FOOTNOTES.

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[1] Perkins, France under Louis XV, II, pp. 1-83.

[2] Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, pp. 1-39.

[3] Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, pp. 39-67.

[4] Hunt, Pol. Hist. of England, X, pp. 23-40.

[5] Text of treaty in Chalmers, Collections of Treaties, I, 467-483. Canadian Archives, 1907 Report, 73-84. Hildreth, Hist. of U. S., 501-503.

[6] Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 312.

[7] Ibid., 312.

[8] Cahokia was founded in 1699 by the priests of the Seminary of Foreign Missions.

[9] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. V, 43.

[10] Ibid., 49.

[11] Ibid., 53.

[12] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 272-273.

[13] For the Indian rebellion the best secondary accounts are: Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, 2 vols., passim. Kingsford, Hist. of Can., 1-112. Poole, The West, in Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. of Amer., VI., 684-700. Winsor, Miss. Basin, 432-446. Bancroft, Hist. of U. S., IV., 110-133. (Ed. of 1852, containing references.)

[14] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, I, 182.

[15] Johnson to Lords of Trade, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, pp 929, 955, 960, 964, 987.

[16] Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 532.

[17] Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763. N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 532.

[18] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, I, 181, quoting from a letter of Sir William Johnson to Gov. Colden, Dec. 24, 1763. Winsor, Miss. Basin, 433.

[19] Johnson to Lords of Trade, July 1, 1763, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 525. Johnson to Amherst, July 8, 1763, Ibid., 531. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Dec. 26, 1764, Ibid., 688-689. Gage to Bouquet, June 5, 1764, Can. Arch., Series A, Vol. 8, p 409. Gage to Bouquet, Oct. 21, 1764, Ibid., p 481. Johnson to Gov. Colden, Jan. 22, 1765, Johnson MSS, X, No. 99.

[20] Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 470. Neyon to Kerlerc, Dec. 1, 1763, Bancroft Coll., Lenox Lib. Extract from letters of M. D'Abaddie, Jan., 1764, Can. Arch. Report, I, 471. D'Abaddie to the French minister, 1764, Ibid., 472.

[21] This is the view taken by Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 279, and by Bancroft, Hist. of U. S., V, 133, 136. But Kingsford, in his Hist. of Can., V, 25, takes an opposite view. He says that the "high character claimed for Pontiac cannot be established." "He can be looked upon in higher light, than the instrument of the French officials and traders." On page 6 he declares that "there is no evidence to establish him as the central figure organizing this hostile feeling."

[22] Gage to Halifax, July 15, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Winsor, Miss. Basin, 444, 456. Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. of Am. VI, 702.

[23] Beer, British Col. Policy, 263. Kingsford, Hist. of Can., V, 68.

[24] Winsor, Miss. Basin, 633. Ogg, Opening of Miss., 301.

[25] Bouquet to Amherst, Dec. 1, 1763, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. IV, p 413. Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 22, 1763, Ibid., Vol. 8, p. 341.

[26] Lt. Col. Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765, De Villers, Les derniÈrs AnnÉes de la Louisiana, 180.

[27] Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, Ibid. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, 88, 283, 285. Kingsford, Hist. of Can., V, 69-74. Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. of Am., VI, 701, 702, Gayarre, Louisiana, II, 102-103.

[30] Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. De Villers, Les derniÈres AnnÉes de la Louisiana, 182-184.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764, Ibid. "Account of what happened when the English attempted to take possession of Illinois by way of the Mississippi," from Paris documents, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 407-411. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 284, note 1, containing a letter from Gage thanking D' Abadie for his efforts in behalf of the English.

[33] Extract from the correspondence of D' Abadie with the French commandants, Jan., 1764. Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471. Parkman, who made a careful study of the correspondence in the French archives, came to the conclusion that the French officials may be exonerated. Winsor holds a similar view in his Mississippi Basin, 452. See also Cayarre, Louisiana, II, 101. Kingford, in his Hist, of Can., V, 69-74, places no dependence in D' Abadie's statements. On the other hand he bases most of his argument upon a letter of Loftus which he quotes at length, but gives no hint as to its location, date, &c. It is evidently not the letter written to Gage, which is quoted above.

[34] Loftus to Gage, April 9th, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[35] Gage to Halifax, April 14th, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 619.

[36] This has reference to those tribes along the Mississippi River who were in direct communication with Pontiac and the French. The great Cherokee and Chicksaw nations were favorable to the English.

[37] Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, p 393. Gage to Halifax, May 2d, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage to Haldimand, May 27, 1764, Brit. Mus., Add. MSS, 21, 662. Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[38] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, Winsor, Miss. Basin, 454.

[39] St. Ange to D' Abadie, Aug. 16, 1764, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 279-280.

[40] The original journal kept by Morris during his journey is reprinted in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 198-208. There is also a biographical sketch in the same volume. Correspondence relating to the Morris mission is to be found in the Bouquet Collection, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, pp 475-491. For a good account of the incident, see Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 198-208, and Kingsford, Hist. of Canada, V, 8.

[41] This incident illustrates the practical failure of Bradstreet's campaign against the Indians in the Lake region. While he retook the posts, his terms were so easy that the Indians were not in the least awed by the proximity of his army.

[42] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 305.

[43] Ross to Farmer, Feb. 21, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage to Halifax, Aug. 10, 1765, Ibid.

[44] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. H. Gordon to Johnson, Aug. 10, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 73.

[45] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[46] Ibid.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Ibid. Copy of Council held at the Illinois in April, 1765, Home Office Papers, Dom., Geo. III, Vol. 3, No. 4(1). Public Rec. Office. Copy of minutes of Council, April 4, 1765, in Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 473. See also De Villiers, Les derniÈres AnnÉes de la Louisiana, p. 220.

[49] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[50] Johnson to Gage, June 9, 1764, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIX, No. 111. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Dec 26, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 689. Bouquet to Gage, Jan. 5, 1765, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. VII, p 111. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 291-292. Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist, of Am., VI, 702. Croghan is one of the most interesting figures of the period. He had entire charge, as Sir William Johnson's deputy, of the Indians in the Ohio river region and was thoroughly conversant with western affairs. For biographical sketch see Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 47-52, or N. Y. Col. Docs., VII.

[51] Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 24, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. VIII, p 499. Ibid., Dec. 30, 1764, Ibid. This distinction is not generally made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser simply accompanied Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See, however, Winsor, Miss. Basin, 456. Ogg, in Opening of the Mississippi, 310, places Fraser's journey a year previous to Croghan's, which is obviously an error.

[52] Gage to Johnson, Feb. 2, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac:—Miscell., 1765-1778.

[53] Jos. Calloway to B. Franklin, Jan. 23, 1765, Sparks MSS, XVI, 54, 55.

[54] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 292.

[55] The frontiersmen could not understand the significance of giving valuable presents to the Indians.

[56] Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 716. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 292-297.

[57] Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 716.

[58] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 297.

[59] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 16, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 694.

[60] Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to May 12, 1765, MS in Parkman Collection. Johnson to Burton, June 6, 1765, Johnson MSS, X, No. 263.

[61] Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to May 12, 1765, MS in Parkman Collection.

[62] Maisonville, a Frenchman, and one Andrew, an interpreter were among the whites. Shawnee and Seneca Indians also accompanied the party. Note the error in Kingsford, Hist. of Can., V, 116, wherein Sinnot is said to have accompanied Fraser. Sinnot had been sent about the same time from the south by Indian agent Stuart. On arriving at the Illinois his goods were plundered and he was finally forced to flee to New Orleans. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 765. Ibid., Nov. 16, 1765, Ibid., p 776. Apparently Sinnott must have arrived at Illinois after Fraser's departure for New Orleans, since Croghan implies that the former was still at Fort Chartres while he was a captive at Vincennes. See Croghan's Journal as printed in the N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 780.

[63] Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 300.

[64] Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Fraser to Crawford, May 20, 1765, Mich. Pion. Colls., X, 216-218. Fraser to Gage, May 26, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage to Johnson, Aug. 12, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac, Miscell., 1765-1778.

[65] Fraser to Gage, June 16, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 302. De Villiers, Les derniÈres AnnÉes de la Louisiana FranÇaise, 220-221. Reports were current in the East that Fraser and his party had been killed by the Indians. See Gage to Johnson, June 17, 1765, Myers Coll., N. Y. Pub. Lib. Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43. One of the party, Maisonville, remained in the Illinois. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 146.

[66] Fraser to Campbell, May 20, 1765, Mich. Pioneer Colls., X, 216-218.

[67] St Ange to D' Abadie, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 471.

[68] A party of traders under the leadership of one Crawford preceeded Croghan. They were, however, cut off before reaching the Illinois. Shuchburgh to Johnson, July 25, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56.

[69] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304. The chief sources of information for this journey are Croghan's Journals, most of which have been printed in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 126-166. For secondary accounts see, Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304-315. Kingsfords, Hist. of Can., V, 116-120. Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. of Am., VI, 704. Ibid., Miss. Basin, 456-457.

[70] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 131. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 304.

[71] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 139.

[72] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ibid.

[73] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ibid. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 146.

[74] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 144-145. Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43.

[75] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 145-146.

[76] Ibid. Jas. Macdonald to Johnson, July 24, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 50. Thos. Hutchins to Johnson, Aug. 13, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 97. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[77] Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I, 154-166. Johnson to Wallace, Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56. Gage to Conway, Sept. 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am,, 1764-1765. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 766. Gage to Conway, Nov. 9, 1765. Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[78] Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Johnson to Wallace, Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 766.

[79] Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.

[80] Ibid.

[81] Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind. Vol. 122.

[82] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind. Vol. 122.

[83] Ibid.

[84] Ibid.

[85] Ibid. Sterling asserts that although Croghan claimed to have made a peace with all the Illinois chiefs, he is assured that not one was present at the peace conference in Ouiatanon, and that his own sudden appearance at the village was the real cause of his success. Sir William Johnson, in a letter to Croghan, Feb. 21, 1766, (Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 60.) casts doubt upon the representation of Sterling. He says that it is easy to account for his motives, and that he has written Gen. Gage fully upon the subject. The letter referred to has probably been destroyed; at any rate it is not in any of the large collections.

[86] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind., Vol. 122. Eidington to ——, Oct. 17, 1765, Catham Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Gage to Johnson, Dec. 30, 1765, MS letter in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Barrington, Jan. 8, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind., Vol. 122. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Ibid. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N. Y. Col. Docs.., X, 1161 ff. Capt. Sterling relates in his letter to Gage that he had considerable difficulty in persuading St. Ange to surrender his ammunition and artillery stores. The latter claimed he had positive orders to surrender only the fort and a few pieces of artillery.

As to the time of Sterling's arrival, Parkman, II, 314, says he arrived in the early part of winter, while Nicollet, in his sketch of St. Louis, states that the fort was reached in mid-summer. From the above references, there can be no doubt as to the exact date.

[87] Text of the Proclamation in Can. Arch. Report, 1906, pp 119-123. For discussion as to the origin of the various clauses, see Alvord, Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763, in Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll.

[88] Egremont to Lords of Trade, July 14, 1763. Can. Arch. Report, 1906, p 108.

[89] Egremont to Lords of Trade, Aug. 5, 1763, C. A. Rep., 1906, pp 110-111.

[90] "We would humbly propose, that a Commission under the Great Seal, for the Government of this Country, should be given to the Commander-in-chief of Your Majesty's Troops for the time being adapted to the Protection of the Indians and the Fur Trade of Your Majesty's subjects." Ibid., p 111.

[91] They could not have been ignorant of the existence of such colonies in the ceded territory, for Sir William Johnson, who was familiar with western conditions, was in constant correspondence with the ministry, and such works as the Histoire de Louisiana by Du Pratz, published in 1758, were doubtless familiar to English statesmen.

[92] See post Ch. V.

[93] Dartmouth to CramahÉ, Can. Arch. Ser. Q., Vol. IX, p 157.

[94] See post Ch. V.

[95] It is very curious that no reference occurs in Art. XV of the Plan, which dealt with civil matters. "That for the maintaining peace and good Order in the Indian Country, and bringing Offenders in criminal Cases to due Punishment, the said Agents or Superintendents, as also the Commissaries at each Post, and in the Country belonging to each Tribe, be empowered to act as Justices of the Peace in their respective Districts and Departments, with all powers and privileges vested in such Officers in any of the Colonies; and also full power of Committing Offenders in Capital Cases, in order that such Offenders may be prosecuted for the same; And that, for deciding all civil actions, the Commissaries be empowered to try and determine in a Summary way all such Actions, as well between the Indians and Traders, as between one Trader and another, to the amount of Ten Pound Sterling, with the Liberty of Appeal to the Chief Agent or Superintendant, or his Deputy, who shall be empowered upon such appeal to give Judgement thereon; which Judgement shall be final, and process issued upon it, in like manner as on the Judgement of any Court of Common Pleas established in any of the Colonies."

[96] Brown, Hist. of Ill., 212-213. See post Ch. VII.

[97] Gage to Sec. Conway, March 28, 1766. B. T. Papers, Vol. XX, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[98] Gage to Johnson, Jan. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28.

[99] See post Ch. IV.

[100] Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians in the Northern District of America, N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. VII, 964.

[101] Gage to Hillsborough, Aug. 6, 1771, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128. Two years before he had written: "Two persons are confined in Fort Chartres for murther, and the Colonel (Wilkins) proposes to send them to Philadelphia, about fifteen hundred miles, to take their Tryall." Gage to Hillsborough, Oct. 7, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. W. I., Vol. 125.

[102] Hillsborough to Gage, Dec. 9, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[103] "The situation and particular circumstances of the Ilinois (sic) Country, and the use, if that Country is maintained, if guarding the Ohio and Ilinois Rivers at or near their junctions with the Mississippi has been set forth to your Lordship in my letter of the 22d of Feb. last. It is upon that plan the Regiment is posted in the Disposition in the Ilinois Country." Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.

[104] Blackstone, Commentaries, (3d ed., Cooley) Introduction, sec. 4, 107.

[105] Text of the decision in Can. Arch. Report, 1906, pp 366-370.

[106] Other important leading cases, such as Calvin's case in 1607 and the case of Blanckard vs Galdy in the 18th century, involving the status of Jamaica, have the same bearing. See Sioussat, English Statutes in Maryland, J. H. U. Studies, XXI, 481-487.

[107] Can. Arch. Report, 1906, 120-121.

[108] Franklin's Works, (Sparks Ed.) IV, 303-323. "I conceive that to procure all the commerce it will afford and at as little expense to ourselves as we can is the only object we should have in view in the interior Country for a century to come." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. It may be noted, however, that some members of the government had serious doubts as to this policy. Such men as Shelburne favored an early opening of the country to colonization.

[109] Alvord, Gen. of the Proc. of 1763, Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll., Vol.

[110] Alvord, Gen. of Proc. of 1763, Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll.

[111] Can. Arch. Report, 1906, p 122.

[112] See supra ch. III.

[113] Can. Arch. Report, 1904, pp 242-246. The plan is here presented in full.

[114] Franklin's Works, V, 38. Coffin, Quebec Act and the American Revolution, p 415, quoting from Knox, Justice and Policy of the Quebec Act, London, 1774.

[115] The failure to successfully carry out this plan would of course leave the country a dead weight on the empire.

[116] Johnson MSS, Vol. X, No. 190.

[117] Morgan notes something more than mere mention, since he plays an important role in the affairs of the Illinois country from 1765-1771. He was born in Philadelphia in 1741 and was educated at Princeton college. Through the influence of his father-in-law, James Baynton, he was admitted to the firm of Baynton and Wharton and in 1765 became the western representative of the firm. After his experiences in Illinois, Morgan served the Revolutionary cause in the capacity of Indian agent. He died in 1810. See Biography of Col. George Morgan, by Julia Morgan Harding, in the Washington (Pa.) Observer, May 21, 1904.

[118] This company had traded extensively among the Indians on the Penn. border prior to 1765. During the Indian wars the firm lost heavily and it was in an attempt to retrieve its fortune that a branch house was established in the Illinois Country.

[119] Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[120] Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[121] Five batteaus loaded with goods under the command of John Jennings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS letter, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[122] Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[123] Ibid.

[124] Ibid.

[125] Ibid.

[126] Gage wrote in 1770 that the "Company from Philadelphia (Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan) failed in the Ilinois trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Dec. 7, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.

[127] See Ch. II for references.

[128] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224. See extract from "Ponteach or the Savages of North America: A Tragedy," in Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, II, 344 ff.

[129] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 224.

[130] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 292.

[131] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 964-965.

[132] Ibid.

[133] Ibid.

[134] Ibid.

[135] The British were not so well situated to command the trade as the French had been. The Illinois post had always been the center for the trade of the Missouri river region, but after the cession of Illinois to England and the Foundation of St. Louis by La Clede in 1764, the latter place became the centre for the trade of that region.

[136] Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.

[137] Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. 25, No. 109.

[138] Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124 Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[139] Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126 Huchin's Remarks upon the Illinois country, 1771, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. It may be noted also that during the French regime the French-Canadians traded extensively in this region. See Gage's Report on the State of the Government of Montreal.

[140] Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[141] Johnson to Carleton, Jan. 27, 1767, C.A., Ser. Q, Vol. IV, p 115.

[142] Johnson to Hillsborough, Feb. 18, 1771, N. Y. Col. Docs., VIII, 263.

[143] Gage to Hillsborough, Apr. 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[144] Order for O'Reilly, Jan. 27, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[145] Information of the State of Commerce, in the Illinois Country, given by Captain Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 125. Morgan's MS Letter Book.

[146] Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[147] Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[148] Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 28. George Phym to Johnson, Apr. 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128. Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price of ten pence per pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[149] Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[150] Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Lib.

[151] Ibid., Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[152] Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[153] Ibid., "As long as Skinns and Furrs bear a high price at New Orleans they will never be brought to a British Market. The Indian Trade in general from the observations I have made, will always go with the stream, and the whole will either go down the St. Lawrence or Mississippi Rivers." Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. "I am entirely of your opinion concerning the Trade, &c. by way of the Mississippi whilst the Traders find better markets at New Orleans." Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Also Johnson to Gage, Feb. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 67. "So long as New Orleans is in the hands of another power, the whole produce of the western country must center there. For our merchants will always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country produces, at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if they were to ship them off." Phym to Johnson, Mobile, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. "The Traders from these Colonies say it will answer to carry Goods down the Ohio, but that it will not answer to return with their Peltry by the same route, as they can get to Sea at so much less expense, & greater expedition by means of Rapidity of the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New Orleans to transport their Peltry to England." Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "The Peltry gained by the Traders from Canada, whether on the Mississippi or on the Ouabache we may be satisfied generally goes down the St. Lawrence River to Quebec: it has been the usual track of those Traders from the beginning, & there is no reason to suspect the contrary now. But the British Traders at the Ilinois who carry their Goods above three hundred miles by land before they have the convenience of Water or Carriage cannot afford to return the same way, with the produce of their Trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. That this state of affairs continued through most of the period is evident from the following: "The Trade of the Mississippi, except that of the upper parts from whence a portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River; and has, as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi, as far as I have been able to discover tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans than of ourselves. And I conceive it must be the case, as long as the Commodities of the Mississippi bear a better price at New Orleans than at a British Market." Gage to Dartmouth, May, 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.

[154] It is necessary to ascertain the cost of maintaining the military establishments and the Indian department in the West, and the amount of peltries imported into England. I already have some figures on this but not enough upon which to base any statement.

[155] Beer, British Colonial Policy, 222.

[156] Hutchins, Remarks on the Country of the Illinois, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Hutchins gives an account of the exports from Illinois from Sept. 1769 to Sept. 1770. In that year 550 packs of peltries were sent from Illinois, while from the Spanish side 835 packs were exported. Wilkins, the commandant at Fort Chartres at this time, makes a somewhat higher estimate, but the two agree in essentials.

[157] Gage estimated it at 80,000 pounds sterling. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767. B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII. Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "New Orleans remits one hundred thousand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry annually for France." Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to McLeane, Oct. 9, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVI, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[158] Gage to Johnson, Jan. 19, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 23, Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort Chartres during part of 1768, wrote to Gage: "As I am very sensible of the immense expence this Country is to the Crown & the little advantage the Public has hitherto reaped by the trade with the savages, & the reason is that the inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which is shipped from thence to Old France & all the money that is laid out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I hope, Sir, you will excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great Britain is at all the expence & that France reaps the advantages." Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124. Commandant Wilkins wrote the same year, "the French of New Orleans are the sole gainers in this Trade and the public suffer greatly thereby." Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office.

[159] Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[160] Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.

[161] Gage to Johnson, Feb, 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 44.

[162] "It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island which lies exactly opposite to it, & the Channel is entirely on the other side for a great part of the year. This is impassable from a sand bar which runs across even for small boats, & the French & their contraband goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage & a certain and very considerable loss to his Majesty's Revenue." Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.

[163] Gordon's Journal, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[164] Gage to Hillsborough, Jan. 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol 124.

[165] Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs. Vol. VII, 974.

[166] Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. Vol. 122. Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. Ibid., Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 974. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, XXV, No. 109. Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125. Wilkins to Harrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1772, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[167] Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[168] Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.

[169] Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.

[170] Alden, Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1789, pp No attempt is made in my study to add any new contribution to the period preceding 1763.

[171] Ibid., 7-11.

[172] Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Co. Chatham Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Another copy, in the handwriting of Washington, is in the Lib. of Congress. No mention is made in the original articles relative to the exact location of the proposed colony. Most of the information concerning the project comes from a collection of papers relating to the company, in the handwriting of William Lee, which I found in a miscellaneous collection of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Pub. Rec. Office.

[173] Some of the original members of the company were George, Samuel and John Washington, and several of the Lees and Fitzhughs. There were 38 charter members, but provision was made for 50.

[174] Articles of Agreement, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97. Each member was to have fifty thousand acres. Ibid.

[175] Memorial to the crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at Belleview, Va., Sept. 9, 1763.

[176] Ibid. Articles of Agreement.

[177] Tennessee River.

[178] Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Four years later this suggestion was withdrawn at the suggestion of their London agent, Thomas Cumming. Letter to Cumming, March 1, 1767. Catham Papers, Vol. 97. Some of the members declared their determination to become early settlers in the new colony. Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Petition to the crown, Dec. 16th, 1768, Butler, Hist. of Ky., 381-383.

[179] Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9th, 1763, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.

[180] Ibid.

[181] Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, Sept. 26th, 1763.

[182] Can. Arch., Report for 1906, p 122. See ch. III.

[183] Ibid.

[184] "I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet the minde of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years, especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the lands." Washington to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767. Writings of Washington, II, 220-221. (Ford ed.)

[185] Letter of William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.

[186] I have found no account of any further activity on the part of the company. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his interest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers contains the following indorsement: "Mississippi Cos. papers, sent to the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 20th of April 1774. Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said: "Another society solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois, Ohio or on the Mississippi: this was likewise rejected; but from what motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to act as the instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; and if reduced, to full pay." The Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., VII, 98.

[187] The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.

[188] Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 214. Sparks, Life of Lee, Sparks Bio. Ser., IV, 19.

[189] Lee Papers, VII, 214.

[190] Ibid.

[191] Ibid.

[192] Ibid.

[193] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127

[194] Alden, New Government West of the Alleghanies before 1780, p 12. Mr. Alden notes a pamphlet published in London entitled "Advantages of a Settlement upon the Ohio in North America," and another pamphlet issued at Edinburgh in 1763 entitled "Expediency of Securing our American Colonies." In the same connection the following is of interest: "As the happy possession of the Illinois Country is the Subject of much conversation, both in England & America, we beg leave to inclose,—a small pamphlet, wrote lately on a very interesting point—towit, The Establishment of a Civil Government there: The Author, has borrowed some of his Sentiments from Monsr. De Prats." Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 128.

[195] George Croghan who was in London in 1764 wrote: There is a talk of setleing a Colony from the mouth of the Ohio to the Ilinois, which I am tould Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr. pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for attend the board of Trade. what Meshures they will Take Lord knows but nothing is talkt of but Oconomy," Crogan to Johnson. Mar. 10, 1764, Johnson MSS, VIII.

[196] N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. As appears from the above note Croghan was to have been summoned before the Board of Trade to answer questions relative to a new colony. Whether he was finally called upon for his testimony is not known.

[197] Later, however, he adopted this idea. Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Vol. XII, No. 127.

[198] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois in 1766 in order to pacify the Indians, Johnson wrote him as follows: "As soon as I hear farther from the General I shall write you and send the Instructions in which I shall insert an Article directing you to enquire into the French bounds & Property at the Illinois. I have no objection to what you propose on that subject there, and as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will have the better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, Mar. 28, 1786, Johnson MSS, XII, 126.

[199] Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX. Pa. His. Soc. Lib. He explained further "that Lands should be granted without delay, by any Person authorized properly to do it; but no Fees are to be taken by the Person who grants, or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons whatever; that no large tracts should be given, but the Lands granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred & Fifty or Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless to Half Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres. People may be tempted on these Advantages to transport themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed, Corn and Tools for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held of the King on condition of Military Service, & such other obligations as shall be convenient." To anticipate somewhat, the details thus outlined by Gage are in striking contrast to those proposed by the active promoters of the colony.

[200] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.

[201] Articles of Agreement, MS copy in Pa. His. Soc. Lib. The signers of the original draught were: William Franklin, Sir William Johnson per George Croghan, George Croghan, John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, George Morgan, Joseph Wharton, Sr., Joseph Wharton, Joseph Hughes and Joseph Galloway. Gage declined being concerned in the project, although his attitude doubtless contributed something towards it. Johnson to Gov. Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS letter in AM. Antiq. Soc. Lib.

[202] William Franklin to B. Franklin, Apr. 30, 1766, Printed in Bigelow's Life of Franklin, 538, "Inclosed is the proposals Drawn up by governor franklin for yr honours perusal and such Amendments or Alterations as you may judge necessary," Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No, 127.

[203] Articles of Agreement, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib. This was a new contribution to the original plans of Croghan, Johnson, and Gage. It was probably Franklin's own suggestion, as we have seen that he himself drew up the sketch.

[204] Articles of Agreement. Croghan writing to Johnson said: "itt is likewise preposed to aply for a Grant of 1200,000 Acres to the crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentlemen of fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and those other Gentlemen desire to know whome your honour would chouse to be concerned, & that you wold write to them if you should nott name ye whole you wold chouse they Designe to Save y. Nomination of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the proposals to he is much attended to by ye Ministry and certainly can be of Service in this affair." March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.

[205] Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127. Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, 197.

[206] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 214. Johnson to William Franklin, July 8, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib.

[207] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to William Franklin, June 20, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. Johnson to B. W. & M. June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 204.

[208] Johnson to Conway, July 10, 1766, B. T. Papers, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[209] See letters of Franklin to his son, in Franklin's Works, IV, 136-145.

[210] Brown, Hist. of Ill., 212-213.

[211] Can. Arch., Report, 1907, p 75.

[212] Brown, Hist. of Ill., 213.

[213] Can. Arch., Report for 1907, p 75.

[214] Brown, Hist. of Ill., 213.

[215] Ibid.

[216] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18th, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. 122.

[217] Ibid.

[218] Can. Arch., Report for 1907, p 86.

[219] Butler, Treaty Making Power, I.

[220] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[221] Ibid. Farmer to Gage, Dec. 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[222] Petition of inhabitants to Gage, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122. The petition is signed by such prominent men as La Grange, who acted for a time as civil judge under the British; Rocheblane, who became the last British commandant in Illinois; Blouin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advocate of a civil government, J. B. Beanvais, Charleville and others. Gage granted their request without waiting for an answer from London, thus indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[223] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[224] Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[225] Ibid.

[226] Ibid.

[227] Ibid. Cahokia Records, British Period.

[228] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122, N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 1161.

[229] Monette, in Hist. of the Valley of the Mississippi, I, 411, says that "Capt. Stirling died in December, St. Ange returned to Fort Chartres, and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt arrived as commandant." Billou, in Annals of St. Louis, I, p 26, makes the same assertion. The statement is an error, since Sterling served in the Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. Frazer never commanded at Fort Chartres. See Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. VI, 706. For a sketch of Sterling's career see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 706, and Dic. of Nat. Biog. Vol.

[230] For sketch of Farmer's life see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 786.

[231] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 15 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Mar. 22, 1766, N. Y. Col. Docs. VII, 816. Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Campbell to Johnson, Mar. 29, 1766, Park. Coll., Pontiac, Miscell. 1765-1778. Farmer to Gage, Mar. 11, 1766, Home Office Papers, Vol. 20, No. 41, Pub. Rec. Office. In the letter just cited Farmer blames Gov. Johnstone of West Florida for his long delay in starting for the Illinois and for the scant supply of provisions he carried. It appears that Farmer had planned to start early in the spring of 1765, but he alleges that Johnstone questioned his right to take provisions from the store, and in many other ways delayed his departure for several weeks.

[232] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, P.R. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[233] Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. Rec. Office.

[234] Ibid.

[235] Ibid.

[236] Ibid., Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[237] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., 122.

[238] Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 122.

[239] Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Chatham Papers, Pub. Rec. Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[240] Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Farmer alleged that St. Ange, who acted as commandant at St. Louis after his retirement from Fort Chartres, instigated many of the French to cross over, and that other residents of the Spanish side endeavoured to frighten the inhabitants of Illinois by representing Major Farmer as a rascal who would deprive them of their former privileges.

[241] Memorial of the inhabitants to Gage, Oct. 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122. Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. The movement of the inhabitants across the river was considerable during the early years of the occupation. In the summer of 1765, there were approximately 2000 whites on the English side. Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122. Three years later, in 1768, the approximate number was 1000. See for this, State of the Settlements in the Illinois Country, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.

[242] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Ibid., March 19, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[243] Ibid., Dec. 16 & 19, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20. Farmer had just received word that Col. Reid was on his way to the Illinois from Mobile, with about fifty men and just enough provisions for the journey, he was depending upon receiving further supplies at Fort Chartres. Ibid.

[244] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers Vol. XX, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.

[245] Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.

[246] Ibid., July 15, 1766. Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Gage, Aug. 10, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No.30.

[247] See supra ch. IV.

[248] George Morgan's Letter Book. MS copy.

[249] The exact date of the change is not known. The first document that appears with Reid's signature as commandant is dated Sept. 8th. Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No. 104. Major Farmer was expecting his successor's arrival some time in July or August. Farmer to Gage, Mar. 9th, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.

Transcriber's Note:

  • The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been retained, with the exception of apparent typographical errors which have been corrected.
  • Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.
  • Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant form was found in this text; otherwise they were not changed.
  • Footnotes were moved to the end of the text and numbered in one continuous sequence.
  • Other notes and corrections:
    • p. 3: sparceness changed to sparseness. (The sparseness of its population.)
    • p. 10: Boquet changed to Bouquet. (Previous to Bouquet’s second campaign.)
    • p. 19: Missing footnote 56 tag added by the transcriber.
    • p. 20: Sinnot and Sinnot: Variants unchanged.
    • p. 21: sefuse changed to refuse. (St. Ange continued to refuse.)
    • p. 33: delinquenents unchanged. (A determination to delinquenents to punishment.)
    • p. 42: Missing footnote 118 tag added by the transcriber.
    • p. 44: effect changed to affect. (Not only did it affect English traders.)
    • p. 46: Missing footnote 133 tag added by the transcriber.
    • p. 55: Missing footnote 164 tag added by the transcriber.
    • p. 77: The wealth of colony changed to The wealth of the colony.
    • Variants unchanged: Ilinois and Illinois.
    • p. 38, footnote 109, page 58, footnote 170, and p. 76, footnote 229: Incomplete references, page numbers missing.




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