It is natural that States which feel an incessant desire of increasing, should not retain the inflexible principles of upright and generous policy in their diplomatic system. Every time they feel stifled, they strive for more space and the means of more extended respiration; and such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian monarchy, from the time of its foundation, which may be said to have taken place unexpectedly, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. At this period the Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner was the kingdom established than it wanted to become great; for more room is required to unfold the sweeping train of a King, than to wear the robes merely of a Duke or a Margrave.

This necessity for augmentation created a national law peculiar to Prussia; and looking at nothing but the necessities of her position, she seized every thing she could lay her hands upon. Frederic II. carried on this system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by no principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have but one object in view, which was, to attack at one time Poland, and at another Silesia, for the purpose of conquering cities and provinces. On this account he availed himself of all means of distinction, striving for the celebrity of a writer and the pretension of a poet; even making the most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical party of the eighteenth century. When we examine into the actual constitution of Prussia, as well as into that she formerly possessed, we shall observe that her organisation has always been such as to render conquest imperatively necessary; even at present is not the kingdom like a lean giant, armed at all points, whose head is at KÖnigsberg and his feet dipped in the Rhine, but whose middle is wanting? and the country that is required to complete the picture, is it not Saxony?

It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political system, that I am about to write the life of Baron, afterwards Prince Hardenberg, the most remarkable statesman that has been at the head of affairs in the monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron Hardenberg, was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls to the recollection the origin of the kings of England. Hanover preserves its German character under a separate administration, although it belongs to the patrimonial inheritance of the princes called to wear the English crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded by the English, a people so tenacious of their liberty, in order to avoid the chance of fatal continental wars, to defend the patrimony of their sovereign—a contingency their constitution will not permit.

Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient family, carried back by the old heraldic traditions as far as the eleventh century, at the time of the Emperors of the house of Suabia; he was himself the son of a marshal of the empire, and went to the military university of Brunswick with the intention of following his father's profession. The bent of his inclinations, however, appeared to be different, and while he applied his mind to the severest studies, he felt a strong vocation for a diplomatic life, and his curiosity led him always to endeavour to discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in history were actuated. He afterwards went to travel, gaining knowledge while visiting the different parts of Europe, and arrived in London at the time when Mr. Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover, as I have before mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial inheritance of the reigning family, Baron Hardenberg, though not an English subject, was naturally desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the laws and customs which form a national law peculiar to England, and with which every British subject ought to be acquainted. But England was the scene of his greatest domestic infelicity; for having in early youth married the most beautiful woman in Germany, Mademoiselle de Randlaw, he introduced her into the brilliant society and dissipation of London, and she was received with an almost chivalric enthusiasm in the highest circles.

A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn his character of Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to the throne of England, remarkable for his personal beauty, magnificent in his equipages, and accomplished in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to his admiration, that a separation became inevitable; the Baron therefore quitted England and returned to Germany. He already gave evidence of three qualities denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect necessary in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of conversation, alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or vehement, according to circumstances; and a most profound knowledge of European national law—talents which naturally fitted him for a high diplomatic situation: nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself up entirely to the details of the administration of the country—a circumstance in which he resembled William Pitt, who was at the same time a first-rate politician and attentive to the smallest minutiÆ regarding war and finance. His perfect acquaintance with the laws of Germany was a great assistance to him, when he was summoned to the supreme direction of the affairs of Prussia.

Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his strong and decided taste for literature; and his intimate friendship with GoËthe, who exercised such absolute dominion over the intellects of his time, arose from this source. This was not one of the relations of protector and protÉgÉ; for in Germany, where matters of genius and study are viewed in a serious light, a man of literary celebrity is placed almost in a superior rank, and he is not only on a footing of equality with statesmen, but sometimes even in a position of master and scholar. What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by GoËthe over Germany! The poet who had shewn such incomparable skill in his delineation of the feudal ages, appeared to blend in his escutcheon of glory all the ancient colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude of Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration, produced great and uncommon results: first, an expansion of mind arising from the habit of treating important affairs; then, a close application to detail, arising from his employment in the executive administration; and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind, the consequence of the literary intercourse he had pursued with enthusiasm during his youth.

We must recollect what was at that time the spirit that prevailed in Prussia, and also the bent of its government. In addition to her never-failing desire of conquest, there is always in that country a certain inclination for serious study, and a wish for the advancement of ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters connected with the government, the discussion of philosophical and rational questions is entirely unshackled; religious opinions also are independent of any controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having introduced a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it results that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, is admitted and examined without regard to the chivalrous feelings that attach a people to a dynasty, or a generation to the articles of their faith.

It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were formed, more especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion to the study of German law had given him a precise and accurate manner of examining facts, without being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and when the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which was foremost to join the coalition, saw a new class of statesmen arise to oppose the chivalrous spirit of the nobility, and place the check of cool reason upon the ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of the secretary M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, who were even well inclined towards the revolutionary powers that then reigned in France; he had less inclination than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he considered that the object of his cabinet could not possibly be to act as a knight-errant in defence of certain political opinions, but rather to endeavour to acquire a great influence in Germany, at the expense of Austria, and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia was not immediately threatened by the principles and ideas of the French revolution, he considered it very important to reap all possible advantage from the new situation of events.

This rendered him the most active partisan of the treaty of Basle, though he was not at first engaged in it by name; for that very difficult negotiation was originally undertaken by Count Goltz with M. BarthÉlemy; but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first commencement of his being really actively employed in public affairs. His manners were singularly pleasing to the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai, who thought them like those of a marquis of the old school, with intelligence, ease, and a method of action free from prepossession or prejudice, even with regard to democratic opinions. The committee of public safety treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine service of SÈvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties under the old monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic presents used to take place among plenipotentiaries.

In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron Hardenberg was less actuated by French principles than by the firm conviction that the treaty of Basle tended to realizing the two most constant and deeply-rooted feelings of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over Germany, and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted the system of German neutrality, which influenced the interests of the country, and to a certain degree excited Germany against Austria; and for this purpose he made use of France, considering it of little consequence whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular object in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on that point. There were two questions to be particularly considered in the French revolution: if it had confined itself to measures that merely regarded its own internal condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas nor interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have been successful; but neither the committee of the convention nor the directory had any respect for fixed principles. Baron Hardenberg had established neutrality in part of Germany; how was it observed when the republican army required again to pass the Rhine? Did it trouble itself concerning the principles laid down by the Prussian minister, and the territorial line of the neutrality? When entering into a treaty with a government, the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the general principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however, had assumed too egotistical a position; indeed she carried her system to such a pitch, that the minister interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they should augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed before the ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's mind afterwards expanded, and he saw there were other circumstances to be attended to, besides the antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a general social revolution had taken place.

After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was in habits of the greatest intimacy with the ministers of the French republic, Baron Hardenberg returned to Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the order of the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded. The direction of foreign affairs was still, however, in the hands of Count Haugwitz, a friend of Countess Lichtenau, and the secretary Lombard, and Baron Hardenberg being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration of the principalities of Bayreuth and Anspach was again conferred upon him. This was a recreation to the diplomatist, who was glad to seek repose from political theories in the executive government of a principality, which he may be said to have added to Prussia. In Germany statesmen like to be men of business, and even in retirement their life is one of labour and study.

Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business during the life of Frederic William II.; his private opinions had been a little modified, and he was not quite so decided in his approval of the convention of Basle, since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and arbitrary application made by the republicans of its principles in Germany. Nothing had been awarded to Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite of the promises of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty, which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had no connexion with the negotiations carried on by M. Caillard, when an endeavour was made to place Prussia in a new attitude, and produce a great degree of intimacy between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence until the accession of the young prince Frederic William, when, being attached to the young queen, Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and chivalrous devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed did all those who were within the circle of her almost magical influence. What a grand though melancholy existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina, queen of Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz and of Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the enthusiastic and visionary feelings natural to her country, she exercised, at the age of scarcely twenty years, the most holy, as well as the most absolute influence over her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to centre upon her. She introduced a more noble and elevated feeling into the selfish system of politics hitherto adopted by Prussia; and being as it were queen of the students and of the universities, she was the origin and the hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under her influence, Baron Hardenberg took charge of the ministry for foreign affairs, shortly after the commencement of the consulate. In the midst of the various coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she shewed herself perfectly willing to agree to all required by the First Consul, and the insinuations made by Buonaparte to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to abdicate, were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper degree of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it ought to increase, rather than diminish, where illustrious sufferers are concerned.

The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still farther strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia, Napoleon appointed Marshal Duroc, his confidential friend, to represent him at Berlin. It was rather a difficult moment, as war was about again to resound in Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria to take the field, rendering it a matter of very great importance to create a suitable post for Prussia; Baron Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned to the head of affairs, as the representative of a middle system then beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence of the Queen of Prussia. He was attached at the same time to English principles, and to the politics of France and Germany, and was under the necessity of instituting a close comparison among the various interests and influences presented to his view; he, however, detached himself from the debased political system pursued by Count Haugwitz. His great fault on this occasion was his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was equal to his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia now, to ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at a future period.

The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of Berlin against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of Hardenberg's, on the violation of the Prussian territory, an extraordinary dereliction of the law of nations, which had given extreme offence to the court and to the people. "His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does not know with which he has most cause to be astonished, the violence the French armies have chosen to commit in his territories, or the incomprehensible arguments by which it is pretended to justify them. His majesty, properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to his power as to his character, has read, with feelings he would in vain endeavour to conceal, the justificatory despatches that have been sent by the French legation to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of the former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the proceedings then permitted had not been founded upon exactly defined treaties, which ceased with the peace! as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these treaties in mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country which by these same treaties had been for many long years under the protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions is made a pretext, as if our intentions were not, in this instance, proved by the actual fact; and as if the nature of the affair could be altered without any previous stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient publicity with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it was unnecessary he should mention! And as if I had not myself, with the map in my hand, declared long before, in my conferences with M. le MarÉchal Duroc, and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any troops to march through the margraviate! The king considers himself, from this time forth, set free from all the engagements he has formed, and feels under the necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position necessary for the defence of the state." The Emperor Napoleon was greatly offended by this despatch, and the firm language in which it was couched; but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms with the cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the coalition.

By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia was likely to derive the advantage of being on friendly terms, even with the parties opposed to Napoleon; and there were English, Austrian, and Russian ministers at Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in communication.

According to the principles and the precedents of the court of Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of the British crown, was, nevertheless, under the protection of the German neutrality; such, however, was not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated against England; and more than one violation of territory had already shewn that the powerful Emperor would not consider the respect due to the rights of neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle to his success.

Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment was at hand, for the Russian and Austrian armies were advancing against Napoleon. According to his usual custom, the impetuous military chieftain of France had ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if Prussia had then declared herself, it would have been all over with him, as with 150,000 men on his flank, his position would have been utterly lost; and to obtain this object the most pressing negotiations were going on at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, and Austria a larger share of territory, even in Poland. Hardenberg's opinion was to decide at once, but was his influence always predominant in the midst of so much corruption? Among those who sided with him was the noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous Prince Louis of Prussia; but he had to contend with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and the Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the French cabinet. The system of a supine neutrality, therefore, carried the day, and the utmost Hardenberg could obtain was permission to assure England that they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far as to allow a passage to the English troops, should they be attacked or pursued by Napoleon.

On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter to Lord Harrowby, in which rather a remarkable view was taken of the neutrality; a certain inclination towards the opinions and sentiments of the coalition appeared to filter through it, with a considerable degree of irritation with regard to the French cabinet, which had already failed to respect the Prussian neutrality.

Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a positive decision, which would have placed Prussia in the first rank among nations, for 150,000 men directed against the flank of Napoleon would have secured the victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of the wonders achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a gambler on an immense scale! His eagle threw the dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, besides this, did he not always quarrel with characters inclined to temporise, and who delayed declaring themselves until victory had decided in favour of one of the parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to assume a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia were going to treat with the Emperor of the French on a common footing?

Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron Hardenberg became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was he not considered as the representative of the warlike party and the opponent of Napoleon? How could the minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate before Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon for having assumed, however slightly, an attitude of independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was incapable of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by dictating articles for the Moniteur, pronouncing thus a sentence against statesmen whom he wished to get rid of. Buonaparte was an excellent pamphleteer, and, when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this manner to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general. M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, and send it afterwards to the official newspaper, according to his original profession of a journalist; he, also, possessed a certain knack for composition.

Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the capricious abuse of the Emperor, in consequence of a despatch full of impartiality which he had addressed to Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. A word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was sufficient to procure the dismissal of the minister, and, having retired from the cabinet, he the very same day repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who had accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am proud," said he, "of the esteem and confidence of the sovereign and people of Prussia; I am proud of the opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with great satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among them. I am not a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I will yield in patriotism to no native of that country; and I have obtained a right to assert this fact, both by my services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not a soldier, I feel that I should not have proved unworthy, had fate summoned me to bear arms in defence of my sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety, and honour of the state."

There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as uttered by a man who had given up the direction of affairs, without the hope of resuming it. He resigned his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the influence of the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard, and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian army, and the enthusiasm of the universities, he retired into the country, like a man to whom the present time is devoid of interest. Some very significant proceedings, however, were going on in Prussia; the government had adopted extremely moderate measures, and both the king and the cabinet were desirous of maintaining the conditions of the French alliance: but there was a movement among the people, an energetic expression of national feeling, which would not allow this condition of quiet and peace to be maintained in the state.

This double situation affords an explanation of the events, and many of the faults, of this period; the tergiversations of the cabinet, which appeared constantly to have an inclination towards public opinion, and then again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned to their former dread of the Emperor. At length the king, pressed by the people, roused himself, and manifested a chivalrous disposition in accordance with the spirit of the nation, and more especially of the universities; and it reached such a pitch, that, after the retirement of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a hasty and adventurous manner, and without sufficiently calculating the course they were to pursue. And who was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both creatures of Napoleon! One would have said treachery was already determined upon.

Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no praise be too great for that admirable military movement directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz. But were these splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and energetic courage of the imperial army? had not a series of faults been committed by their opponents? and were those who directed the cabinet of Berlin perfectly faithful and devoted to the interests of Prussia? After the disasters of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen Louisa and the Emperor Alexander, was again placed at the head of foreign affairs, for an inclination to resist the power of France had now sprung up. This new situation of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires some explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate union, which at a later period led to the ruin of the French empire. The dissatisfaction before entertained by the cabinet of St. Petersburg against Prussia proceeded entirely from the position of indifferent neutrality assumed by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and Russia to induce the cabinet of Berlin to break through this mischievous situation had met with a refusal, for neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle of the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory to see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, though at the eleventh hour, for her position by that means became clear and decided; and it was of little consequence if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign of Jena, provided the spirit of their government was in favour of war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour capable of supporting the coalesced cabinets.

Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of the alliance between Russia and Prussia. Frederic William having been obliged to evacuate Berlin, had fallen back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian troops, and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry snows, the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of Prussisch-Eylau, where first paled the star of Napoleon! Friedland, however, saved the audacious eagle, as Austerlitz had preserved it two years before, and treaties were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? Who describe the cold sarcastic conduct of the fortunate soldier towards the heroic queen, the idol of the universities?

Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, resigned his portfolio to the new cabinet formed by Napoleon, from which every mind possessed of any degree of independence or elevation was excluded. Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed in every direction by military roads; the whole population of some districts was carried away by the generals of Buonaparte, with blows and violence; the universities were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last extremity; while such heavy military contributions were imposed, that they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned crown, and even his plough and his oxen. People must not treat a country thus, when they are desirous of governing it; they should recollect that the superiority of a power does not result from violence, but from the moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.

But at the side of the public government of Prussia, bowed down before the wrath and violence of Napoleon, a number of secret associations had been brought into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors; and taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only awaited a crisis for vengeance. After the death of their noble-hearted queen these associations greatly increased, and the most eminent among the patriots, as well as the statesmen out of favour, participated in them, for the salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable that Hardenberg was the mind of this national conspiracy, as Blucher and Gneisenau were its sword; this secret and magnificent undertaking, this moral resistance, advanced with indescribable and undeviating energy, during the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon, Hardenberg was again destined to receive a mark of confidence from his sovereign, and the government of Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider this to have been the most critical period for Northern Germany; the provinces, constantly traversed by French troops, were completely in the power of their generals, and that fine country was now nothing but a magazine of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops. In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister applied himself particularly to reinstating some little degree of order in the complicated administration of Prussia; he relieved the people as far as it was possible, and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army, firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not have permitted, but by a military system which constantly summoned the young soldiers to their duties, and then shortly afterwards restored them to their families and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a fine army in preparation for future events, at a very moderate expense. The system of military reserves is essentially Prussian, because it realizes the double idea of a considerable army in time of war, and a limited contingent during peace; by this means every Prussian is a soldier.

If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some little degree of respect, if he even called for the concurrence of Baron Hardenberg, it was because, being then almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign against Russia, he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an auxiliary; and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by means of their favourite minister. And here a question may be asked, of great importance to history. How came Hardenberg to affix his signature to the secret treaty which placed the Prussian army under the orders of Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered into the alliance? or had he only signed it with the determination of breaking through its conditions at the first check experienced by the French arms? It is necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there were no discussions, no considering the various clauses of a treaty; and the correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan with M. Maret, with the notes and explanations of the Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are sufficient to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous on this occasion: every thing was submitted to from the most imperious necessity; there was no choice given of acceptance or refusal, but Prussia placed her army and her treasury at the disposal of the conqueror, because he had said, It is my will.

Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did no gleam of hope remain? In politics, no alliances are durable but those resting upon a perfect agreement of views and interests. When two people unite because they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual esteem and regard for each other, because they reciprocally afford and receive important services, then, depend upon it, these alliances are durable, these treaties will be carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary, a people vanquished and humbled—a king of Prussia, the descendant of Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret insolently writes, "that he must sign a military and diplomatic convention, under pain of captivity;" does such a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention which delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty between friends and allies? or could the plan which parcelled out the Prussian army, into divisions under French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or durable proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only be momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with the decline of power it must come to an end.

In addition to this, the Prussian government could no longer control the people of Germany, indignant at the humiliations they were called upon to submit to. That Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings of the secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it less certain that he permitted their developement, in order afterwards to avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument against the oppression of France; but a circumstance one cannot comprehend is, that it should not have occurred even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan, and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the first reverse experienced by the grand army, all these alliances would be got rid of, as something troublesome and offensive—in fact, as a yoke to be cast off. To what a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited an alliance with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg, the principal negotiator, had received a cold refusal! Was it possible all this should be forgotten? On one side was the recollection of their young and heroic queen, who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public papers, and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other, was a people ground down by oppression, but undertaking its own preparations for the day of independence; while to the insolence of the chief we must add all the harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in levying contributions. I do not wish here to mention proper names, but if any men are still living who were then employed in the local administration of Prussia, let them speak, and say, whether the system to which Prussia was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in spite of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general rising in Europe? and whether it was not natural the conflagration of Moscow should be succeeded by other flames?

The most important events in Prussia commenced from this period. The fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded, the French army, a miserable swarm of fugitives, fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately traversed under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald was compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga, and the brave and faithful chief brought back with him the Prussians, especially the division of York, long under the influence of the principles inculcated by Schill. News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to fight, and General York addressed a respectful letter to the Marshal, declaring his intention of maintaining a perfect neutrality with the Russian armies. This defection extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact, both officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with the doctrines of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies; and Prussia, ripe for independence, obtained it at last: a bright dawn had begun to appear, and wherefore should she not avail herself of it?

Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let us now inquire what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted by Baron Hardenberg. He had evidently been well acquainted with the existence of the secret societies, and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of February, which gave a military organisation to the Tugendbund, were drawn up and signed by him; and admirable indeed were these patriotic papers, calling upon all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence of the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to understand the pitch excitement had now reached in Germany; all the young men between the ages of seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms, and form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been worn by Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded with a leathern belt, and the little cap usually worn by students. No youth could be married unless he had performed this service, nor could he fill any public situation unless he had discharged his duty to his country; without this there was no hope for him, either in the path of ambition or of love. The patriotic edicts were signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous of placing himself at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They were thus worded:—"The dangers with which the state is threatened demand an immediate augmentation of our military force, at the same time that the state of our finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for their attachment to their king and country, and they require nothing to direct them to a determined object but a favourable occasion, which may enable our brave youth to display the courage which leads them to join the ranks of the ancient defenders of their native land, and acquit themselves at their side, of their first and noblest duties. It is with this object, that his majesty has been pleased to command the formation of detachments of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions of infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the army is composed, so as to summon to military service those classes of the inhabitants of the country who are not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose means permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own expense, and to serve the state in a manner compatible with their situation regarding the civil government. It will also afford an opportunity to young men of education to distinguish themselves, and become some day clever officers, or non-commissioned officers."

The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and up in arms. At the same time Baron Hardenberg was engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret, who did not perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following the stream—that it was, in fact, no longer the king who governed, but the people, and that the people were boiling with indignation. Generally speaking, the functionaries of the empire did not attach sufficient importance to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, were too great people, men of too illustrious birth, as every one is aware, and they looked down upon the mass of the nation! These men, born of the people, raised by them—some being old newspaper-writers, others scriveners, or retired attorneys—considered themselves, by the grace of God, such great lords and princes, that they paid no attention to the vast power which gives laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg wrote that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance, even after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind was quite at ease on the subject of Prussia; and the diplomatic despatches give sufficient evidence of the perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the approaching movement at Berlin: they did not observe that fresh ideas were becoming developed, and that the cabinet was no longer master of the country. "What is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to the Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to Paris, bearing soothing words. "Prussia is desirous of maintaining peace, and the French alliance is pleasing to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read this note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which describes perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation M. Maret had not understood:—"It has occurred to the king, that nothing would more advance the great work than a truce, according to which the French and Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and establish lines of demarcation, leaving an intervening country. Would his imperial majesty be willing to enter into such an arrangement? Would he consent to resign the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, and of Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly with the Saxon troops, as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), to the troops of the king, and withdraw his army beyond the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander should withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire into the intentions of his imperial majesty on this head; and he has made similar proposals to the Emperor Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely from himself, and which can in no way compromise the resolution which your sovereign, his imperial majesty, may come to on this point. According to what is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his ulterior proceedings."

Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, matters were, nevertheless, in a state of progression. In her first position, the situation of Prussia was that of an ally; in the second, that of a neutral power: would she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor Alexander at Breslau decided the king upon following the popular movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced in favour of the coalition; information being conveyed to M. Maret, in a paper drawn up by Hardenberg, that Prussia had declared war. This remarkable exposition of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, more especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of violations of the various clauses of the treaty, and recollections of the harsh rule of the French generals. One circumstance, however, is omitted, although it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian minister, viz. that the country was weary of foreign dominion. The Tugendbund had arisen, like an ancient German warrior, armed at all points.

Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by a second, addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, who transmitted it to M. Maret. "The Emperor of Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship to Prussia, while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even having condescended to enter into any explanation with her. Prussia has endured all the insolence unsparingly heaped upon her by the conqueror; all her fortified places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the country. These circumstances render further hesitation impossible; honour commands us to draw the sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable and advantageous peace has been obtained."

Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element; his original inclinations bound him to Russia and the Emperor Alexander, and he rejoiced in seeing the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time forward, all the efforts of the minister were directed to the developement, and organisation of the secret societies. His object was to give a heroic impulse to Germany, and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved to see nothing but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance from the tyranny of Napoleon; he encouraged the young men to carol patriotic songs, and excited them to march boldly to battle, without any distinction being made between the civilian and the soldier.

Then were seen universities rising en masse, and the professors themselves leading their pupils to the battle of the giants. The engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen have never been considered in a point of view which would invest them with a melancholy interest. The flower of both countries was there opposed to each other; the conscripts of the empire, from the age of eighteen to twenty-one years, and the students of the universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen Louisa, the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two years. In the midst of these noble squadrons were heard the thunders of 1500 pieces of artillery, tearing their youthful and tender bodies, carrying off heads, mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered, for they were fighting for their country, their common mother.

During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not neglect liberal concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm of the people. Germany, so heavily oppressed, thirsted after liberty, and when the people were giving such pledges to the government, it was but just the government, in return, should do something for the people. In Prussia there is a spirit essentially of organisation, a constant want of improvement and progress. All the acts of Hardenberg at this period were impressed with a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal administrations, all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility and clergy were annulled, and, following the ideas of the economic school, wardenships and the freedom of cities were abolished. By some acts of the cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia, although it is hardly possible to believe they could ever have thought seriously of such a thing for a country whose interests and opinions were so disjointed as those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was regarded by the whole world as a great despot; the power raised to oppose him must of necessity be the spirit of liberty; and every national feeling rose in arms, because the season of oppression must be brought to a close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements naturally were entered into and promises made. To a people capable of such noble daring, great concessions might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg only followed the impulse that had been given; he pressed the hand of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because their names, like that of Suwarow in Russia, were the symbol of the country in arms.

See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous defeat at Leipsic—the Victory of the Nations! Yes! it was indeed there, the nations overcame the terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the dust! It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden, but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the people and the governments from that giant hand. Accustomed as we are to place the character of Napoleon in the highest rank, we will not understand that he was the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing the reaction of two fatal ideas—the recollection of our conquests and of our disorganising principles.

After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg did not for a moment quit the head-quarters of the Allies: he also represented Prussia at the congress of ChÂtillon. From this moment, in all the diplomatic proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia always manifested the strongest animosity against the French Emperor; she hoped for great reprisals, and would undoubtedly have obtained them, had not the general inclination in Europe for peace, and the exclusive and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander, swayed the negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris, and the restoration of the Bourbons. All the political transactions were signed by Hardenberg, from his having been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred upon him the title of Prince; and he was invested with that high dignity when he accompanied the sovereigns to England.

The sight of the palace of St. James's must have awakened melancholy feelings in his mind; in his youth he had there experienced domestic sorrow, and been agitated by contending passions; for he had been the lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most beautiful woman in Germany: she had been lost to him through the means of the Prince of Wales, and her seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five years have been passed in political agitations and tempests, the heart has been worn out by emotion, and but little room is left for recollections of enmity and vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented to the Prince Regent, who received him with marked attention; and the past only recurred to their minds, like one of those views which scarcely leave a trace in the memory.

From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna, to be present at the meeting of the great congress, and he had the honour of seeing the immense aggrandisement of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties. She now became the kingdom most immediately in an offensive position, and was placed in the situation of an advanced post in the coalition against France. Those who have investigated the spirit of Europe in the remodelling which took place in 1815, can easily perceive that the whole system of politics was directed against our country, whose influence had caused the most dreadful agitations in all the world during the last thirty years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary war had almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now received such a territorial organisation, as to render it necessary she should henceforth be the first to engage in war. This long strip of land, which has one extremity on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must necessarily strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and in this manner the neutrality was avoided, which had occasioned a degree of torpor in Europe during the revolution.

An implacable hatred again burst forth, when news arrived at the congress of the landing of Napoleon: the young students had but just returned to the universities, the landwehr and landsturm, disbanded but yesterday, were called to resume their arms on the morrow; and the closest alliance was renewed in Europe, so as to march at once against Napoleon, who, like an adventurous soldier, threw himself almost immediately into Belgium and the Rhenish provinces. In this military movement, which threatened Prussia, Prince Hardenberg was compelled again to appeal to the national troops, who had shed their blood on the fields of Lutzen and Bautzen. The same spirit was still found in full strength and vigour; Blucher was at the head of the Prussian contingent at Waterloo; they fought with the utmost fury, and victory having decided in their favour on that plain, fatal to the last hopes of Napoleon, the northern provinces of France were soon inundated with enemies. In all the proclamations of Hardenberg, and all his acts calling Germany to arms, a deadly hatred, a rancorous degree of vengeance against France was manifested, in order to rouse the courage and the powerful energy of the old Prussian monarchy. This irritation was conspicuous at every step taken by the German troops on the French territory; they appeared desirous of at once taking vengeance for all the humiliations they had undergone during the last ten years. Waterloo was not sufficient to appease the anger excited by Jena; the recollection of the oppressive dominion of the French was fresh in every heart; and it must be confessed, the most rancorous and vindictive during the war were not the regular troops, the soldiers devoid of mind or imagination, but the young men from the universities, the landwehr and the landsturm: it was the fair-haired Germans, with the short frock and leathern belt, the admirers of Schiller and GoËthe, and, more than all, the noble worshippers of the Queen of Prussia, who came to claim the spoils of France; for the revered image of the heroic Louisa, oppressed and calumniated by Napoleon, was mingled in all their dreams.

The despatches of Hardenberg, while the negotiations of Paris were in progress, bore the impress of this bent in Germany, and in fact of the whole of his German existence. From the time he first took part in public affairs, he particularly interested himself in every thing concerning the confederation; his influence alone had induced Prussia to enter into the system of neutrality and centralisation, which became the national law of Germany from the time of the French revolution; and now these same interests were placed under his supreme direction. Germany, which had so long been endangered by French principles, was desirous of reacting against that power; and everywhere declared and averred, that Alsace and Lorraine had been taken from her, and that they ought to be restored to their elder sister; conquest alone had given them to France, and a reverse of fortune might deprive her of them. Prince Hardenberg set forth these ideas, and supported them at the conference in Paris; he asserted that the Rhine was not natural to France, but was, on the contrary, offensive to Germany; Strasburg is a threatening position, and so would be Mayence; the Vosges and the Moselle were the limits he was desirous of assigning as a disgrace to us, and this desire proceeded less from his own mind than from the detestation Germany had vowed against us: it was the reaction of liberalism against Napoleon, extending almost to the partition of France. I have already described how M. de Richelieu preserved us from this great misfortune, by appealing to the Emperor Alexander, more disinterested in the question of partition, and who interposed in favour of our vanquished country.

Notwithstanding this, the sacrifices imposed upon us by the treaty of Paris were sufficiently heavy. Hardenberg was one of those who signed it, and the influence he had exerted gave him very great claims upon the confidence of his sovereign. He became, in the Prussian cabinet, the representative of the Anglo-German alliance; renewing the union between the Tory party and the German aristocracy, whose fundamental principle was a hatred and hostility towards France, dating as far back as the battle of Fontenoy, where the troops of the Duke of Cumberland were humbled before the fortune of Louis XV.

Although peace was now established, the task of the minister was not completed, and a most difficult mission remained to be accomplished. The strong national impulse given to Germany by the necessity of getting rid of Napoleon, had roused an energetic feeling in favour of liberty in every breast; charters and constitutions had been promised, and a sort of mystic unity in Germany had been spoken of; and how were these promises to be redeemed? This political question, which I have already mentioned as so delicate, I may almost say so terrible, for Prince Metternich, was still more so for the head of the Prussian government. In Austria the popular mind was neither so advanced, nor so philosophically organised, as in Prussia; the enthusiasm of the people was at bottom only an extreme devotion to the Emperor and the august house of Hapsburg; and all they requested in return, was the repeal of a few of their taxes, some local liberties, and a little public happiness. But in Prussia the desires were not so moderate; all the secret societies had visions of a state of things so strangely liberal, that Germany would have been nothing more than a republic under a king, if a free course had been allowed to their expectations. In order to arrive at a regular plan of government, Hardenberg was obliged, even in the face of his former promises, to break with the patriot party, whose efforts he had so strenuously seconded during the crisis. Blucher and Gneisenau, the chiefs of these young men, were anxious for a national representative system, and for that purpose they wished the secret societies to remain in full force; but Hardenberg demonstrated to them that the object of these associations no longer existed, and that as to the constitution of the States, the part designated as the administration must be separated from the political legislation. Under this point of view Hardenberg's theory is particularly worthy of remark. According to him legislation belongs to the king alone; and it was certainly a right no one would have disputed with Frederic, the founder of the kingdom; the administration only belongs to the provincial states, as also the power of voting taxes. He established this theory by many successive acts, drawn up under his influence; and it reached such a pitch, that a royal edict even put a stop to the secret societies, as dangerous and fatal. The king's language is paternal, and explanatory of his motives; such being the usual course pursued in Prussia, where reason and explanation are had recourse to with a thinking people.

This second portion of the life of Hardenberg presents exactly the reverse of the medal; and such, we may observe, is generally the case. The existence of political characters is almost invariably divided into two parts: the one, all action and advance; the other, devoted to the repression of the ideas they may have favoured in the days of their youth and strength. The secret societies occasioned alarm, and, perhaps, with some reason, at a time when the strangest theories had begun to appear in Germany, and the press was doing mischief. There had been a time when it was desirable to rouse Germany, and then every thing might be said in favour of Liberty, as it was by her means that every thing was to be done; but, after the crisis was over, the government would be exposed to sudden and unexpected accusations. In the Prussian universities it is permitted to discuss all questions, to examine into the most important points of theology and morals; but when they come to the application, when the principles of the government are actually attacked, there is liberty no longer. All discussion is formally forbidden which leads to the examination of the rights of the crown or the obedience of the subject, because the head of the state is essentially military, and his power is the work of the soldier.

Hardenberg, as minister of the king, took a part in all the acts which prepared the Germanic constitution; for Frederic William abandoned himself to his long experience, and he was prime minister in the fullest sense of the word. To mark how perfectly he was satisfied with his services, the king not only wrote to him with his own hand on his birthday, but he also, as an agreeable surprise, caused his portrait to be placed in the principal apartment of his hÔtel.

By the act of the Germanic Confederation a close alliance took place between Prussia and Austria, in order that they might share the power equally between them; the one in the north, the other in the south; Prussia as the representative of the Protestant, and Austria of the Catholic system. The German unity was remodelled on that plan, and there was no longer any thing but a moral struggle between the two nations. Prussia was more advanced in her philosophical ideas, and Austria more paternal and provident in her domestic regulations.

The well-established distinction between the administration and the political system is particularly owing to the exertions of Hardenberg. The administration is careful, economical, and often dishonest; the political branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the developement of liberty within the most exact limits. After the termination of the great transactions of 1816, Hardenberg occupied himself only in applying his system of repression to the press, to the convocation and to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs, and all the measures against the schools were taken in concert with Austria. The system of the German universities embraced two main points,—studious and intellectual ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a highly educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz, and Kotzebue, and himself distinguished for his literary tastes, was willing to leave to philosophy the vast domain where intellect displays, and often loses itself; therefore the studies were not restricted in their developement, the universities were still left mistress of their doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious influence on secret societies, and they no longer formed acting and deliberating corps. Science, thought, and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble trinity in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity of the middle ages.

Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring the administration to perfection. The system of Prussian presidencies was only a collection of vast prefectures or local administrations, and every thing was regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are collected with a third less expense than in France.

In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of Prince Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle and Troppau it was evident that his strength was beginning to give way. Old age had come upon him, and one is astonished a war with parties should have been carried on so vigorously by a man who had reached the advanced age of threescore and ten. One can imagine the peaceful government of an aged man over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's life had been the most laborious, because he not only had to contend with external powers, but with his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years old. He had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had changed, but the necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance had passed into repression.

At the congress of Verona, Hardenberg was seen, for the last time, exerting all his strength to support the opinions of the Emperor Alexander and Metternich, upon the necessity of a war with Spain. His last public act was a journey to Rome, to sign a concordat between Prussia and the Holy See; and the reconciliation between a Protestant state and the head of the Catholic Church was certainly a most singular and novel proceeding. Whence did it proceed? and what was the cause of it? The excitement occasioned in Europe by the Holy Alliance had reunited the various and scattered sovereignties. Their ideas were confounded by the necessity of mutual defence, and the various shades of opinion were effaced by the urgent anxiety for the repression of the democratic principle; so that the Pope was restored by the English, Prussians, and Russians, who all belong to different communions. These political reconciliations had strengthened the religious feeling, and, at this time, the Czar was dreaming of an universal church, by the union of all the sects, which offers some explanation how Hardenberg might go to Rome to sign the concordat. We must not, however, forget that, owing to her new position, and her great acquisition of territory, nearly half her population were now Papists, all the Rhenish provinces surrounding the great cathedral of Cologne being of that profession, and it was necessary to secure the exercise of their religion to these people, but half-subject to their new master. Hardenberg had still sufficient strength to preside over this treaty; he then proceeded to Genoa in search of a milder climate, and had taken one of those delightful villas where Lord Byron was accustomed to enjoy the charms of a lovely country, when he was surprised by illness and death, at the age of seventy-two years.

It was a diplomatic career as long as that of Prince Talleyrand; but Prince Hardenberg had not, like him, preserved the polished manners and mode of expression which, in his youth, won the hearts of the republicans. His speech had become thick and heavy; he spoke French well, but with the German accent, that is slightly observable with Baron Humboldt. His language was very cold, and appeared the mirror of his feelings, which seldom permitted themselves to be excited by the imagination; he appeared to be even more a man of business than a statesman; and, in fact he has organised, not created, an administration which still exists, and gradually advances on the path marked out for it by him.

At present, Prussia has done nothing beyond enlarging this system, and at the same time stamping it more powerfully with a poetical and philosophical tendency; for the ideas and impressions of stormy and difficult times are not required in calmer seasons. Prussia appears likely to realise the problem of an intelligent people, highly advanced in philosophical knowledge, and yet capable of doing without what are called constitutional institutions. The idea that proposes to centralise and confound every thing, the visionary desire that would group Germany around the cathedral of Cologne, is grand and vast; but, in order this unity should triumph, would not the first necessary condition be, that there should be but one faith, one object of love, one system of belief? And how can Protestantism, which is so constantly subject to internal dissensions, create unity? To make Berlin the capital of science, to cause all the universities to converge towards that point, as to an Athens dreamed of by the philosophers, is a noble idea of the government; but, on the other hand, what means this license against Christianity? Though Frederic the Great received Atheists privately at his table, he would never have permitted atheism to be publicly taught; and an empire desirous of seeking for unity in science and philosophy must lay the first foundations in religion and Christian instruction. My opinion, then, is, that the Romish system can alone form a powerful bond among the people; otherwise, Cologne restored will only present a barren proof of the utter incapacity of Protestantism to renew the Catholic union of the arts and religion, as it existed during the middle ages.