained, or a country to be saved.

Amidst these hostile operations, the voice of peace was yet heard. Allegiance to the King was still acknowledged; and a lingering hope remained that an accommodation was not impossible. Congress voted a petition to his majesty, replete with professions of duty and attachment; and addressed a letter to the people of England, conjuring them by the endearing appellations of "friends, countrymen, and brethren," to prevent the dissolution of "that connexion which the remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious achievements of common ancestors, and affection for the heirs of their virtues, had heretofore maintained." They uniformly disclaimed any idea of independence, and professed themselves to consider union with England on constitutional principles, as the greatest blessing which could be bestowed on them.

But Britain had determined to maintain, by force, the legislative supremacy of parliament; and America was equally determined, by force, to repel the claim.