  1 Glasgow, 1825. 2 Hemingford says, that there were fifty thousand slain, many drowned, and three hundred thousand foot taken prisoners, besides a thousand horsemen. 3 Hist. Lib. iv. c. 15. 4 Appendix to Blair’s Relationes in the Library of the College of Glasgow. 5 Scottish Historical Library, p. 68. quarto ed. 6 In England, Thomas À Becket conceded to Henry II., that, in the event of a bondsman becoming a clerk, he should not receive orders without the consent of his lord; and further, if a man of holy church held any lay-fee, he must do the King’s service thereto attached, except in cases connected with the execution of criminals. See Hearne’s Glossary to Langtoft’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 530. 7 Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 324. 8 Fordun, vol. ii. lib. x. cap. 42. 9 Fordun, vol. ii. lib. x. cap. 42.—If we compare the following provisions of an act put forth by Edward I., with the above-mentioned enactment, some idea may be formed respecting the views entertained by the two British monarchs, on the subject of foreign commercial intercourse. “It is ordained, that no fishmonger shall have any partnership with a stranger who brings fish from sea to the city; but let them seek for fish in their own ships, and permit foreigners to bring it and sell, when they come in their own ships. Because, by such partnerships, they who are of the city, and have known the state of the city, and the defect of victuals, will hold the fish at a dearer rate than foreigners, who shall not have known it; and also, that they who are of the city, when they cannot sell, as they will lay it up in cellars, and sell it dearer than the strangers would do, if they came without partnership, and knew not where they might be harboured.”—Lambert’s Historical Survey of London, vol. i. p. 156, 157. 10 Foedera, vol. i. p. 467. 11 TorfÆi Orcades, lib. i. cap. 4. 12 Chron. of Lanercoste. See Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 446. In 1282, the customs of England were farmed by Bonricini, Guidicon & Co. of Lucca, and the sum realized, from Easter 1281 till Easter 1282, netted 8411l. 19s. 11½d. The money, it may be observed at this time, was the same in both countries. Madox, History of the Exchequer, c. 23. fo. 1. 13 The use of coal as fuel was very early known in Scotland. By a charter, dated in April 1291, William de Obervill granted liberty to the monks of Dunfermline, to dig coal for their own use in his lands of Pittencrieff, but upon no account to sell any, (Chart. in Statist. Account of Scotland, vol. xiii. p. 469.) By this restriction, it would seem that the proprietor not only set a value on the sale of coal, but also that the monks of those days were in the habit of improving their resources, by trafficking in temporal as well as in spiritual matters. 14 Ayloff’s Calendar, p. 88. Some idea may be formed of the injury which the trade of Scotland sustained by the long protracted and impoverishing warfare she had to maintain in support of her independence, from the circumstance of James I. being obliged, in 1430, to commission two citizens of London to send him the following articles for his own use: viz. 20 tuns of wine, 12 bows, 4 dozen yards of cloth of different colours, and 12 yards of scarlet, 20 yards of red worsted, 8 dozen pewter vessels, 1200 wooden bowls (or caps), packed in 4 barrels, 3 dozen coverels, a bason and font, 2 summer saddles, 1 hackney saddle, 1 woman’s saddle, with furniture, 2 portmanteaus, 4 yards of motley, 5 yards of morray, 5 yards of black cloth of Lyn, 12 yards kersey, 12 skins of red leather, and some trifling articles. These goods, shipped on board a vessel belonging to London, were secured by a royal order from being molested by English cruizers, but they were to pay the customary duties. Foedera, vol. x. p. 470. 15 Rymer’s Coll. MS. vol. ii. p. 287. 16 This traffic was frequently interrupted by war; in time of peace, it was carried on to a considerable extent. The first notice that we have of its revival after the wars of Wallace and Bruce, occurs in a letter of safe-conduct granted 12th January 1359, to Andrew Murray and Alan Erskine, two Scottish drovers, with three horsemen and their servants for travelling through England, or the King’s foreign dominions, for a year, with horses, oxen, cows, and other goods and merchandise.—Foedera, vol. vi. p. 114. 17 The greyhounds, “leporarii,” of Scotland were considered so superior, that the Duke of Berry, in France, thought it worth while to send his valet, and three other men, to procure some of them, and to obtain letters of safe-conduct from the King of England, to enable them to travel through his dominions on that business.—Foedera, vol. vii. page 831. 18 By the chamberlain’s accounts, it appears that the 178 hogsheads cost 439l. 16s. 8d. Sterling, while the 67 hogsheads and 1 pipe cost 373l. 16s. 8d. Could this difference arise from the latter being of superior quality, or from the market being overstocked, in consequence of the expected demand? No doubt there were speculators in those days, as well as at present. 19 Wyntown, vol. i. p. 286. 20 Some fine specimens of these battle-axes may be seen in the museum at Inverness. 21 By the chamberlain’s accounts it appears, that in the reign of Alexander III., the King’s Balistarius, or keeper of the cross-bows for the Castle of Ayr, was allowed yearly two merks and a half. 22 P. 668. 23 Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 397 & 398. 24 Philosophical Transactions, vol. xxi. p. 230. 25 Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 440. 26 The following proverb is still floating on the breath of tradition among the Highlanders—“MÁr thubhairt clag ScÁin, an rud nach buin duit na buin da;” “As the bell of Scoon rang, what belongs not to you meddle not with.” 27 The name and labours of this priest have created a little perplexity among the learned. He appears to have made a sort of census of the kingdom, in which the names of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Parsons, Vicars, Abbesses, Earls, Barons, Knights, Freeholders, and Communities of cities and burghs, were registered. This roll, in which their rentals were stated, is known in Scottish history by the name of “Bagamont’s Roll,” and was always referred to in disputes respecting church property. For the purpose of a like assessment, Bagamont appears to have made a similar census in England. A copy of the Scotch roll, carried off most likely by Edward, along with the other documents, from Scone, was found in the Tower of London, and given to the world, by the more modern historians of England, as the “Homage Roll of Scotland,” under the cognomen of “Ragman’s Roll.” The disgrace which this document seems to infer, is pathetically bewailed by Abercromby. If he had turned to the learned Bishop of Carlisle’s Scottish Historical Library, p. 53, his grief might have been a little assuaged by the following passage:—“One of the most ancient repertories of the primitive state and rights of the Scottish church, is the old Book of the Taxation of Ecclesiastical Benefices, whereof Sir John Skene has given us the following account. A ‘The Pape, in the time of King B James the Third, sent in this realm ane cardinal and legate, called Bagimont: quha did make ane taxation of all the rentals of the benefices, that the samin might be knawin to the Pape: to the effect, that, when any person came to Rome seikin Bulles, or right to ony benefice fra him, he might conform to the said rental as he pleased, sell the samin for sa meikle silver or gold as he thocht maist profitable.’ This is by no means exact, nor answerable to what we commonly have from that learned writer; for that very law of C James the Third, to which he refers, cites this taxation by the name of the ‘Provinciallis Buik, or the auld taxation of Bagimont;’ and shews, that in this King’s time, endeavours were used to raise the values of the livings above what they were rated at, to the advantage of the Court of Rome, and against ‘the common gude of the realme.’ This act was confirmed by his son and successor James the Fourth, who made D the crime capital in laymen, ordaining that all such should ‘tine their life and gudes.’ We are, therefore, still in the dark as to the true author of this ancient valuation; being certainly misinformed of the time wherein he lived, and (perhaps) knowing as little of his proper name. If I may be allowed to offer my conjecture, I should guess that this ecclesiastical survey is about the same age with that which was made (of the lands in England) by our Edward the First; and possibly the names of E Rageman and Bagimont were heretofore one and the same. What this or the other means, or how both have been corrupted, let the nicer etymologists inquire.” A De Verb. Sign. in voce Bagimont. B It should be Alex. C Vide Spotswood, lib. 2. p. 46. (3) Parl. 6. Ja. 3. Act 43. D Parl. 4. St. 39. E Vide D. Hen. Spelman. Gloss. in voce Rageman, and Repository of Records, p. 26. Had this candid and generally correct writer referred to Fordun, Book X. chap, xvii., he might have satisfied himself as to the date, origin, and nature of this roll, as well as the name and character of its author. The alteration of Bagimont to Rageman, is evidently an English corruption, which the writers of that country ought to be best able to explain. Ragman’s Roll, as a roll of vassalage to Edward, is unknown to ancient English and Scottish historians. 28 Hailes, 137, 138. 29 Hailes, 155, 156. 30 Vol. ii. p. 443 & 444. 31 Vol. ii. p. 187. 3d edition. 32 Chron. Melrose, p. 179. 33 Hoveden, fol. 420. 34 Foedera, vol. i. p. 155. 35 Icelandic Chronicle. 36 Hailes, 188, 189. 37 This reply of Alexander has been noticed, by various historians, as an uncommon instance of the precocity of the Royal intellect. Lord Hailes speaks of it as displaying “prudence and resolution superior to his years.” Without detracting from the merits of Alexander, it might with more propriety be considered as merely the well-conned lesson given him by the watchful guardians of the independence of his crown, whom experience had taught to be prepared for the attempt. 38 The following quotation is from the work of a learned Englishman. “There is” (inter Poemata, M.S. D.R. Maithland, p. S. Pepys, Armig.) “a manuscript account of Robert the Third’s contest with our Henry the Fourth, upon the subject of Homage; in the conclusion whereof (after the word Finis) is this inscription—The Ring (for Reign) of the Roy Robert, made be Dean David Steill. In this the King of England summons Robert to do fealty at London. Eftir the richt of Brutus King, Quhilck had all Ingland in governing, &c. In return to which, ’tis affirm’d that Scotland evir yit hes bene free, Sin Scota of Ægypt tuick the see. It’s likewise observ’d, that England itself (having been four times conquer’d by the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans) has little ground for such a challenge; and ought to remember how frequently she has miscarry’d in her adventures of that kind. In conclusion, Robert proposes the deciding this controversie by sixty against sixty (of the Royal blood of both kingdoms), forty against forty, or twenty against twenty: Or, if Henry approves it, that the two Kings themselves may end it in a single combat. In which last offer, are these remarkable lines. “I proffer me to prief on the At we and Scotland yit are free, And of the Paip nothing we hauld, But of the Kirk our Faith of auld.” See Nicholson’s Scottish Historical Library, p. 154, 155, 8vo. ed. and 43 of 4to. 39 Hailes, p. 243, 244. 40 Baliol, who, on the death of the Scottish Queen, assumed the title of “HÆres regni ScotiÆ,” had engaged the powerful interest of the Bishop of Durham, by a grant of all the manors possessed by Alexander III. in Cumberland;—or, in the event of Edward refusing to sanction the grant, fifty manors in Scotland, in lieu of them. Had any of the other competitors been preferred, this grant must have fallen to the ground.—Original Charter in possession of Mr Astle, and published in his Account of the Seals of the Kings of Scotland, p. 22. It is more than probable that the influence and services of the Bishop of St Andrew’s had been secured by prospects perhaps equally advantageous. 41 In support of this claim, Dr Lingard has, with great industry, collected the evidence afforded by the ancient chronicles of England from Brutus downward. These fabrications of the cloisters, however, are contradicted by events, respecting the truth of which the historians of both countries are agreed. It is rather singular, that when John became the liegeman of the See of Rome, and, with the consent of his barons, surrendered the “KINGDOMS OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND TO BE HELD OF THE POPE IN FEE, FOR A THOUSAND MERKS,” that he should have tricked his Holiness out of THE KINGDOM OF SCOTLAND. Surely the example of Ananias was lost on the English monarch, when he thus trifled with the church, and kept back a third of his kingdoms. Dr Lingard does not inform his readers how the watchful guardian of “the Patrimony of St Peter” came to wink at so gross an imposition. After all that the learned Doctor has advanced on the subject, it is pretty plain, that the homage of England over Scotland is something like that which was extorted by St Dunstan from a certain potentate who shall be nameless. Though the saint compelled him to cry peccavi, in a manner that made a great noise in the world at the time, yet when he became relieved from the scrape, and had got his nose in order, his saintship found his vassal as troublesome and evil disposed as ever. 42 Hailes, p. 245, 246. 43 Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 248. 44 A family of the name of Waleis also existed in England, some of whom appear to have attained the highest civic honours in the city of London. We are informed by Stowe, that, in 1299, when part of the palace of Westminster, and the public buildings of the adjoining monastery, were destroyed by fire, a Parliament was held by Edward in the house of Henry Waleis, Mayor of London, at Stehenheth, “when crokards, pollards, and rosaries, coyned in foreign parts beyond seas, and uttered for sterlings, were cried down.” Henry Waleis was also Mayor in 1300; and a person of the same name is mentioned as having contributed largely to the building of “St Martyn’s Church, in the vintry of London;” he is also said to have filled the office of Mayor, during which time he built a prison, called the Tun, in Cornhill, for night-walkers. In 1296, when Edward granted the citizens of London the right of electing their chief magistrate, one William Waleis was called by the public voice to the civic chair. 45 Fordun says the name of the elder son was Andrew, and thus speaks of him—“Cujus frater senior miles Andreas nomine, et militiÆ cingulo succinctus.” 46 Hailes, p. 253. 47 This Gilbert de Umfraville, according to Dugdale, was descended from Robert de Umfraville, Knight of Tours, otherwise called Robert with the Beard, who was a kinsman of William the Conqueror. Having obtained a grant of the Scottish as well as the English inheritance of Ingram de Baliol, Umfraville became Earl of Angus, and was constituted governor of the castles of Dundee and Forfar. Justly considering that he held these fortresses in charge from the Scottish Regency, he could not surrender them to England, unless Edward and the Scottish Regency joined in an obligation to indemnify him. His demand was complied with; on which Lord Hailes remarks, that “he was the only Scotsman who acted with integrity and spirit on this trial of national integrity and spirit.” But, unfortunately for even this solitary instance of integrity, Gilbert de Umfraville was an Englishman, and, as his conduct showed, a prudent, cautious, circumspect man of the world, who wished to preserve his possessions in both countries, by standing fair with both governments. His request could not be objected to by either of the parties. The expenses he laid out in maintaining the castle were afterwards allowed him, in consequence of a precept sent by Edward to the Bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, and the other guardians of the kingdom. In 22 Edward I. (according to Dugdale) he was summoned to Portsmouth, with horse and arms, to attend Edward on his expedition to France; and in 23 Edward I. he was summoned to Parliament, but not by the title of Earl of Angus, till 25 Edward I., at which time, says the above authority, “our lawyers of England were somewhat startled, and refused, in their briefs and instruments, to acknowledge him Earl, by reason that Angus was not within the kingdom of England, until he had openly produced the King’s warrant.” 48 Lord Hailes, in remarking on this anecdote, as told by Buchanan, says, “I suspect, however, that this is nothing more than an abridgement of Blind Harry in classical Latin. It may be remarked, by the way, that this is one of the most specious tales in the book, for it is characteristical.” The value of his Lordship’s “Historical Doubts” are now beginning to be appreciated. There are many tales equally specious, and equally characteristical, to be found in the book, which his natural acuteness would have found no difficulty in discovering, had he laid down the quill of the lawyer, when he took up the pen of the historian. Mr Tytler gives the story, and quotes Wyntown as one of his authorities. This is a mistake; Wyntown is silent on the subject; and I suspect the truth of it must rest on the evidence of the Minstrel, and traditions still current in the country, among which are the following:—“Edward I. thought Dundee of sufficient consequence to be occupied by an English garrison; and the illustrious Wallace (with his companions, John Blair, probably of the Balthayock family, and Sir Niel Campbell of Lochaw) is said by tradition to have received his education at Dundee school, and, in this situation, to have begun his exploits with the death of the son of the English Governor.”—Stat. Account, vol. viii. p. 212, 213. “There is a very respectable man in Longforgan (in Perthshire), of the name of Smith, a weaver, and the farmer of a few acres of land, who has in his possession a stone which is called Wallace’s Stone. It is what was formerly called in this country a bear-stone, hollow like a large mortar, and was made use of to unhusk the bear or barley, as a preparative for the pot, with a large wooden mell, long before barley-mills were known. Its station was on one side of the door, and covered with a flat stone for a seat when not otherwise employed. Upon this stone Wallace sat on his way from Dundee, when he fled after killing the governor’s son, and was fed with bread and milk by the goodwife of the house, from whom the man who now lives there, and is the proprietor of the stone, is lineally descended; and here, his forbears (ancestors) have lived ever since, in nearly the same station and circumstances, for about five hundred years.”—Stat. Account, xix. 561, 562. 49 Hailes, p. 284. 50 Douglas’ Baronage, p. 456. 51 Quod tam PrÆlati quam Comites, Barones et alii nobiles, necnon universitates communitatesque notabiles dicti regni ScotiÆ, suas nobis super hoc patentes literas suis munitas sigillis quam citius fieri poterit destinabunt.—Foedera, T. ii. p. 696. 52 Dugdale. 53 Wyntown thus quaintly describes the feelings of Edward, on being told of the loss of his fleet:— “Quhen the Kyng Edward of Ingland Had herd of this deidfull Tythand, All breme he belyd in-to berth, And wrythyd all in wedand werth, AlsÁ kobbyd in his crope As he had ettin are Attyrcope.” Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 81. 54 Before the attack, Antony Bek, Bishop of Durham, joined the English army, with 140 knights, 500 horse, and 1000 foot, accompanied by the consecrated banners of St Cuthbert and St John of Beverley; the former carried by Henry de Horncester, a stout monk of Durham, and the latter by Gilbert de Grymmesby (so called by the English), a Scottish Vicar of Beverley College, born in the district of Kyle in Ayrshire,—who had spent a great part of his life in the service of Edward in France, where he had acted as a pursuivant. The banner of St Cuthbert accompanied the King only on extraordinary occasions. The following description of it may not be unacceptable. “This banner was fastened to a staff, five yards in length. All the pipes were of silver, to be sliven (slipt) on along the banner-staff; and on the uppermost pipe, on the height of it, was a little silver cross, and a goodly banner-cloth pertaining to it, and in the midst of the banner-cloth was a white velvet, half a yard square every way, and a cross of crimson velvet over it, and within the said white velvet was the holy relique, wherewith St Cuthbert covered the chalice when he said mass, and the residue of the banner-cloth was of crimson velvet, embroidered all over with gold and green silk most sumptuously. It was not carried out but on his anniversary, and some other principal festivals in procession. It was the clerk’s office to wait on it in his surplice, with a fair red-painted staff, having a fork or cleft at the upper end, which cleft was lined with soft silk, having a down under the silk to prevent it hurting or bruising the pipes of the banner, which were of silver, to take it down and raise it up again, by reason of the weightiness thereof. There were always four men to wait on it, besides the clerk, and divers who carried it. This last wore a strong girdle of white leather, to which the banner was fastened by two pieces of the same, having at each end of them a socket of horn to put the end of the banner-staff into.”—Hist. and Antiq. of Durham Abbey, p. 118, 120. By the Wardrobe Accounts, it appears that the monk who carried the banner of St Cuthbert into Scotland, was paid 1s. per day,—while he who carried that of St John was allowed 8½d., and one penny per day to bring it back. 55 Knighton says there were 17,000 killed, and that rivulets of blood flowed through the city for two days. Langtoft informs us, that Edward was the first to enter the breach, which he did on his favourite horse, named “Bayard.” He has omitted to say, if “Bayard” was a pale horse. This distinguishing trait seems only a-wanting, to render the description given of this “most pious and clement prince,” no unapt representation of the Grand Destroyer and last enemy of mankind. The only man of consequence who fell on the side of the English, was Sir Richard de Cornwall. He was killed by a quarrell, shot by a Flemish merchant from the “Red Hall.” This place was a fortified factory or store, occupied by a company of Flemings trading in Berwick, and held by them of the crown of Scotland, on condition of defending it against the English to the last extremity. Their knightly devoirs they bravely performed. The fortress held out the whole day against all the force the English could bring against it. At night it was set on fire, and the faithful little band of trading warriors perished in the flames. 56 Henry, Buke Fyrst, p. 10, 11. 57 Some accounts say that Sir Patrick Graham was the elder brother of the gallant Sir John. 58 Walter of Exeter. 59 Wyntown. 60 Stowe. 61 Vide Appendix to Tytler’s History of Scotland, vol. i. 62 The object of the greatest national importance, and of the most venerable antiquity, which he carried off on this occasion, was the Lia-faile, called also Clach na cineamhuinn (fatal stone), on which the Kings of Scotland, from the earliest ages of their monarchy, had been crowned. At the ceremony of their inauguration, a seanachaidh, or heraldic bard, clothed in a robe of sky-blue, stood before the lia-faile, and recited to the King, as he sat on it, the genealogy of the Kings of Scotland, from the foundation of their dynasty. The last performance of this ancient Celtic custom, was at the coronation of Alexander III. The person who officiated on that occasion, is said to have had on a scarlet robe. This, however, was not the colour used by the Celts, for that office. The person of the heraldic bard was sacred above all others, and he wore sky-blue as emblematic of peace. The early history of the Lia-faile is involved in the obscurity of fable, and no small degree of sacredness has been attached to it from the connection it is supposed to have with the destinies of the Scots. The following Druidical Oracle, is considered as first giving currency to this belief. Cioniodh scuit saor an fine, Man ba breag an Faisdine. Mar a bh’ fhuighid an lia-fail, Dlighid flaitheas do ghabhail. Which Hector Boethius has thus rendered into Latin: Ne fallat fatum, Scoti quocunque locatum Invenient lapidem hunc, regnare tenentur ibidem. English Translations. Except old saws do feign, And wizards’ wits be blind, The Scots in place must reign, Where they this stone shall find. * * * * * Consider, Scot, where’er you find this stone, If fates fail not (or lie not), there fix’d must be your throne. Another from Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 527. The Scottis sall bruke that realme, as natyve Ground, (Geif weirdis fayll nocht) quhair euir this chiar is found. That part of the history of the Lia-faile which is considered authentic, may soon be told.—It was at an early period brought from Ireland to Dunstaffnage; from thence to Scone, in 842, by Kenneth II.; and, lastly, to Westminster, in 1296. In the Wardrobe Account of Edward, for March 1299, there is the following entry of a payment to “Walter the painter, for a step to the foot of the New Chair, in which the Stone of Scotland was placed, near the altar, before the shrine of St Edward, in Westminster Abbey, and to the carpenters and painters painting the said step; and the gold and colours to paint it with; and making a case to cover the said chair, L.1: 19: 7.”—Remarks on the Wardrobe Account, page xli. Walsingham says, that the use Edward put it to, was to serve as a chair for the celebrating priests at Westminster. In the treaty of peace between Robert Bruce and Edward III., there is a particular stipulation for the restoration of this Stone. The Londoners, however, had taken a fancy to it, and excited a commotion to prevent its removal; and Robert had no difficulty to persuade his people, to waive the performance of the agreement. Indeed, so deep-rooted has been the belief of the Scots in the augury attached to it, that many looked upon the accession of James to the British throne as the fulfilment of the prediction. Even in the present day, when there is so much anxiety evinced for the recovery of objects held in national estimation, we do not hear of any application being made to his Majesty for the restoration of the Lia-faile. There is no doubt but many of those who witnessed the original aggression, would console themselves with the reflection, that the “Lang-shanked Southerone” had caught a Tartar. 63 The servility of the Scottish Barons was not always unrequited. By the Rotuli ScotiÆ, 19 Edward I. et passim 24, it appears he gave obligations of the following import.
Edward afterwards changed his plan, and gave these barons and prelates gratifications in money, or other value. But to John Comyn the King gave the enormous sum of L.1563: 14: 6½d.—Tytler’s Hist. vol. i. p. 99. 64 Prophetic announcements respecting him were also, at an after period, sent abroad by the Scottish clergy.—“Nam revelatione mirifica ostensum est fide dignioribus diversis, sanctissimum apostolum Andream, regni ScotiÆ, protectorem et patronum, dicto Willielmo Wallace gladium cruentatum manu aliter commisisse, stricte sibi prÆcipiendo eo utrobique uti ad defensionem regni Anglicos propulsando.—Custos itaque effectus, misit manum suam ad fortia, Anglicos prosternens, Anglicatos reconcilians, oppressos relevans, et quotidianis incrementis proficiens.” M.S. Cuprensis. See Fordun’s Scotichronicon, vol. ii. p. 170.—This vision of St Andrew is also taken notice of by Blind Harry.—Vide Buke Sewynd, v. 57. 65 “Riccardtoun is evidently a corruption of Richardtown. It is generally said to have been so called from a Sir Richard Wallace, who lived in the vicinity of the village, and who is said to have been uncle to the celebrated patriot Sir William Wallace. Of his house no vestige now remains. The place, however, where it stood is well known. The village of Riccardtown is within one mile of the market town of Kilmarnock.”—Stat. Acc. vol. vi. p. 117. 66 “Among other antiquities, there may be mentioned a place called Beg, above Allinton, where the brave Wallace lay in a species of rude fortification, with only fifty of his friends, yet obtained a complete victory over an English officer of the name of Fenwick, who had two hundred men under his command. This gallant hero, it is well known, had several places of retirement towards the head of this parish, and in the neighbourhood, some of which still retain his name to this day. Wallace-hill, in particular, an eminence near Galla-law, and a place called Wallace-Gill, in the parish of Loudoun, a hollow glen to which he probably retired for shelter, when pursued by his enemies.”—Stat. Acc. ii. 74. 67 Dugdale, vol. i. p. 266. 68 Froisart. 69 The ruins which are now called Crosby Castle, are situated in the district of Cunningham, within a short distance of the village of West Kilbride. They occupy part of the ground on which stood the old castle belonging to Sir Raynald Crawford. By the date on the wall, it seems to have undergone repairs in 1676. The present building has never been a place of great strength. From the ap *pearance of the ground, however, and other indications in the neighbourhood, the former castle must have been of a different character. On the edge of a deep precipitous glen, well adapted for concealment, it afforded every facility for eluding the pursuit of an enemy. A noisy brook dashes from rock to rock down the dark and well-wooded ravine, whose craggy sides must often have witnessed the meeting of Wallace and his associates. 70 The Charter of Wallace, by which Scrimgeor held the Constabulary of Dundee, is still in existence, and will be given in vol. ii. of this work. The seal affixed to the instrument is that of Baliol, and accompanies, as a frontispiece, the present volume. The peculiarities of a constable’s office, are thus enumerated in Bray’s History of Surrey, vol. iii. p. 136. “In an instrument of William de Wickham, dated at Eshu, 19. January 1379, 3. Richard II., by which he appointed William de Wimbledon constable, the duty of his office is stated to be, to keep, govern, and oversee the castle, together with the manor, lordship, lands, franchises, liberties, parks, chases, warrens, &c. belonging to the same; also to hold the courts and to prosecute, challenge, claim, and defend all rights and franchises belonging to the bishop and church of Winchester within the said bailiwick.” 71 The following is a copy of the “band of manrent” alluded to, from the original Latin, in the possession of the family of Somerville. “Be it kend till all men be thir present letters, me, Sir Walter of Newbigging, and me, Sir David of Towie, for all the dayes of our lyves to be obleidged and bound be the faith of our bodies and thir present letters in mandred, and sworne counsell as brothers in law, to be with one another in all actiones, causes, and quarrills pertaineing to us, both in peace and in warr, against all that lyves and dyes, excepting our alleadgeance to our soveraigne lord the king. In witnes of the whilk thing, and of ther present letters, wee have hung to our sealles, att Aberdean, the twentieth day of Apryle, the year of God 1281, before ther witnesses, William Somervill, our brother, and John Somervill and Thomas Stelfeir.” To this band of mandrey is appended two sealles, very legible and knowne, for the Somervills and Barclayes differed nothing from what they are at present, save a little in the placeing of the armes.“—Memorie of the Somervills, vol. i. p. 75, 76. 72 Respecting the armour and sword of Wallace, Doctor Jamieson has the following note. “In the Castle of Dunbarton, they pretend to show the mail, and, if I mistake not, also the sword of Wallace. If he was confined in that fortress by Monteith, before being sent into England, as some have supposed, it is not improbable that his armour might be left there. The popular belief on this head, however, is very strong; of which I recollect a singular proof, which took place many years ago, and of which I was an eye-witness. In the procession of King Crispin, at Glasgow, his majesty was always preceded by one on horseback, appearing as his champion. In former times, this champion of the awl thought it enough to wear a leathern jerkin, formed like one of mail. One fellow, however, was appointed, of a more aspiring genius than his predecessors, who was determined to appear in real mail; and who, having sent to Dunbarton Castle, and hired the use of Wallace’s armour for a day, made his perambulations with it through the streets of Glasgow. I can never forget the ghastly appearance of this poor man, who was so chilled and overburdened by the armour, that, as the procession moved, he was under the necessity of frequently supporting himself with a cordial. It was said that he took to bed immediately after the termination of this procession, and never rose from it. From that time forward, his successors in office were content to wear the proper badge of their profession.”—Dr Jamieson’s Notes on Blind Harry. On this extract from the Doctor’s invaluable work, the writer has to remark, that information derived from inquiry made on the subject, does not entirely confirm the correctness of all the statements that extract contains. That a man in real armour figured in the procession of King Crispin at Glasgow, about forty years ago, is a well-known fact; but that the armour had belonged to Wallace, is any thing but certain. If so precious a deposit had been in the charge of the Governor of Dumbarton Castle, it is conceived he must have possessed more good nature than became his situation, if he lent it out to grace any such fooleries. Certain it is, if such armour was in Dumbarton Castle at the time, it is unknown to those connected with the garrison at present; and we can *not conceive that a relic, so valuable in the estimation of the public, would have totally disappeared, without its being known what had become of it. The inquiries of the writer enable him to state, that the mail used on this occasion was lent to the followers of King Crispin by a gentleman belonging to Glasgow of the name of Wilsone. It was plate-armour and highly polished. The sons of the awl, however, had a taste of their own in such matters, and took the liberty of painting it in oil, of a colour more to their fancy. But on being returned in this altered condition, it was thrown aside by the indignant proprietor. All that they pretend to show in the Castle of Dumbarton, as having belonged to Wallace, is a sword of a very antique fashion, intended to be used with both hands, but by no means of a weight that would prevent men of ordinary strength of the present day from wielding it. There is no proof, however, that it belonged to the Deliverer of Scotland; and, if we may credit the account given by old people, of its having been dragged up from the bottom of the Clyde by the anchor of a vessel about sixty years ago, its identity becomes more than doubtful. Such, however, is the prevalence of the report in its favour, that it was some time since sent to London for the inspection of certain official characters connected with the Board of Ordnance. At the time it was sent off, it wanted several inches of its length, which, it seems, had been broke off by some accident. Whatever may have been the opinion of those to whom it was sent, respecting its connection with Wallace, we know not; but as they were at the trouble of getting it repaired, in a manner that reflects credit on the talents of the artist, and returning it with a handsome scabbard, they have at least paid a compliment to the prejudice in its favour. 73 A specimen of this formidable weapon the writer has seen in the Museum at Inverness. 74 According to Pinkerton and other authorities, Henry did not finish his work till 1470. It is therefore more probable that the curiosity of James was excited by the original narrative of Blair; a book which, from his long captivity in England, he had perhaps heard little about, till his return to Scotland. The rehearsal, therefore, of the heroic achievements of his illustrious countryman, may have produced all the excitement which the Editor of the Perth edition supposes, though not made by the Minstrel. 75 “A little south of the village, there is a conical height called Kin-hill, which is evidently artificial, and seems to have been a military work. There are the remains of a ditch or rampart of a circular form, which proves that it is not of Roman origin. It is probably of later date, and appears to have been the place from which Sir William Wallace sallied forth on the night when he took by surprise the Peel of Gargunnock.”—Stat. Acc. xviii. 116, 117. 76 The concealing of money and other valuables in the earth, appears to have been a very common practice in Scotland, during the calamitous periods of her history; and many an instance has been recorded of little depÔts coming to light; which it is very probable were composed of the hard-earned plunder of the military adventurer, whose ambition, avarice, or duty, called him off to other fields, where he and his secret perished together. From the many notices we have seen of the discovery of hidden treasures, we shall select the following, as alluding more particularly to the period embraced in our narrative. We cannot, however, agree with the learned Editor in the opinion, that the coins in question were hidden by the soldiers of Edward; they held the country by too precarious a tenure to make such deposits. It is more likely to have been the share of booty belonging to some patriot Scot, who had afterwards fallen in the cause of his country’s independence. “There was lately found, on the farm of Mr Rankine of Whitehall, parish of New Cumnock, Ayrshire, by a person employed in turning up the ground with a spade, about two feet from the surface, a small vase, of an antique form, similar to those in the Englefield Collection, and of very coarse materials, containing about a hundred silver pennies of Alexander III. of Scotland, and Edward I. of England, in good preservation, having the head and characters distinctly legible. The English coins were more numerous than the Scotch. Those of Alexander represent him in profile, as do all the coins of his reign, and have round the head, Alexander Dei Gra:; and on the other side, Rex Scotorum, with a cross extending to the edge, and a spur level in each of the quarters. This coin is No. 33, first page of plates appended to Adam de Cardonnel’s Numismata ScotiÆ. Those of Edward represent him in full face, with Edw. Ang.; Dus Hyb.; and on the reverse of the different coins, Civitas Cantor, Civitas London, Civitas Lincoln, and almost all the mint-towns of England, with the cross extending to the edge, and three roses in each quarter. From the great number of these coins found in this part of the country, it is probable they were deposited in the earth by the soldiers of Edward, who had taken refuge in these mountainous regions, when flying from the well-merited indignation of the Scotch. They must have been placed in the ground some time about the beginning of the fourteenth century. Bruce having obtained the crown in the year 1306, and relating, as they do, to a most interesting period of our history, and which is embalmed in the memory of every Scotsman, they are worthy of occupying a place in the cabinets of the curious. A few of them have been sent to the Museum of Edinburgh College.”—Scotsman. Within these few years also, a depÔt was discovered at Ascog, in the island of Bute, in which four thousand silver pennies of Edward I. were found, most of them of the London mintage. 77 “This appears to have been the head of the ancient family of Heron who held Ford Castle in Northumberland. In the reign of Henry III. it was in possession of Sir William Heron, who was Governor of the Castles of Bamborough, Pickering, and Scarborough, Lord Warden of the Forests north of Trent, and Sheriff of Northumberland for eleven successive years.”—Vide Hutchinson’s Northumberland, ii. 19. “This Castle has attracted much attention, as having been the scene of the enchantments of its fair mistress, by means of which our infatuated James IV. was disarmed before the battle of Flodden; and it has acquired additional celebrity, from the no less be *witching muse of the Author of Marmion.”—Dr Jamieson’s Notes on Blind Harry. 78 It would be rather difficult to assign sufficient reasons for the inferiority of the Scottish archers to those of England; and perhaps it may be one of those popular errors, which, being once promulgated, has passed unquestioned. The ridicule which James I. has thrown upon a certain portion of his countrymen, in his poem of Chryst’s Kirk on the Green, has no doubt tended to confirm, or perhaps to give rise to the opinion. The advice which Robert Bruce gave his countrymen, always to attack and disperse the English archers, as early in the engagement as possible, is likewise quoted as an instance of the dread which the Scots entertained for this description of their enemies’ force. But this advice most probably was suggested, more from the vast multitudes of bowmen which the English had it in their power to bring into the field, than from any peculiar or individual advantage they possessed at their weapon. The archers whom Bruce attacked and dispersed at the battle of Bannockburn were chiefly Welch;—when individual trials of skill occurred, any inferiority on the part of the Scots was never very conspicuous; and there appears no reason it should have been so. The attention they bestowed on the art was at least equal to that of their neighbours. This is evident, from the numerous wapenschaws established all over the country. In the works of Lindsay of Pittscottie, we have the following account of a “waigeour of archerie,” between the Queen Dowager of Scotland and her son James V.:—“In this yeir cam an Inglisch ambassadour out of Ingland, callit Lord Williame, ane bischope, and vther gentlmen, to the number of thrie scoir horss, quhilkis war all able, wailled gentlmen, for all kynd of pastime, as schotting, louping, wrastling, runing, and casting of the stone. Bot they war weill assayed in all these or they went home; and that be thair awin provocatioun, and almost evir tint, quhill at the last the kingis mother favoured the Inglismen, becaus shoe was the king of Inglandis sister: and thairfoir shoe tuik ane waigeour of archerie vpoun the Inglishmanis handis, contrair the King hir sone, and any half duzoun Scottismen, either noblmen, gentlmen, or yeamanes, that so many Inglisch men sould schott againes them at riveris, buttis, or prick bonnett. The King, heiring of this bonspeill of his mother, was weill content. So thair was laid an hundreth crounes and ane tun of wyne pandit on everie syd. The ground was chosin in St Androis; the Scottis archeris was thrie landit gentlmen and thrie yeamanes, to witt, David Weimes of that ilk, David Arnott of that ilk, and Mr Johne Wedderburne, viccar of Dundie. The yeamanes was Johne Thomsone in Leith, Stevin Tabroner, and Alexander Baillie, who was ane pyper, and schott vondrous neir, and wan the vaigour from the Inglismen; and thairefter went in to the toun and maid ane banquett to the king and the queine, and the Inglisch ambassadour, with the wholl tuo hundreth crounes, and the tuo tunes of wyne. Albeit that the Inglismen confessed that the Scottismen sauld have been fried of the payment of that banqueitt, quhilk was so gorgeous that it was of no les awaill than the said gold and wyne extended to.”—Chronicles of Scotland, by Lindsay of Pitscottie, vol. ii. p. 347, 348. It may also be observed, that the value which the Scots set upon the quality of the feathers used for their arrows, bespeaks a considerable proficiency in the art. Those of the Earn appear, from the following extract, to have been in the greatest request. “In the west and north-west of Scotland, there is a great repayring of the Erne, of a marvellous nature: the people are very curious to catch him, and punze his wings, that hee fly not. Hee is of a hudge quantity, and a ravenous kind as the hawks, and the same qualitie. They doe give him such sort of meat, in great quantity at once, that hee lives contented therewith 14, 16, or 20 dayes, and some of them a moneth. Their feathers are good for garnishing of arrowes, for they receive no raine nor water, but remaine alwayes of a durable estate, and uncorruptible. The people doe use them either when they be a hunting, or at warres.”—A Memoriall of the most Rare and Wonderful Things in Scotland. 79 “So late as the reign of James I. of England, there is an order dated A.D. 1616, that no less then nine bloodhounds should be kept on the Border, upon Esk and other places mentioned.”—Pennant’s Tour, 1772. i. 77. ii. 397. John Harding has given a curious account of the means used by Edward I. for taking Bruce, similar to that here said to have been employed against Wallace. “The king Edward with hornes and houndes him soght, With menne on fote, through marris, mosse & myre, Through wodes also & mountens, (wher they fought), And euer the kyng Edward hight men greate hyre, Hym for to take by might conquere; But thei might hym not gette, by force ne by traine, He satte by the fyre when thei (went) in the rain.” * * * * * The following description of these dogs is from an old writer, well acquainted with their character. “In Scotland are dogs of marveylous condition, above the nature of other dogs. The first is a hound of great swiftnesse, hardiness and strength, fierce and cruell upon all wilde beasts, and eger against thieves that offer their masters any violence. The second is a rach, or hound, verie exquisite in following the foote, (which is called drawing), whether it bee of man or beast; yea, he will pursue any maner of fowle, and find out whatsoever fish haunting the land, or lurking amongst the rocks, specially the otter, by that excellent sent of smelling wherewith he is indued. The third sort is no greater than the aforesaid raches, in colour for the most part red, with blacke spots, or else black and full of red markes. These are so skilfull, (being used by practise), that they will pursue a thiefe, or thiefe-stolne goods, in the most precise maner, and finding the trespasser, with great audacity they will make a race upon him, or if hee take the water for his safegard, he shrinketh not to follow him; and entring and issuing at the same places where the party went in and out, hee never ceaseth to range till he hath noysed his footing, and bee come to the place wherein the thiefe is shrowded or hid. These dogs are called Sleuth-hounds. There was a law amongst the borderers of England and Scotland, that whosoever denyed entrance to such a hound, in pursute made after felons and stolne goods, should be holden as accessary unto the theft, or taken for the selfe same thiefe.”—Account of the Red Deer and Wild Beasts in Scotland. 80 In the Scottish armies of the 13th and 14th centuries, every man was supplied with a horn, generally that of a bullock, which he blew with vehemence, as he rushed on to the charge. The horrible noise this occasioned had often the effect of throwing the cavalry into confusion. These horns are sometimes alluded to in our national ballads. 81 See Appendix A. 82 I tell you a truth, Liberty is the best of all things: 83 “The uncle of Wallace, a priest, so often inculcated, and so deeply imprinted, the following lines upon his mind and memory, that by them he squared all the thoughts of his great soul, and efforts of his vigorous body: “Dico tibi verum, libertas optima rerum; Nunquam servili, sub nexu vivito, fili.” Scotichron. Maj. lib. 12. cap. iii.—See also Fordun, Lib. xii. cap. iii. 84 See Appendix, B. 85 According to a tradition still current about Crawford, Wallace is said to have first approached the castle in the disguise of an old beggar, with a patch over one eye, and his sword concealed under his cloak. In this dress, he entered into conversation with a woman engaged in washing clothes in the Clyde. From her he learned, that part of the garrison, amounting to about fifteen men, were carousing in a “hostelrie” hard by, kept by two brothers of the name of Watt. To this place he repaired, and getting among them, it was not long before he discovered that he was the subject of their conversation. Some, more elated with the contents of the cup than their neighbours, loudly expressed the satisfaction they would feel at having a “bout” with the champion of the Scots; while he who appeared to bear command among them, declared how willingly and handsomely he would reward the man who would bring them together. Wallace offered, for “sma’ hire,” to comply with their wishes; and rising, as if for the purpose, drew forth his formidable weapon, and commenced an attack upon the party, whom he was fortunate enough, by his superior strength and dexterity, to overpower and put to death. His horn was then sounded; and his companions, quitting their lurking places, rallied around him, and surprised the castle in the manner described. The house where the above action is understood to have taken place, is still to be seen in the village of Crawford-John. It continues to be occupied by the descendants of one of the two brothers above alluded to, who was married to a woman named Dalziel, and whose progeny continued to rent it as tenants, till about three hundred years ago, when one of them, who was piper to the proprietor, received a perpetual feu of the house, and a small portion of land attached to it, for some piece of service he had performed. The room in which the above adventure is said to have occurred, is at the end of the building, nearest to the ruins of Crawford Castle; and the present occupant, Mr Dalziel, with praiseworthy attention, endeavours to preserve, as much as possible, the original appearance of the house. The ditch into which the dead bodies of the English were thrown, is still pointed out. 86 Wyntoune, vol. ii. p. 92. 87 Vide Introduction to this work, p. 26. 88 Fordun calls him, Willielmus de Hasliope 89 Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 92–95. 90 Memorie of the Somervills, vol. i. p. 80, 81. 91 The family, from which Sir Bryce Blair is descended, has come down till the present time. He was third in succession from William de Blair, mentioned in a contract between Ralph de Eglinton and the town of Irvine, in 1205; and who is said to have died in the reign of Alexander II., betwixt the years 1214 and 1249, leaving a son also named William, who, in a charter of Alexander III., is styled Willielmus de Blair, Dominus de eodem, or of that Ilk. This William left two sons; 1st Bryce, and 2d David. He was succeeded by the eldest, Sir Bryce Blair of that Ilk, who, having given umbrage to the English, by joining our hero, was put to death in the treacherous manner described in our history. His brother David, who succeeded to the estates, had submitted to Edward, along with the aristocracy in 1296. Though the head of this family was considered as the chief of all the Blairs in Scotland, yet their title was often called in question by the Blairs of Balthycock, a family of great antiquity. The affair was at last brought before James VI., who decided, that “the oldest man, for the time being, of either family should have the precedency.” It is probable that John Blair, who acted as chaplain to Wallace, was a cadet of this family. 92 See Appendix, C. 93 The family banner of Bek, according to Walter of Exeter, a cotemporary authority, was, “Gules, with a fer de moulin of ermine.” Though Henry de Hornecester was in the habit of carrying the banner of St Cuthbert, it was only on extraordinary occasions that this unwieldy ensign was displayed; and it is not likely, that, amid the bustle of so unexpected an attack, they could spare time to get it ready, even if the occasion had been a proper one, it being chiefly reserved for high festivals. As it had been brought into Scotland the preceding year, it was very likely retained, along with that of St John of Beverly, to grace the processions of the proud and imperious churchman in his new diocese. 94 It has been asserted that Henry de Percy was killed on this occasion. It is, however, a mistake; Percy, at the time of the rencounter, was either in the eastern part of Scotland, along with Robert de Clifford, or in attendance on his uncle the Earl of Warren, in Northumberland. 95 See Appendix, D. 96 Annals, vol. i. p. 299. 97 Vol. ii. p. 248. 98 It is hoped that the writer will not be considered as attempting to justify any thing like wanton cruelty on the part of Wallace and his compatriots. When he finds authors, Scottish as well as English, bewailing the fate of these unfortunate churchmen, he considers it but an act of justice to the accused, that the crime of the other party should be put upon record, in order that the reader may be able to ascertain the degree of sympathy to which the sufferers may be entitled. 99 The following diary of the progress of Edward through Scotland in 1296, has been lately published by Mr N.H. Nicolas, in a volume of the Transactions of the Antiquarian Society of London. It is translated from a MS. in old Norman French; and the names of the places are sometimes a little obscure. ‘On the 28th March 1296, being Wednesday in Easter week, King Edward passed the Tweed, and lay in Scotland.— ‘At Coldstream Priory. ‘Hatton or Haudene, 29th March, Thursday. ‘Friday, being Good-Friday, 30th March, Sack of Berwick. ‘Battle of Dunbar, April 24, 26, 27. ‘Edward marches from Berwick to Coldingham; 28th April to Dunbar. ‘Haddington, Wednesday, Even of Ascension, May 3. ‘Lauder, Sunday, May 6. ‘Rokisburgh, Monday, May 7. where Edward remained fourteen days. ‘Jedworth, May 23. ‘Wyel, Thursday, May 24.; Friday, 25., to Castleton; Sunday, 27., again to Wyel. ‘Jedworth, Monday, May 28. ‘Rokisburgh, Friday, June 1. ‘Lauder, Monday, June 4. ‘Newbattle, Tuesday, June 5. ‘Edinburgh, Wednesday, June 6. siege of Edinburgh. ‘Linlithgow, June 14. ‘Stirling, Thursday, June 14. At Outreard, June 20. ‘Perth, Thursday, June 21., where he remained three days. ‘Kincleven on the Tay, June 25. ‘Cluny, Tuesday, June 26. Abode there till July 1. ‘Entrecoit, Monday, July 2. ‘Forfar, Tuesday, July 3. ‘Fernwell, Friday, July 6. ‘Montrose, Saturday, July 7. Abode there till the 10th. ‘Kincardine in the Mearns, Wednesday, July 11. ‘Bervie, Thursday, July 12. ‘Dunn Castle, Friday, July 13. ‘Aberdeen, Saturday, July 14. ‘Kinkell, Friday, July 20. ‘Fyvie, Saturday, July 21. ‘Banff, Sunday, July 22. ‘Invercullen, Monday, 23. ‘In tents on the river Spey, district of Enzie, Tuesday, July 24. ‘Repenage, in the county of Moray, Wednesday, July 25. ‘Elgin, Thursday, July 26. Remained for two days. ‘Rothes, Sunday, July 29. ‘Innerkerack, Monday, July 30. ‘Kildrummie, Tuesday, July 31. ‘Kincardine in the Mearns. ‘Kildrummie, Tuesday. ‘Kincardine in the Mearns, Thursday, August 2. ‘Brechin, Saturday, August 4. ‘Aberbrothoc, Sunday, August 5. ‘Dundee, Monday, August 6. ‘Baligarnach, the Redcastle, Tuesday, August 7. ‘St Johnston’s, Wednesday August 8. ‘Abbey of Lindores, Thursday, August 9. Tarried Friday. ‘St Andrew’s, Saturday, August 11. ‘Markinch, Sunday. August 12. ‘Dunfermline, Monday, August 13. ‘Stirling, Tuesday, August 14. Tarried Wednesday 15th. ‘Linlithgow, Thursday, August 16. ‘Edinburgh, Friday, August 17. Tarried Saturday 18th. ‘Haddington, Sunday, August 19. ‘Pykelton, near Dunbar, Monday, August 20. ‘Coldingham, Tuesday, August 21. ‘Berwick, Wednesday, August 22. ‘Having spent twenty one weeks in his expedition.’ 100 This grant included Argyle as well as Lorn. 101 This person was the chief of the ancient and warlike clan Gregor, and one of the few of the West Highland chiefs who took a part in the struggle for the independence of the country. He remained steady in his loyalty to Robert Bruce, who he is said to have rescued from John of Lorn at Dalreoch. On this occasion he was mounted on a milk-white steed. He afterwards harboured the King in a large cave near Cragcrastan, which is to this day called “Uagh na riogh”, or the King’s Cave, from which he crossed over and met the Earl of Lennox at Lochlomond. Malcolm fought at the Battle of Bannockburn, and is said to have been the person who brought the relict of St Fillan’s arm from the country of that name, then part of his property, to King Robert’s chaplain, who very adroitly passed it off for a miracle, and thereby excited the hopes and stimulated the valour of the army. So sensible was Bruce of this piece of service, that he founded a priory in honour of the saint in Strathfillan in 1314. Malcolm was much celebrated in the songs of the bards. He fought under King Edward Bruce in Ireland; and having received a wound at the battle of Dundalk, he retired home in consequence; and as he never entirely recovered, he was called ever after, “MÓrfhear bacach” or the lame lord. 102 The rock on which the castle stood, was then known, as it is to this day, by the name of Crag-an-Àradh, or the rock of the ladder. The Minstrel calls it Crage unyn. This deviation is extremely small, and more in the orthography than the orthoepy. The West-Highlanders pronounce crag-an-Àradh, nearly as if spelled craganari. The difference may have easily occurred in the act of transcribing. The mode of crossing the ravine as above described, was in use till the present road was made by government, when a bridge was substituted for the less commodious expedient of a ladder. 103 See Appendix, E. 104 Vol. ii. p. 297. 105 Vol. ii p. 197. 106 See Appendix, F. 107 The military genius of Bruce had not yet developed itself. Nothing can exhibit a greater contrast than the early and the later career of this illustrious individual. The indecision and inertness which mark his first appearance in public life, and the sublimity of heroism to which he afterwards attained, almost entitle him to be considered as the Cimon of Scottish history. 108 Some curious and authentic information on this subject may be found in vol. i. p. 252–260 of Tytler’s History of Scotland,—a valuable work at present in the course of publication. 109 “The vestiges of Tiber Castle, which has been a large building, are to be seen on the banks of the Nith. A small part of the wall next the river remains; fosses are visible; and some intrenchments, where it was most accessible. It is supposed that the barony of Tiber is named from Tiber, or Tiberius. There is a Roman encampment too. The English had a garrison in this castle, in the time of Sir William Wallace, who took it by surprise.”—Stat. Acc. Parish of Penpont, i. 209. 110 William de Warren was the son of John, Earl of Warren and Surrey (according to Dugdale), by Alice, daughter of Hugh le Brun, Count of March, uterine sister of Henry the Third. In 5th Edward I., he was sent into Wales on the King’s business. In 22d Edward I., he was employed in pressing ships in the southern and western counties, and in cutting down timber for the use of the Royal Navy, which was to rendezvous at Portsmouth. In 25th Edward I., he was taken prisoner by the Scots, on which occasion the King committed the care of his lands to his own attorney, William de Berquey. According to Dugdale, he had a claim, through his wife Mary, to the Isle of Man; but Edward having reserved the Island for his own use, it is uncertain what compensation, or, if any, was made. He appears to have allowed her, by the name of Regina ManniÆ, quondam uxor Domini William filii Warren, for her support, the value of 2 hogsheads wine, 40 quarters wheat, and 40 of malt, amounting to 31l. 6s. 8d., but on what account is not stated. William died during his father’s lifetime, leaving his wife enceinte of John, who succeeded his grandfather in his honours. See Observations on the Wardrobe of Edward I., page lviii. lix. 111 Wyntown, vol. ii, p. 97, and Fordun, Lib. xi. cap. xxix. 112 This system of warfare, from the following effusion, appears also to have met the approbation of the immortal Bruce:— “Scotica sit guerra pedites, mons, mossica terra: SilvÆ pro muris sint, arcus, et hasta securis. Per loca stricta greges munientur. Plana perignes Sic inflammentur, ut ab hostibus evacuentur. InsidiÆ vigiles sint, noctu vociferantes. Sic male turbati redient velutF ense fugati Hostes pro certo, sic regÆ docente Roberto.” Scottish version, ex edit. Hearn. On fut suld be all Scottis weire, Be hyll and mosse thaim self to weire. Lat wod for wallis be bow and speire, That innymeis do thaim na dreire. In strait placis gar keip all stoire, And byrnen the planen land thaim before: Thanen sall thai pass away in haist, Quhen that they find nathing bot waist. With wyllis and wakenen of the nicht, And mekill noyes maid on hycht. Thanen sall they turnen with gret affrai, As thai were chasit with several away. This is the counsall and intent. Of gud King Robert’s testament. F Famis ense MSS. Cupr. and Perth.—See Fordun, vol. ii. p. 232. [Edin. Ed. 1775.] 113 The grettast Lordis of oure land Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 96. 114 See Appendix G. 115 Langtoft partly attributes the loss of this battle to the indolence of the English general. The return of so considerable a body of troops, on account of their not being supported by the rest of the army, would no doubt encourage the Scots, and perhaps suggested to their leader the admirable manoeuvre which he afterwards put in practice. 116 Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 297. 117 This man, though a brave soldier, it seems, was no swimmer. Being advised by some of his companions to throw himself into the river, he replied, “It shall never be said of me, that I did voluntarily drown myself. God forbid, that such a dishonour should fall upon me, or any Englishman;” and, setting spurs to his horse, rushed into the thick of the battle, killing many of his opponents, and was fast making his way to the bridge, when he was called to by his nephew, who was wounded, to save him. “Get up and follow me,” was the answer. “Alas! I am weak, and cannot,” returned the other. Sir Marmaduke’s squire dismounted, and placed him behind his uncle, who brought him off in safety to Stirling Castle, where they both found refuge. Notwithstanding this unfortunate expedition, Sir Marmaduke returned the following year to the Scottish wars. He was also engaged 29th and 32d Edw. I. and 1st Edw. II., and died 16th Edw. II., leaving issue by Isabel, his wife, William, his son and heir. He himself succeeded Robert de Twenge, to Cleveland and other possessions in the North of Yorkshire.—Dugdale. 118 P.F. Tytler, Esq. 119 Among those who distinguished themselves in this memorable engagement, there is reason to believe that the burgesses of Stirling, and the tenants of the Abbey-Alands at Cambuskenneth, were particularly active; and it is supposed, that, from their behaviour on this occasion, they were allowed to assume an allusion to the battle in the town’s seal, which, after the date of the above transaction, displayed on the obverse a bridge, composed of seven arches; in the centre appeared a crucifix, on the south side of which stand three soldiers with bows, (the national weapon of the English), endeavouring to force the passage, and on the north side are the same number of soldiers, armed with spears, the characteristic weapon of the Scots. The legend is, “HÍc armis Bruti Scoti stant, hÍc crucie tuti.” 120 See also an interesting paper on this subject, in The Edinburgh Literary Journal, No. 70. 121 Notes to “Wallace.” 122 In Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i. p. 426. In this memoir all the statements are taken from Surtees’ History of Durham, excepting where other authorities are cited. 123 Royal Wills, p. 18, and Testamenta Vetusta, p. 8. 124 Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i, p. 426. 125 Le Neve’s Fasti EcclesiÆ AnglicanÆ, p. 353. 126 Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 224. 127 Wyntown states the same thing; and the words he puts in the mouth of the subtile ecclesiastic are highly complimentary to the spirit and military talents of Bruce, against the consequences of which he effectually succeeded in awakening the apprehensions of Edward.—Vide, vol. ii. p. 45–46. 128 Robert de Gledstanes, who was elected Bishop of Durham in 1333, but was set aside by the Pope, and died soon afterwards. His labours are preserved in the Cottonian MS. Titus, A. ii. 129 “Habuit de familia sua xxvj. vexillarios.” Bannerets were most probably meant. 130 Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 102, et seq. 131 This passage probably meant, that among the Bishop’s followers there were thirty-nine bannerets. 132 Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i. p. 426. 133 During one of Edward’s progresses to Scotland, a palfrey belonging to the royal train threw and killed its rider; and Anthony seized the palfrey as a deodand: “dedeins sa fraunchise roiale.” 134 He gave 40s. for as many fresh herrings, “Aliis magnatibus tune in Parliamento ibi consistentibus pro nimi caristi emere non curantibus.” Grayst. c. 14. On another occasion, hearing one say, “this cloth is so dear, that even Bishop Anthony would not venture to pay for it;” he immediately ordered it to be bought and cut up into horse-cloths.—Ibid. 135 “CastissimÈ vixit, vix mulierum faciem fixis oculis aspiciens; unde in translatione S. Willelmi Eboracensis cum alii Episcopi ossa ejus timerent tangere, remordente eos conscienti de virginitate amissÂ, iste audacter manus imposuit; et quod negotium poposcit reverenter egit.”—Ibid. 136 “Quietis impatiens vix ultra unum somnum in lecto expectans, dixit illum non esse hominem qui in lecto de latere in latus se verteret.”—Ibid. 137 “In nullo loco mansurus, continuÈ circuibat de manerio in manerium, de austro in boream; et equorum, canum et avium sectator.”—Ibid. And here one cannot avoid being reminded of the satirical lines of Piers Plowman: “And piked a boute on palfrays: fro place to maners Have an hepe of houndes at his ers: as he a Lord were.” Bishop-Middleham, then a fortress of the first class, appears, from the date of several charters, to have been Anthony Bek’s chief residence within the county of Durham. The reasons which led to this preference are obvious. Defended by a morass on two sides, and by broken ground to the north, the fortress presented an almost impregnable stronghold during the wars of the Border, whilst Auckland lay bare and defenceless, on the direct route of Scottish invasion. It is no wonder that, in after times, Middleham was deserted for the green glades of Auckland. The following lines are extracted from an inedited poem on the “Superstitions of the North.” “There Valour bowed before the rood and book, And kneeling Knighthood served a Prelate Lord; Yet little deigned he on such train to look, Or glance of ruth or pity to afford. There time has heard the peal rung out by night, Has seen from every tower the cressets stream: When the red bale-fire on yon western height, Had roused the Warder from his fitful dream; Has seen old Durham’s lion-banner float O’er the proud bulwark, that, with giant pride, And feet deep plunged amidst the circling moat, The efforts of the roving Scot defied. “Long rolling years have swept those scenes away, And peace is on the mountain and the fell; And rosy dawn, and closing twilight gray, But hears the distant sheep-walk’s tinkling bell. And years have fled since last the gallant deer Sprung from yon covert at the thrilling horn: Yet still, when Autumn shakes the forest sear, Black Hugo’s voice upon the blast is borne. Woe to the wight who shall his ire provoke, When the stern huntsman stalks his nightly round, By blasted ash, or lightning-shivered oak, And cheers with surly voice his spectre hound.” Of this black Hugh, take the following legendary account:—“Sir Anthon Bek, Busshop of Dureme in the tyme of King Eduarde, the son of King Henry, was the maist prowd and masterfull Busshop in all England; and it was com’only said that he was the prowdest Lord in Christienty. It chanced that, emong other lewd persons, this Sir Anthon entertained at his court one Hugh de Pountchardon, that for his evill deeds and manifold robberies had been driven out of the Inglische Court, and had come from the southe to seek a little bread, and to live by stalynge. And to this Hughe, whom also he imployed to good purpose in the warr of Scotland, the Busshop gave the lande of Thikley, since of him caulied Thikley-Pountchardon, and also made him his chief huntsman. And after, this blake Hugh dyed afore the Busshop: and efter that the Busshop chasid the wild hart in Galtres forest, and sodainly ther met with him Hugh de Pontchardon that was afore deid, on a wythe horse; and the said Hugh loked earnestly on the Busshop, and the Busshop said unto him, ‘Hughe, what makethe thee here?’ and he spake never word, but lifte up his cloke, and then he shewed Sir Anton his ribbes set with bones, and nothing more; and none other of the varlets saw him but the Busshop only; and the said Hughe went his way, and Sir Anton toke corage, and cheered the dogges; and shortly efter he was made Patriarque of Hierusalem, and he sawe nothing no moe; and this Hughe is him that the silly people in Galtres doe call Le gros Venour, and he was seen twice efter that by simple folk, afore that the forest was felled in the tyme of Henry, father of King Henry that now ys.” 138 “Sed ipso mortuo Radulphus filius Willelmi Dominus de Graystoke patronatum prÆfatÆ EcclesiÆ per litem, obtinuit; et presentato per ipsum per Episcopum admisso et instituto, capella indotota remansit.”—Grayst. c. 22. The patronage still remains with the heir of Greystoke. 139 Castrum de Somerton curiosissimÉ Ædificavit.—Grayst. c. 22. 140 Ibid. 141 “Ante illum enim ob reverentiam corporis S. Cuthberti non est permissum corpus mortuum ingredi ecclesiam Dunelmensem.” Anthony Bek was, therefore, the first who dared to bring “A slovenly, unhandsome corse, Betwixt the wind and his nobility.” 142 If, however, the funeral of the patriarch Bishop was conducted with the same solemnities as that of his successor Cardinal Langley, the breaking an entrance through the wall was a matter of necessity rather than superstition, for Langley’s hearse was drawn into the nave of the cathedral by four stately black horses, which, with all their housings of velvet, become the official perquisite of the sacrist. 143 John Hay Allan, Esq. 144 MacPhadian’s. 145 In this instance, it would rather seem that Henry has merely preserved the name as he found it latinized by Blair. 146 Book vii. l. 660. 147 Book vii. l. 674. 148 King’s highway. 149 N.H. Nicolas, Esq. 150 Vol. i. p. 218. 151 See some Remarks on the Titles and Surname of this Earl in the ArchÆologia, vol. xxi. p. 195, 196. 152 P. 327. 153 Vide Siege of Carlaverock, edited by N.H. Nicolas, Esq. 154 Foedera, N.E. Vol. II. p. 203. The following translation may be acceptable to some readers.
155 Siege of Carlaverock, by Walter of Exeter. 156 Vide, Siege of Carlaverock, edited by N.H. Nicolas, Esq. | ||||||||||||||||||
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